Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alexandr Burilkov Author-X-Name-First: Alexandr Author-X-Name-Last: Burilkov Author-Name: Torsten Geise Author-X-Name-First: Torsten Author-X-Name-Last: Geise Title: Maritime Strategies of Rising Powers: developments in China and Russia Abstract: This paper seeks to uncover the drivers of maritime strategy formulation in Russia and China, two active players on the international stage that have often been identified as both rising and regional powers. The paper takes as its starting point the realist theory of state power and threat perception, which provide the means and motivation for states to accumulate material capabilities in an effort to safeguard their position in the international system. Given the increasing pressures of a changing security environment, China’s and Russia’s maritime strategies show a trend towards greater complexity and capability. The paper also addresses the impact of the revolution in military affairs (rma) and its subsequent manifestation as force transformation in Western states, especially the USA. Given that this new, qualitatively focused way of war has gained supremacy, at least where high-intensity inter-state war is concerned, the question remains of whether the Chinese and Russians will choose to emulate the leading powers in the system or, instead, will forge into the unknown and formulate an entirely different and innovative maritime strategy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1037-1053 Issue: 6 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.802499 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.802499 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:6:p:1037-1053 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mariana Carpes Author-X-Name-First: Mariana Author-X-Name-Last: Carpes Title: When Words are not Enough: assessing the relationship between international commitments and the nuclear choices of Brazil, India and South Africa Abstract: This paper seeks to assess whether there is a contradiction between the commitment to non-proliferation declared by Brazil;India and South Africa and their domestic nuclear choices. Despite differences in their international nuclear status;these countries share similar commitments to non-proliferation;at least discursively. However;once the domestic level—more specifically;the historical characteristics of each of these countries’ nuclear paths—is taken into account;a contradiction between their international discourse and their national interests seems to arise. By analysing their nuclear history;this paper asks the following questions: how much have these countries actually been doing in terms of non-proliferation? What are the aims of these countries’ domestic nuclear politics? Is there any contradiction between their international nuclear discourse and their domestic practices? Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1111-1126 Issue: 6 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.802500 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.802500 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:6:p:1111-1126 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrew Cooper Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Cooper Author-Name: Daniel Flemes Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Flemes Title: Foreign Policy Strategies of Emerging Powers in a Multipolar World: an introductory review Abstract: This Introductory Review examines the major debates concerning the rise of emerging powers in the global system. It points to the fundamental difference between the contours of ascendancy in the first quarter of the twenty-first century from previous historical eras with reference to the number of countries placed in this category, the privileging of economic dimensions of power, and the much more elaborate and open levels with regard to institutionalization. Ample attention is paid to the BRICS, but consistent with the image of multipolarity, it also gives some emphasis to the question of whether the changing global system provides enhanced space for middle powers. After highlighting these highly relevant contextual considerations, the core of the Review moves to an analysis centred on more specific puzzles about the foreign policy strategies of emerging powers. One major puzzle is whether the preference of rising states is to work through established institutions or to utilize parallel and/or competitive mechanisms. Another concerns the balance between material interests, status-enhancement, and identity issues as motivators for policy preferences. Still another focuses on the degree to which China should be differentiated from the other BRICS, or indeed whether the BRICS share values such as a common politics of resentment or want to differentiate themselves on a normative-oriented basis in alterative groupings such as IBSA. A more sophisticated awareness of the limitations as well as of the capacities of the BRICS - with an appreciation of the intricate mix of concerns about solidarity and sovereignty, as well as conceptual tensions between realism and complex interdependence – is not only important for assessing the future trajectory of the BRICS role in the world, but in locating space for categories of countries such as middle powers. The major puzzle for middle powers is whether or not they will be able to mobilize attributes, notably the leveraging of ‘network power’, that provide them with comparative advantage. Although in overall terms the global system has not progressed towards multipolarity in a linear fashion underwritten by alternative actors, it is precisely due to this imprecision – and level of academic and operational contestation – that the articles assembled in this Special Issue have such salience. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 943-962 Issue: 6 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.802501 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.802501 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:6:p:943-962 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hannes Ebert Author-X-Name-First: Hannes Author-X-Name-Last: Ebert Author-Name: Tim Maurer Author-X-Name-First: Tim Author-X-Name-Last: Maurer Title: Contested Cyberspace and Rising Powers Abstract: The USA developed and has therefore historically played a lead role in cyberspace. Yet rising powers, including brics, have been increasingly challenging the established regime. China and Russia submitted a joint proposal on information security to the United Nations in 2011. India, Brazil, and South Africa have been focusing on the information society since their 2003 Brasilia Declaration. These initiatives demonstrate that cyberspace has become hotly contested. However, there is still a need to explain this divergence. Are rising powers challenging the USA because of their national interests, the urge to maximise their security, or do factors such as values and political structures explain the different trajectories vis-à-vis the hegemon? This article examines the foreign policies of brics from 1995 to date, explaining the influence of different path-dependent origins, of the systemic shift and the type of political system, together with rising civil society pressure. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1054-1074 Issue: 6 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.802502 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.802502 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:6:p:1054-1074 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Crystal Ennis Author-X-Name-First: Crystal Author-X-Name-Last: Ennis Author-Name: Bessma Momani Author-X-Name-First: Bessma Author-X-Name-Last: Momani Title: Shaping the Middle East in the Midst of the Arab Uprisings: Turkish and Saudi foreign policy strategies Abstract: While the Middle East and North Africa (mena) are undergoing rapid change, many domestic, regional and international actors are vying for space and influence as systems and customs evolve and adopt new forms. This paper characterises and compares the evolving foreign policy strategies of two such regional actors, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. It further assesses the motivations and activities of and challenges to Turkish and Saudi involvement throughout the region since the Arab uprisings. Ultimately these cases provide intriguing insight into the foreign policy purpose and methods of emerging states under conditions of uncertainty. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1127-1144 Issue: 6 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.802503 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.802503 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:6:p:1127-1144 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Daniel Flemes Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Flemes Title: Network Powers: strategies of change in the multipolar system Abstract: The multipolarity of the 21st century is fundamentally different from that of its harbingers because in the past decade change and innovation have been induced through sites of negotiation and by the establishment of intergovernmental foreign policy networks. New powers like Brazil, China and India have gained relative weight thanks to their status as agenda setters, brokers and coalition builders. This paper examines the relevance of different foreign policy networks such as India–Brazil–South Africa (ibsa) and Brazil–South Africa–India–China (basic) for their strategic approaches and argues that they are crucial vehicles for their ascension. Drawing on the work of Hafner-Burton et al, who raised the question of how states increase their power by enhancing their network positions, a typology of foreign policy networks is proposed: mediation, advocacy and substitution networks play important roles in today’s shifting global order. The paper analyses how the different network types work together and how particular states have adapted better to the new environment than others. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1016-1036 Issue: 6 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.802504 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.802504 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:6:p:1016-1036 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Philip Golub Author-X-Name-First: Philip Author-X-Name-Last: Golub Title: From the New International Economic Order to the G20: how the ‘global South’ is restructuring world capitalism from within Abstract: In the early 1970s the G77 and the Non Aligned Movement (nam) challenged the material and intellectual pillars of the postwar liberal capitalist system through collective action at the UN to establish a New International Economic Order (nieo). The aim was to complete the ‘emancipation’ of the ‘global South’ by creating binding institutional frameworks, legal regimes and redistributive mechanisms correcting historically constructed core–periphery disparities. That ambitious effort failed in the face of ‘Northern’ resistance and national segmentation within the nam. Today re-emerging states of the global South are engaged in a more successful effort to gain voice and alter international hierarchy by claiming a central place in the world capitalist system and restructuring it from within. The vertical late-modern world system centred in the Atlantic and ordered by the ‘West’ is thus gradually giving way to a polycentric international structure in which new regional and transnational ‘South–South’ linkages are being formed. This paper critically reviews the transformation and argues that, while it is creating long sought-for conditions of relative international equality, it has also dampened the emancipatory promise of the anti-colonial struggle. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1000-1015 Issue: 6 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.802505 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.802505 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:6:p:1000-1015 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Fabiano Mielniczuk Author-X-Name-First: Fabiano Author-X-Name-Last: Mielniczuk Title: in the Contemporary World: changing identities, converging interests Abstract: This paper aims to address the reasons why the acronym brics is moving from being an easy marker to guide foreign investors interested in emerging markets to denoting an important political group of countries determined to promote major changes in international relations. Theoretically the paper draws on social constructivism to demonstrate that the changing identities of brics (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) can be treated as the main cause of the convergence of their interests in the international arena. Through a detailed analysis of these countries’ statements at the opening sessions of the UN General Assembly from 1991 to 2011, their social claims about themselves are retraced and the way they have judged the international sphere in which they engage is captured, in order to demonstrate the changing character of their identities. These new identities, it is argued, created the opportunity for converging interests, which explains the emerging political structure of brics. The paper concludes that, after four major summits and a significant number of wide-ranging low-level meetings, brics might be considered one of the major long-lasting forces shaping the new architecture of international relations in the 21st century. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1075-1090 Issue: 6 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.802506 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.802506 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:6:p:1075-1090 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Philip Nel Author-X-Name-First: Philip Author-X-Name-Last: Nel Author-Name: Ian Taylor Author-X-Name-First: Ian Author-X-Name-Last: Taylor Title: Bugger thy Neighbour? and South–South Solidarity Abstract: South–South cooperation is assumed to reflect a deep attitude of solidarity among nations of the global South. We point out that, although India, Brazil and South Africa (ibsa) present themselves as being in the vanguard of South–South cooperation, their foreign economic policies make such solidarity somewhat thin. We focus on examples in which these three states deliberately but also unintentionally create sub-optimal conditions for the development of some of their Southern neighbours. This outcome reflects the policies that emerging centres of accumulation in the South are promoting, as well as the material interests of the dominant class alliances in the aforementioned states. There is a need for close scrutiny of the foreign economic policies of dynamic developing economies, and for closer multilateral coordination among the states of the global South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1091-1110 Issue: 6 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.802507 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.802507 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:6:p:1091-1110 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrew Cooper Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Cooper Title: Squeezed or revitalised? Middle powers, the G20 and the evolution of global governance Abstract: If global affairs are, indeed, moving towards a multipolar system, in which power coalesces around a small number of dominant poles (USA/EU/brics in the global South), then middle powers may well find themselves relegated to a subordinate role. Yet, at odds with this expectation, the role of particular traditional and non-traditional middle powers has become revitalised. This is in large part because of the nature of the global order after unipolarity under US dominance. Unlike past moments of transition, the current reconfiguration has not been made explicit by violent disruption. Moreover, unlike past concerts of powers, select middle powers have gained access to the G20, the hub site of transition in global governance. Membership in the G20 facilitates agency in terms of issue-specific forms of policy leadership, although the mode of operation by middle powers in utilising this space differs from country to country, as illustrated by the cases of Canada and South Korea. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 963-984 Issue: 6 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.802508 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.802508 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:6:p:963-984 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hongying Wang Author-X-Name-First: Hongying Author-X-Name-Last: Wang Author-Name: Erik French Author-X-Name-First: Erik Author-X-Name-Last: French Title: Middle Range Powers in Global Governance Abstract: This article compares and evaluates the contributions of middle range powers to global governance initiatives. Examining participation in terms of personnel, financial and ideational contributions, we test several hypotheses derived from neorealism, critical theory, liberalism, constructivism, and post-internationalism against six cases: Canada, Japan, China, Russia, India and Brazil. We find that material power has a negative impact on contributions, while a country’s leadership’s attitude towards the international order, the length of its membership in major international organisations and the strength of its civil society all seem to have positive effects on its participation in global governance. Trade dependence, however, does not seem to exhibit the expected impact. The article indicates that multiple theoretical approaches may prove useful for evaluating the behaviour of middle range powers, and that further research should be conducted on the relative importance of each of the factors mentioned above in explaining middle range power contributions to global governance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 985-999 Issue: 6 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.802509 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.802509 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:6:p:985-999 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Trevor Parfitt Author-X-Name-First: Trevor Author-X-Name-Last: Parfitt Title: Towards a Post-Structuralist Development Ethics? Alterity or the same? Abstract: The validity of development has been cast into doubt by postmodern critiques that have highlighted its failings. Attempts to rehabilitate the idea of development have brought ethics into play. This paper examines attempts to identify a viable basis for development based on post-structuralist ethical theories developed by analysts such as Levinas and Derrida that privilege the concept of alterity, or respect for the other. This approach is contrasted with Badiou's influential critique of an alterity-based ethics, critically examining his alternative of an ethics of the same. The article concludes by incorporating some of Badiou's insights into a reformulated ethics of alterity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 675-692 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502686 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502686 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:5:p:675-692 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ersel Aydinli Author-X-Name-First: Ersel Author-X-Name-Last: Aydinli Title: Governments vs States: decoding dual governance in the developing world Abstract: This article begins by questioning the transferability of Western conceptualisations of the ‘state’ to the developing world, particularly to those areas in which security concerns are extreme. It proposes that the complicated relationship between security and political liberalisation produces a reform–security dilemma, which in turn may result in dual-governance structures consisting of an autonomous ‘state’ bureaucracy and a relatively newer, political ‘government’. The dynamics of such a duality are explored through a longitudinal comparison of two critical cases: Iran and Turkey. Both cases reveal evidence of the ‘state’ and ‘government’ as distinct bodies, emerging over time in response to conflicting pressures for security and liberalisation. While the Iranian case remains entrenched in a static duality with an advantaged ‘state’, the Turkish case provides optimism that, under certain conditions, an eventual subordination of the state to the political government can take place. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 693-707 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502687 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502687 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:5:p:693-707 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Benedikt Korf Author-X-Name-First: Benedikt Author-X-Name-Last: Korf Title: The Geography of Participation Abstract: Revisiting the critique of participatory development and one of its core political technologies, Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA), this paper suggests that participation in the form of PRA creates ‘provided spaces’ that dislocate ‘development’ from politics and from political institutions of the postcolonial state. PRA thereby becomes what Chantal Mouffe calls a post-political aspiration through its celebration of deliberative democracy (although this is largely implicit rather than explicit in the PRA literature). What makes this post-political aspiration dangerous is that its provided spaces create a time–space container of a state of exception (the ‘workshop’) wherein a new sovereign is created. In combination with other developmental techniques, PRA has become a place where a new order is being constituted—the state of exception becomes permanent and nurtures the ‘will to improve’ that undergirds ‘development’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 709-720 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502691 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502691 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:5:p:709-720 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lindsay Whitfield Author-X-Name-First: Lindsay Author-X-Name-Last: Whitfield Title: The State Elite, s and Policy Implementation in Aid-dependent Ghana Abstract: This article describes and explains the impact of the donor-driven Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) and the aid modalities surrounding it in Ghana. It focuses on the period in which the New Patriotic Party (NPP) government was in power from 2001 until 2008, but places this within the broader context of aid dependence in Ghana since the 1980s. It is argued that the PRSP documents produced by the government had little impact on implementing policy actions, but rather their function was to secure debt relief and the continuation of foreign aid from official donors. The article examines what was actually implemented during the NPP government and the factors that influenced those actions. More generally it highlights the constraints Ghanaian governments have faced in pursuing economic transformation within contemporary domestic and international contexts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 721-737 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502692 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502692 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:5:p:721-737 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kate Ervine Author-X-Name-First: Kate Author-X-Name-Last: Ervine Title: Participation Denied: the Global Environment Facility, its universal blueprint, and the Mexico–Mesoamerican Biological Corridor in Chiapas Abstract: This article examines the implementation of the Global Environment Facility's (GEF) Mexico–Mesoamerican Biological Corridor in Chiapas, Mexico, in order to explore how stakeholder participation is increasingly employed as a tool of conservation's neoliberalisation. This requires an understanding of participation via the corridor as productive, in that it facilitates the production of new, albeit fictitious, kinds of biodiversity in the commodity form, and of new modes of social reproduction increasingly mediated by market relations, as access to common property resources and the necessities of life are progressively restricted to one's ability to pay. In this way the corridor produces the conditions under which a ‘market citizenship’ can flourish, with participation re-imagined as a means through which this end is achieved. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 773-790 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502694 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502694 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:5:p:773-790 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rola El Husseini Author-X-Name-First: Rola Author-X-Name-Last: El Husseini Title: Hezbollah and the Axis of Refusal: Hamas, Iran and Syria Abstract: Hezbollah has acquired a dual and contradictory reputation: as a legitimate political actor in Lebanon and as a terrorist organisation in the USA and Israel. This duality can be explained if we understand that Hezbollah is a nationalist entity that defines itself primarily within the Lebanese polity, as well as an anti-imperialist party intent on countering the regional hegemony of Israel and the USA. Forming alliances with Hamas, Iran and Syria, Hezbollah has become part of a ‘rejectionist’ axis that seeks to oppose perceived imperialism in the Middle East; this stance has become increasingly entrenched in the wake of the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq. Characterisations that focus on Hezbollah as a military opponent confirm the organisation's perceived need for a rejectionist stance. International acceptance of Hezbollah as a legitimate political actor within the Lebanese polity, on the other hand, would help to bring the basis of the rejectionist axis into question. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 803-815 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502695 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502695 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:5:p:803-815 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pinar Bilgin Author-X-Name-First: Pinar Author-X-Name-Last: Bilgin Title: Looking for ‘the International’ beyond the West Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 817-828 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502696 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502696 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:5:p:817-828 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen Chan Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Chan Title: The Bitterness of the Islamic Hero in Three Recent Western Works of Fiction Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 829-832 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502697 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502697 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:5:p:829-832 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Danielle Beswick Author-X-Name-First: Danielle Author-X-Name-Last: Beswick Title: Peacekeeping, Regime Security and ‘African Solutions to African Problems’: exploring motivations for Rwanda's involvement in Darfur Abstract: Rwanda is not a traditional provider of troops for peacekeeping missions, yet since 2004 it has been the second largest contributor to both the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) and its successor the hybrid African Union–UN Assistance Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). This paper analyses some of the key motives for Rwanda's contribution to these missions, situating its actions within a wider framework in which African states benefit in specific ways from being seen to contribute to ‘African solutions to African problems’. Highlighting changing narratives on Africa's role in international security, I argue that Rwanda's ruling party has been able use its involvement in peacekeeping to secure its position domestically and to attract or retain the support of key bilateral donors. I briefly explore the implications of these dynamics for Rwanda's political development, suggesting in conclusion that the focus on building military capacity for peacekeeping purposes may contribute to future African, and Rwandan, security problems as much as to potential solutions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 739-754 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.503566 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.503566 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:5:p:739-754 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Laura Zanotti Author-X-Name-First: Laura Author-X-Name-Last: Zanotti Title: Cacophonies of Aid, Failed State Building and s in Haiti: setting the stage for disaster, envisioning the future Abstract: The January 2010 earthquake in Haiti was a catastrophe not only for the loss of life it caused, but also because it destroyed the very thin layer of state administrative capacity that was in place in the country. This article argues that the fragility of the Haitian state institutions was exacerbated by international strategies that promoted NGOs as substitutes for the state. These strategies have generated a vicious circle that, while solving immediate logistical problems, ended up weakening Haiti's institutions. However, the article does not call for an overarching condemnation of NGOs. Instead, it explores two cases of community-based NGOs, Partners In Health and Fonkoze, that have contributed to creating durable social capital, generated employment and provided functioning services to the communities where they operated. The article shows that organisations that are financially independent and internationally connected, embrace a needs-based approach to their activities and share a long-term commitment to the communities within which they operate can contribute to bringing about substantial improvement for people living in situations of extreme poverty. It concludes that in the aftermath of a crisis of the dimension of the January earthquake it is crucial to channel support towards organisations that show this type of commitment. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 755-771 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.503567 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.503567 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:5:p:755-771 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dag Tuastad Author-X-Name-First: Dag Author-X-Name-Last: Tuastad Title: The Role of International Clientelism in the National Factionalism of Palestine Abstract: In this article I investigate the role of the international community's policy in the national factionalism in Palestine. I attempt to illuminate how international policy has contributed to the sustaining of internecine Palestinian violence as Fatah, which lost the elections in 2005 and 2006, has been motivated not to hand over power. In the process of selecting allies in the fight against Islamist terrorism, the epitomic undemocratic feature of Arab political culture, clientelism, has been promoted over democracy. Hamas seizing power in Gaza in 2007 probably resulted from the need to tame unruly militant groups which were sponsored by leaders of the Palestinian Fatah party, which again were supported by Western powers. To understand the national splitting in Palestine there is a need to analyse the interconnection between warlords, local clientelism and international clientelism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 791-802 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.503569 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.503569 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:5:p:791-802 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Asian Ethnicity Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 708-708 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.516930 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.516930 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:5:p:708-708 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Journal of Contemporary Asia Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 738-738 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.516931 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.516931 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:5:p:738-738 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Asian Journal of Political Science Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 772-772 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.516932 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.516932 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:5:p:772-772 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: The Pacific Review Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 816-816 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.516934 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.516934 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:5:p:816-816 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jonas Lindberg Author-X-Name-First: Jonas Author-X-Name-Last: Lindberg Author-Name: Camilla Orjuela Author-X-Name-First: Camilla Author-X-Name-Last: Orjuela Title: Corruption in the aftermath of war: an introduction Abstract: ‘Corruption in the aftermath of war’ brings together an interdisciplinary group of scholars to enquire into the dynamics of corruption in post-conflict societies. This introduction discusses five themes, problematising and summarising key findings from the 10 articles included. First, we discuss the problems with the corruption concept, related to its moralising connotations and definitional vagueness, and propose viewing corruption as a collective action dilemma as a way of avoiding these moralising aspects. Second, we discuss post-conflict societies, and highlight the great varieties of ‘peace’ that that label can refer to. We suggest that the causes, dynamics and effects of corruption in post-conflict societies bear many similarities with those in other societies, but that the post-conflict situation often generates an intensification and entrenchment of corruption-related problems. Third, we analyse the dynamics between international interveners and domestic actors, and show the contradictions and tensions in international–domestic relations. Fourth, we argue that the inter-linkages between inequality, mistrust and corruption deserve consideration in the study of post-conflict societies, and that inequality in particular merits more attention. Finally, we discuss some methodological challenges encountered by the contributors in their studies of corruption in post-conflict societies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 723-736 Issue: 5 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.921421 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.921421 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:5:p:723-736 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bo Rothstein Author-X-Name-First: Bo Author-X-Name-Last: Rothstein Title: What is the opposite of corruption? Abstract: Corruption has turned out to be difficult to define and what should be counted as the opposite to corruption remains widely disputed. If the goal for a post-conflict society is not only to become democratic and prevent a return to violence but also to reduce systemic corruption, we need to know what it is that should be fought and how the opposite to systemic corruption should be conceptualised. To define the opposite to corruption, choices have to be made along four conceptual dimensions. These are universalism vs relativism, uni- vs multidimensionality, normative vs empirical and whether the definition should relate to political procedures or policy substance. As a result of this conceptual analysis, it is argued, a universal, one-dimensional, normative and procedural definition should be preferred. The suggested definition is that of impartiality as the basic norm for the implementation of laws and policies. This conceptual analysis ends with a discussion of why such a norm has historically and in the contemporary world been hard to achieve and why it is especially problematic in post-conflict societies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 737-752 Issue: 5 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.921424 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.921424 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:5:p:737-752 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Camilla Orjuela Author-X-Name-First: Camilla Author-X-Name-Last: Orjuela Title: Corruption and identity politics in divided societies Abstract: Corruption is a major problem for populations in various parts of the world. This article argues that to understand the problems and dynamics of corruption, we need to understand how discourses and practices of corruption (and anti-corruption efforts) are intertwined with the construction and contestations of identity. Identity politics is a salient feature in peaceful political struggles, as well as in contemporary armed conflicts, which are often characterised by the politicisation of collective identity (ethnic, national, religious) for the violent pursuit of power. The article outlines and discusses four ways in which identity politics and corruption intersect. First, it points to the often blurred lines between private and collective benefit from corruption, revealing the implications of group identity for how corruption is conceptualised. Second, it shows how corruption may exacerbate grievances along identity lines. Third, it highlights how corruption can be used strategically in identity-based conflicts. Finally, it explores how corruption may encourage cross-ethnic solidarity and mobilisation that defy conflict divides. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 753-769 Issue: 5 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.921426 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.921426 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:5:p:753-769 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Philippe Le Billon Author-X-Name-First: Philippe Author-X-Name-Last: Le Billon Title: Natural resources and corruption in post-war transitions: matters of trust Abstract: Many ‘post-conflict’ countries face difficulties in reaping the full benefits of their natural resource wealth for reconstruction and development purposes. This is a major issue given these countries’ needs and the risk of seeing ‘mismanaged’ primary sectors undermine a transition to peace. Bringing together debates about the ‘inequality-mistrust-corruption’ trap and relationships between natural resources and corruption, this paper suggest that some resource sectors may be more likely to foster inequalities, and thereby increase corruption and distrust, while others are less likely to do so. Reviewing arguments and empirical evidence, I point to the relative importance of transition contexts, stakeholder incentives and resource sector characteristics, and suggest how resource-related corruption may be better understood in relation to trust-building and reconciliation processes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 770-786 Issue: 5 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.921429 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.921429 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:5:p:770-786 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Daniel Jordan Smith Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Jordan Author-X-Name-Last: Smith Title: Corruption complaints, inequality and ethnic grievances in post-Biafra Nigeria Abstract: Based on anthropological field work in southeastern Nigeria, this paper explores the public concerns and everyday experience of corruption in a society still living with the legacies of the Biafran secession attempt. The paper shows how the revival of Igbo nationalism and resentment over perceived marginalisation is fuelled by perceptions that the corrupt machinery of the federal government runs against the interests of the Igbo people, and funnels resources away from the southeast as punishment for the failed separatist struggle more than 40 years ago. Hence, complaints about corruption are used to critique the Nigerian state and other regional or ethnic groups, but they also figure in an internally focused critique by Igbos of their own complicity in Nigeria’s endemic corruption. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 787-802 Issue: 5 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.921430 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.921430 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:5:p:787-802 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maria Eriksson Baaz Author-X-Name-First: Maria Author-X-Name-Last: Eriksson Baaz Author-Name: Judith Verweijen Author-X-Name-First: Judith Author-X-Name-Last: Verweijen Title: Arbiters with guns: the ambiguity of military involvement in civilian disputes in the DR Congo Abstract: Based on extensive field research in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo), this article elucidates the logics, processes and readings surrounding certain ‘extra-military’ practices enacted by the Congolese army, namely the processing of various types of disputes between civilians. Exceeding the boundaries of the domain of ‘public security’, such activities are commonly categorised as ‘corruption’. Yet such labelling, founded on a supposed clear-cut public–private divide, obscures the underlying processes and logics, in particular the fact that these practices are located on a blurred public–private spectrum and result from both civilian demand and military imposition. Furthermore, popular readings of military involvement in civilian disputes are highly ambiguous, simultaneously representing it as ‘abnormal’ and ‘harmful’, and normalising it as ‘making sense’ – reflecting the militarised institutional environment and the weakness of civilian authorities in the eastern DR Congo. Strengthening these authorities will be vital for reducing this practice, which has an enkindling effect on the dynamics of conflict and violence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 803-820 Issue: 5 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.921431 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.921431 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:5:p:803-820 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Malin J. Nystrand Author-X-Name-First: Malin J. Author-X-Name-Last: Nystrand Title: Petty and grand corruption and the conflict dynamics in Northern Uganda Abstract: This study explores the relationship between corruption and conflict in northern Uganda, using the perspectives of local business owners as an inroad. The purpose is to highlight how various types of corruption can be related to conflict dynamics in different ways, depending on the context. The article argues that in post-war northern Uganda grand corruption can be seen as related to the conflict dynamics, while petty corruption is generally not seen that way. At the centre of the conflict in northern Uganda lies a deep mutual mistrust between the population in the north and the central government. Therefore corruption in the public sector that occurs at the central level, in particular with regard to funds aimed at the north, tends to be associated with the conflict, whereas the various types of petty corruption encountered by local businesspersons in Gulu, the largest town in northern Uganda, are seen by these actors as normal or as ‘the way things are’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 821-835 Issue: 5 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.921432 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.921432 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:5:p:821-835 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Yoshino Funaki Author-X-Name-First: Yoshino Author-X-Name-Last: Funaki Author-Name: Blair Glencorse Author-X-Name-First: Blair Author-X-Name-Last: Glencorse Title: Anti-corruption or accountability? International efforts in post-conflict Liberia Abstract: This paper analyses anti-corruption efforts in post-conflict Liberia. It highlights citizens’ views on the definition of corruption and argues that, in the past, anti-corruption efforts have often focused on institution building and formal justice mechanisms without sufficient understanding of accountability dynamics on the ground. Anti-corruption approaches in Liberia have only nominally examined whether there is a shared understanding of what ‘corruption’ is and why it is regarded as a problem. The paper examines the social norms and perceptions that underlie understandings of the term corruption. It argues that the international community may have overlooked the fact that ‘corruption’ has become an all-encompassing term that masks a myriad of differing priorities and concerns. The authors posit that ‘accountability’ may be a more useful lens for those actors hoping to improve governance in these contexts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 836-854 Issue: 5 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.921433 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.921433 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:5:p:836-854 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roberto Belloni Author-X-Name-First: Roberto Author-X-Name-Last: Belloni Author-Name: Francesco Strazzari Author-X-Name-First: Francesco Author-X-Name-Last: Strazzari Title: Corruption in post-conflict Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo: a deal among friends Abstract: Since the late 1990s international state builders have paid increasing attention to fighting corruption in both Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo. On the surface this effort has brought significant results, since both countries have adopted legal frameworks modelled on the best practices of Western democracies. In practice, however, corruption remains rampant. This disappointing outcome has several explanations: in reviewing the empirical evidence we consider the two countries as cases involving heavily assisted transition from both socialism and war, highlighting how collusive practices between political and criminal interests have played a role in establishing formally liberal but substantively ‘hybrid’ institutions. We argue that the spread of corruption has been implicitly legitimised by international actors, who have pressured local parties to accept the formal architecture of good governance, including anti-corruption legislation, while turning a blind eye to those extra-legal structures and practices perceived as functional to political stability. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 855-871 Issue: 5 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.921434 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.921434 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:5:p:855-871 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Robin Biddulph Author-X-Name-First: Robin Author-X-Name-Last: Biddulph Title: Can elite corruption be a legitimate Machiavellian tool in an unruly world? The case of post-conflict Cambodia Abstract: Elite corruption may have a significant role in ending conflicts and shaping post-conflict development. This article enquires into the legitimacy accorded to such corruption. It reviews literature on post-conflict Cambodia, seeking evidence that academic commentaries, public opinion or elites themselves regard elite corruption as a legitimate Machiavellian tool for achieving other ends. Corruption has been an element of the style of government adopted by the dominant party in Cambodia, shaping both the achievement of peace and the uneven economic development that followed. Academic commentaries provide some implicit and explicit legitimation of corruption as a means to secure peace and to resist neoliberal policy settings by affording government discretionary resources and power. Meanwhile, public dissatisfaction with elite corruption appears to the most likely source of renewed violent conflict in Cambodia. How elite actors rationalise and legitimise corrupt behaviour remains poorly understood, and is deserving of more attention. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 872-887 Issue: 5 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.921435 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.921435 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:5:p:872-887 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jonas Lindberg Author-X-Name-First: Jonas Author-X-Name-Last: Lindberg Author-Name: Dhammika Herath Author-X-Name-First: Dhammika Author-X-Name-Last: Herath Title: Land and grievances in post-conflict Sri Lanka: exploring the role of corruption complaints Abstract: There is a growing academic literature on both land and corruption in relation to post-conflict peace building. This paper aims to understand what role corruption complaints play in the nexus between land and grievances in post-conflict societies. Drawing on field material collected in Sri Lanka, the paper interrogates the role of corruption complaints in relation to a number of highly politicised and ethnicised post-conflict land issues, ranging from the return of idps and alleged new resettlement schemes to land grabbing for military, ‘development’ and/or commercial purposes. The comparatively high visibility of land use, and the fact that land-related corruption is likely to affect a specific set of people who lay claim to the land, makes it a particularly important area to address in research on corruption and post-conflict peace building. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 888-904 Issue: 5 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.921444 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.921444 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:5:p:888-904 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Erratum Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: (905)-(905) Issue: 5 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.948664 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.948664 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:5:p:(905)-(905) Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sultan Barakat Author-X-Name-First: Sultan Author-X-Name-Last: Barakat Author-Name: Steven Zyck Author-X-Name-First: Steven Author-X-Name-Last: Zyck Title: The Evolution of Post-conflict Recovery Abstract: Recent history has been marked by the rise of post-conflict intervention as a component of military and foreign policy, as a form of humanitarianism and as a challenge to Westphalian notions of state sovereignty. The terms of debate, the history of the discipline and the evolution of scholarship and practice remain relatively under-examined, particularly in the post-9/11 period in which post-conflict recovery came to be construed as an extension of conflict and as a domain concerned principally with the national security of predominantly Western countries. The subsequent politicisation of post-conflict recovery and entry of post-conflict assistance into the political economy of conflict have fundamentally changed policy making and practice. The authors argue that research into post-conflict recovery, which must become increasingly rigorous and theoretically grounded, should detach itself from the myriad political agendas which have sought to impose themselves upon war-torn countries. The de-politicisation of post-conflict recovery, the authors conclude, may benefit from an increasingly structured ‘architecture of integrated, directed recovery’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1069-1086 Issue: 6 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903037333 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903037333 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:6:p:1069-1086 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter Dauvergne Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Dauvergne Author-Name: Kate Neville Author-X-Name-First: Kate Author-X-Name-Last: Neville Title: The Changing North–South and South–South Political Economy of Biofuels Abstract: Since the 2007 food crisis, controversy has engulfed biofuels. Leading up to the crisis, world-wide interest in these fuels—which include biomass, biogas, bioethanol, and biodiesel—had been surging as states increasingly saw these as a way to meet greenhouse gas reduction targets and promote sustainable economic development. Now some consumers, notably in Europe, are scaling back demand as they worry that biofuels are responsible for increased food prices and deforestation. In contrast, some states—particularly Brazil and the USA, the world's leading bioethanol producers—continue to promote biofuel development, especially in developing countries. Partnerships arising from these efforts, we argue, reflect new patterns in the international political economy, where trade relationships among developing countries are strengthening, and where economic lines between developed and emerging developing countries are blurring. Given previously observed patterns of resource exploitation involving complex webs of North–South and South–South trade (such as for resources like palm oil in Indonesia), we anticipate that the emerging political economy of biofuels will repeat and reinforce many of these same environmentally destructive trends. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1087-1102 Issue: 6 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903037341 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903037341 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:6:p:1087-1102 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Clemens Six Author-X-Name-First: Clemens Author-X-Name-Last: Six Title: The Rise of Postcolonial States as Donors: a challenge to the development paradigm? Abstract: The idea of development co-operation—the ‘development paradigm’—took shape during the decades of global decolonisation and growing political autonomy of the former colonies. It can be understood as a historic reconfiguration of the centre–periphery relationship originally established through colonisation. The rise of new state donors such as China or India questions not only the established modes of development co-operation but also the development paradigm as a whole. Themselves historical products of anti-colonialism and political autonomy understood as non-alignment as well as absolute sovereignty, these new ‘Southern’ donors question the very idea of development (co-operation) as a Western, postcolonial concept. This paper, first, attempts to characterise the ‘development paradigm’, providing a historical contextualisation of the development discourse in its continuities and ruptures. Second, it asks what the rise of new state donors such as China and India looks like at the political–normative level as well as at the level of Realpolitik. Lastly, some future consequences of these trends are discussed illustrating the far-reaching (normative) consequences and the necessity to reconsider the established political discourse on development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1103-1121 Issue: 6 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903037366 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903037366 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:6:p:1103-1121 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Achim Wennmann Author-X-Name-First: Achim Author-X-Name-Last: Wennmann Title: Getting Armed Groups to the Table: peace processes, the political economy of conflict and the mediated state Abstract: This article connects the literature on the political economy of conflict with the mediation of peace processes and elaborates the conceptual and practical value offered by this perspective. It shows that armed conflicts and groups have economic dimensions that should be recognised and managed in peace processes. An economic perspective helps to understand the multiple disputes within an armed conflict, the disposition of armed groups to engage, and the economic interests of the parties. Focusing on mediated states opens new avenues of engagement through perceiving alternative sub-state authorities and economic networks as an opportunity for dispute resolution. Overall the political economy of conflict and the mediated state offer new vantage points to shape the planning and management of peace processes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1123-1138 Issue: 6 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903037416 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903037416 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:6:p:1123-1138 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni Author-X-Name-First: Sabelo Author-X-Name-Last: Ndlovu-Gatsheni Title: Making Sense of Mugabeism in Local and Global Politics: ‘So Blair, keep your England and let me keep my Zimbabwe’ Abstract: President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe has emerged as one of the most controversial political figures since 2000, eliciting both admiration and condemnation. What is termed ‘Mugabeism’ is a summation of a constellation of political controversies, political behaviour, political ideas, utterances, rhetoric and actions that have crystallised around Mugabe's political life. It is a contested phenomenon with the nationalist aligned scholars understanding it as a pan-African redemptive ideology opposed to all forms of imperialism and colonialism and dedicated to a radical redistributive project predicated on redress of colonial injustices. A neoliberal-inspired perspective sees Mugabeism as a form of racial chauvinism and authoritarianism marked by antipathy towards norms of liberal governance and disdain for human rights and democracy. This article seeks to analyse Mugabeism as populist phenomenon propelled through articulatory practices and empty signifiers. As such it can be read at many levels: as a form of left-nationalism; as Afro-radicalism and nativism; a patriarchal neo-traditional cultural nationalism and an antithesis of democracy and human rights. All these representations make sense within the context of colonial, nationalist, postcolonial and even pre-colonial history that Mugabe has deployed to sustain and support his political views. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1139-1158 Issue: 6 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903037424 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903037424 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:6:p:1139-1158 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ali Ahmida Author-X-Name-First: Ali Author-X-Name-Last: Ahmida Title: Beyond Orientalist, Colonial and Nationalist Models: a critical mapping of Maghribi studies (1951–2000) Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1227-1236 Issue: 6 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903037432 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903037432 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:6:p:1227-1236 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pedro Conceição Author-X-Name-First: Pedro Author-X-Name-Last: Conceição Author-Name: Ronald Mendoza Author-X-Name-First: Ronald Author-X-Name-Last: Mendoza Title: Anatomy of the Global Food Crisis Abstract: Dramatic food price increases affected much of the developing world in 2008. Even as food prices have begun to relax in 2009, this trend is highly uneven across countries, and in many countries local food prices remain high relative to past levels. Furthermore, the challenge of addressing the root causes of the global food crisis remains. This paper contributes to the policy discussions in this area by offering a preliminary diagnostic of the possible factors behind the global food crisis that erupted in 2008. Some are more immediate and possibly short-term in nature, such as the volatility in the commodities markets arising from short-term financial speculation. Others, however, are going to or have already started to affect countries' food security in the medium to longer term. These include rising and changing patterns of consumption in fast-growing and large developing countries like China and India, the possibly increasing trade-off between biofuels and food, and the unfolding effects of climate change. Keeping in mind the possible structural features of the global food landscape from here on, the paper outlines a framework for policy actions, both unilateral and collective, to address the food crisis and ensure future global food security. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1159-1182 Issue: 6 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903037473 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903037473 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:6:p:1159-1182 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jennifer Clapp Author-X-Name-First: Jennifer Author-X-Name-Last: Clapp Title: Food Price Volatility and Vulnerability in the Global South: considering the global economic context Abstract: Most official analyses of the recent food price crisis have focused on the market fundamentals of supply and demand for food as key explanatory factors. As a result, most of the policy recommendations emanating from the major international institutions include measures to boost supply and temper demand. In this paper I argue that international macroeconomic factors played a key role in fostering both price volatility and vulnerability, and as such they need to be recognised. With respect to the recent price volatility, the weak US dollar and speculation on agricultural commodities futures markets greatly influenced agricultural prices. With respect to price vulnerability, global economic forces played an important role in dampening production incentives in the world's poorest countries over the past 30 years, leading to a situation of food import dependence. Policy responses to the food crisis must consider the role of these broader international macroeconomic forces—both in the immediate context and their longer term impact. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1183-1196 Issue: 6 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903037481 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903037481 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:6:p:1183-1196 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jagjit Plahe Author-X-Name-First: Jagjit Author-X-Name-Last: Plahe Title: The Implications of India's Amended Patent Regime: sping away food security and farmers' rights? Abstract: This paper analyses the Indian government's policy response to the Trade-related Intellectual Property Rights Agreement (trips) and examines the implications of this response for food security and farmers. trips has become one of the most controversial agreements of the wto. This is because of its wide and far-reaching mandate and its complex socioeconomic implications. It is argued that the changes made to the Indian Patents Act in response to trips will compromise the food sector and the rights of small farmers by conferring strong rights on upstream agents who produce proprietary agricultural inputs using biotechnology. Not only are these agents able to exert monopoly price control over agricultural inputs for 20 years, they also have the right to determine the conditions under which farmers and researchers use patented processes and products. The paper outlines policy options available to the Indian government to tighten the scope of patentability in the food sector. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1197-1213 Issue: 6 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903037499 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903037499 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:6:p:1197-1213 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christie Kneteman Author-X-Name-First: Christie Author-X-Name-Last: Kneteman Title: Tied Food Aid: export subsidy in the guise of charity Abstract: ‘Tied’ or ‘in-kind’ international food aid has been criticised as an implicit form of export subsidy that governments use to circumvent export subsidy restrictions. In addition to displacing agricultural exports, food aid is less efficient than untied aid and depresses local agricultural production in recipient countries. I argue that tied food aid is not protected by the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture and could consequently be challenged under the World Trade Organization's dispute settlement mechanism as a prohibited or actionable subsidy contrary to the Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (scm) Agreement. As the USA is both the largest donor of international food aid and most consistently ties its food aid to domestic agricultural producers, this paper focuses on US policy to describe the challenge that might be advanced under the scm Agreement. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1215-1225 Issue: 6 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903037507 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903037507 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:6:p:1215-1225 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Emma-Louise Anderson Author-X-Name-First: Emma-Louise Author-X-Name-Last: Anderson Author-Name: Alexander Beresford Author-X-Name-First: Alexander Author-X-Name-Last: Beresford Title: Infectious injustice: the political foundations of the Ebola crisis in Sierra Leone Abstract: This article identifies the long-term political factors that contributed to the Ebola crisis in Sierra Leone, factors which are largely overlooked by the emerging international focus on building resilient health systems. We argue that the country exhibits critical symptoms of the recurrent crises of a gatekeeper state, including acute external dependency, patron–client politics, endemic corruption and weak state capacity. A coterie of actors, both internal and external to Sierra Leone, has severely compromised the health system. This left certain sections of the population acutely at risk from Ebola and highlights the need for political solutions to build stronger, inclusive health systems. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 468-486 Issue: 3 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1103175 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1103175 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:3:p:468-486 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sophie Harman Author-X-Name-First: Sophie Author-X-Name-Last: Harman Title: Ebola, gender and conspicuously invisible women in global health governance Abstract: The international response to Ebola brings into stark contention the conspicuous invisibility of women and gender in global health governance. Developing feminist research on gender blindness, care and male bias, this article uses Ebola as a case to explore how global health rests on the conspicuous free labour of women in formal and informal care roles, yet renders women invisible in policy and practice. The article does so by demonstrating the conspicuous invisibility of women and gender in narratives on Ebola, emergency and long-term strategies to contain the disease, and in the health system strengthening plans of the World Health Organization and World Bank. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 524-541 Issue: 3 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1108827 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1108827 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:3:p:524-541 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sara E. Davies Author-X-Name-First: Sara E. Author-X-Name-Last: Davies Author-Name: Simon Rushton Author-X-Name-First: Simon Author-X-Name-Last: Rushton Title: Public health emergencies: a new peacekeeping mission? Insights from UNMIL’s role in the Liberia Ebola outbreak Abstract: The UN Security Council meeting on 18 September 2014 represented a major turning-point in the international response to the Ebola outbreak then underway in West Africa. However, in the light of widespread criticism over the tardiness of the international response, it can be argued that the UN, and particularly the Security Council, failed to make best use of a potential resource it already had on the ground in Liberia: the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL). This article examines whether UNMIL could have done more to contribute to the emergency response and attempts to draw some lessons from this experience for potential peacekeeper involvement in future public health emergencies. UNMIL could have done more than it did within the terms of its mandate, although it may well have been hampered by factors such as its own capacities, the views of Troop Contributing Countries and the approach taken by the Liberian government. This case can inform broader discussions over the provision of medical and other forms of humanitarian assistance by peacekeeping missions, such as the danger of politicising humanitarian aid and peacekeepers doing more harm than good. Finally, we warn that a reliance on peacekeepers to deliver health services during ‘normal’ times could foster a dangerous culture of dependency, hampering emergency responses if the need arises. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 419-435 Issue: 3 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1110015 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1110015 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:3:p:419-435 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anne Roemer-Mahler Author-X-Name-First: Anne Author-X-Name-Last: Roemer-Mahler Author-Name: Stefan Elbe Author-X-Name-First: Stefan Author-X-Name-Last: Elbe Title: The race for Ebola drugs: pharmaceuticals, security and global health governance Abstract: The international Ebola response mirrors two broader trends in global health governance: (1) the framing of infectious disease outbreaks as a security threat; and (2) a tendency to respond by providing medicines and vaccines. This article identifies three mechanisms that interlink these trends. First, securitisation encourages technological policy responses. Second, it creates an exceptional political space in which pharmaceutical development can be freed from constraints. Third, it creates an institutional architecture that facilitates pharmaceutical policy responses. The ways in which the securitisation of health reinforces pharmaceutical policy strategies must, the article concludes, be included in ongoing efforts to evaluate them normatively and politically. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 487-506 Issue: 3 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1111136 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1111136 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:3:p:487-506 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sudeepa Abeysinghe Author-X-Name-First: Sudeepa Author-X-Name-Last: Abeysinghe Title: Ebola at the borders: newspaper representations and the politics of border control Abstract: As well as a site of politics and public health action, the outbreak of Ebola in West Africa has been a focus of media representations. This paper examines print media narratives around border control in relation to Ebola in the UK, the USA and Australia from the start of the epidemic to May 2015. It shows that Ebola became mobilised as a frame through which domestic politics could be discussed. The disease was transformed from a problem for West Africa to a problem for the West. The context of West Africa and affected populations was homogenised and hidden. The focus of reporting centred upon domestic political actions and more local sources of threat. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 452-467 Issue: 3 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1111753 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1111753 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:3:p:452-467 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adam Kamradt-Scott Author-X-Name-First: Adam Author-X-Name-Last: Kamradt-Scott Title: WHO’s to blame? The World Health Organization and the 2014 Ebola outbreak in West Africa Abstract: Since 2001 the World Health Organization (WHO) has been actively promoting its credentials for managing ‘global health security’. However, the organisation’s initial response to the 2014 Ebola outbreak in West Africa has attracted significant criticism, even prompting calls for its dissolution and the creation of a new global health agency. Drawing on principal–agent theory and insights from previous disease outbreaks, this article examines what went wrong, the extent to which the organisation can be held to account, and what this means for the WHO’s global health security mandate. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 401-418 Issue: 3 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1112232 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1112232 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:3:p:401-418 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Colin McInnes Author-X-Name-First: Colin Author-X-Name-Last: McInnes Title: Crisis! What crisis? Global health and the 2014–15 West African Ebola outbreak Abstract: This article examines why the 2014–15 outbreak of Ebola in West Africa, which subsequently spread more widely, was understood as a crisis. It begins from the basis that there was nothing ‘natural’ about it being considered a crisis; rather it was socially constructed as such. Specifically it suggests that the outbreak could be understood as a crisis because of the way in which it resonated with the global health narrative. The article examines how the elements which constitute this narrative – the effects of globalisation, the emergence of new risks and the requirement for new political responses – are fundamental to how Ebola was understood as a crisis. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 380-400 Issue: 3 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1113868 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1113868 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:3:p:380-400 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Clare Wenham Author-X-Name-First: Clare Author-X-Name-Last: Wenham Title: Ebola respons-ibility: moving from shared to multiple responsibilities Abstract: Combating threats of infectious diseases has been increasingly framed as a global shared responsibility for a multi-actor framework of states, international organisations and nongovernmental actors. However, the outbreak of Ebola Virus Disease (EVD) has shown that this governance framework has not been able to limit the spread of this virus, despite the normative and legislative changes to global disease control. By unbundling the concept of responsibility, this article will assess how global shared responsibility may have failed because accountability does not fall on any one state or stakeholder, highlighting an inherent weakness in the global disease governance regime. The paper concludes that a move towards multiple responsibilities may prove a more effective mechanism for ensuring global health security. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 436-451 Issue: 3 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1116366 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1116366 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:3:p:436-451 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Polly Pallister-Wilkins Author-X-Name-First: Polly Author-X-Name-Last: Pallister-Wilkins Title: Personal Protective Equipment in the humanitarian governance of Ebola: between individual patient care and global biosecurity Abstract: This article focuses on the use of Personal Protective Equipment in humanitarianism. It takes the recent Ebola outbreak as a case through which to explore the role of objects in saving individual lives and protecting populations. The argument underlines the importance of PPE in mediating between individual patient care and biosecurity. In addition it questions the preoccupation with technical fixes; challenges dominant perceptions about the subject of humanitarianism being the victims of disaster; traces the production of a particular politics of life; and explores the individualisation of risk and concomitant processes of labour discipline in the everyday lives of humanitarian workers. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 507-523 Issue: 3 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1116935 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1116935 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:3:p:507-523 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anne Roemer-Mahler Author-X-Name-First: Anne Author-X-Name-Last: Roemer-Mahler Author-Name: Simon Rushton Author-X-Name-First: Simon Author-X-Name-Last: Rushton Title: Introduction: Ebola and International Relations Abstract: The outbreak of Ebola Virus Disease (EVD) that gripped Liberia, Guinea and Sierra Leone through much of 2014 and 2015 was an enormous and in many ways unprecedented health emergency. Yet the outbreak was not only a global health event – it was also a global political event. In this introduction to the special issue we discuss the contribution that International Relations scholarship can make to analysing and understanding the Ebola outbreak and the global response to it. We group our comments around four key themes: (1) allocating responsibility in a diffuse global health governance system; (2) the causes and effects of Ebola being perceived as a global crisis; (3) the downsides of a security-driven approach to global health emergencies; and (4) issues of inequality both between and within countries, including those around gender, resources and power. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 373-379 Issue: 3 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1118343 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1118343 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:3:p:373-379 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: João Nunes Author-X-Name-First: João Author-X-Name-Last: Nunes Title: Ebola and the production of neglect in global health Abstract: This article argues that the 2014 Ebola outbreak in West Africa reinscribed the neglect that has surrounded this disease. The argument develops theoretical tools for understanding how neglect is produced in global health. Arguing that neglect is connected with the production of harm and vulnerability, it stresses the importance of emotions in issue-prioritisation in global health. Focusing on the dynamics of abjection, the article shows how the 2014 Ebola outbreak was framed as a (racialised) African problem and obfuscated by a political and media spectacle. The result was the preference for short-term crisis-management responses that detracted from long-term structural solutions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 542-556 Issue: 3 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1124724 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1124724 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:3:p:542-556 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Brittany Gilmer Author-X-Name-First: Brittany Author-X-Name-Last: Gilmer Title: Hedonists and husbands: piracy narratives, gender demands, and local political economic realities in Somalia Abstract: The grand narrative of piracy has been instrumental in shaping how piracy off the coast of Somalia is understood and responded to. Self-proclaimed pirates, suspected pirates, and convicted piracy prisoners continue to tell the story of taking up arms against foreign illegal fishers to protect their personal livelihoods as well as Somalia’s natural resources. Although the grand narrative remains the most popular piracy narrative, this paper introduces and examines two newly emergent narratives of Somali piracy – the Somali women’s narrative and the piracy prisoner self-narrative. I explore how these narratives reveal a central paradox surrounding piracy and social reproduction in Somalia that, until now, has been absent from discussions about piracy narratives and the issue of Somali piracy. Whereas the grand narrative of piracy fails to address gender demands and local political economic realities in Somalia, the new narratives present piracy as a gendered experienced that is situated within the broader, evolving context of courtship and marriage in Somalia. I argue the new narratives can help push beyond over-simplistic understandings of piracy off the coast of Somalia as a ‘man’s crime’ that should be addressed by men. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1366-1380 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1229566 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1229566 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:6:p:1366-1380 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mark Langan Author-X-Name-First: Mark Author-X-Name-Last: Langan Title: Virtuous power Turkey in sub-Saharan Africa: the ‘Neo-Ottoman’ challenge to the European Union Abstract: European officials veer towards exceptionalism in their policy communications concerning the EU’s global role, particularly in terms of African development. This article poses a rejoinder to such tendencies through examination of the rise of ‘virtuous power Turkey’ in Africa. It examines how Turkish elites constructed a moralised ‘neo-Ottoman’ foreign policy in wake of stalled EU accession. It then underscores how elites framed humanitarian interventions in sub-Saharan Africa in contrast to the perceived neo-colonialism of an EU ‘other’. In this vein, the article explores the meaning of normative ‘neo-Ottomanism’ for ostensible beneficiaries in Africa, for the EU, and for Turkey itself. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1399-1414 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1229569 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1229569 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:6:p:1399-1414 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Safal Ghimire Author-X-Name-First: Safal Author-X-Name-Last: Ghimire Title: Optimised or compromised? United Kingdom support to reforming security sector governance in post-war Nepal Abstract: UK policies embrace the ideas of security–development nexus, but most scholarship on its engagement builds upon African cases. This paper examines the drivers, nature and implications of UK involvement with an Asian country, Nepal. The UK’s position as the largest bilateral contributor and major peace and security donor among at least 21 others makes examination of its Nepal involvement imperative. This paper uses the grounded theory method and interpretivist analytical approach to create interactions between published and field information. Although the UK’s persistent engagement and programme-based approach helped peacefully manage transition, this paper contends, institutional changes have been shallow and winning confidence remains strenuous. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1415-1436 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1233811 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1233811 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:6:p:1415-1436 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marianne H. Marchand Author-X-Name-First: Marianne H. Author-X-Name-Last: Marchand Title: Crossing borders in North America after 9/11: ‘regular’ travellers’ narratives of securitisations and contestations Abstract: This article is part of a larger project on ordinary border crossings and state practices in North America. The changing border governmentalities in the region focusing on securitising their borders against potential terrorist threats and the increased emphasis on the managing of population flows have led to a reduced mobility for certain travellers as opposed to others. The construction of potentially safe and ‘un-safe’ subjects through profiling on the basis of race, ethnicity, national origin, gender, religion and socioeconomic background and the increasing use of biometrics have impacted upon travellers’ mobilities. In the North American context, the Mexican state has undergone significant modernisation in terms of its border control capacities, thus enhancing not only its capacity as a buffer state, but also its performative sovereignty, and is therefore an interesting case to study. This article aims to analyse how these transformations in border governmentalities have affected the mobility of ‘ordinary’ travellers, and how they have developed coping strategies and resistances towards the potential curbing of their respective mobilities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1232-1248 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1256764 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1256764 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:6:p:1232-1248 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ines A. Ferreira Author-X-Name-First: Ines A. Author-X-Name-Last: Ferreira Title: Measuring state fragility: a review of the theoretical groundings of existing approaches Abstract: State fragility has become a resonant term in the development discourse over the past decade. In its early days it served as a catch-all phrase used by donor organisations to draw attention to the need to assist ‘fragile states’. In response to the call for a better understanding of how to deal with these countries, there was a surge in measures of fragility. However, it was not long before academics pointed to the murkiness and fuzziness of the term, and identified several caveats to most of the proposals for quantification. This paper reviews existing approaches to operationalise this concept, distinguishing between those that offer no ranking or only partial rankings of fragile states, and those providing ordinal lists of countries. The examination of their theoretical underpinnings lends support to the critical view that most existing approaches are undermined by a lack of solid theoretical foundations, which leads to confusion between causes, symptoms and outcomes of state fragility. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1291-1309 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1257907 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1257907 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:6:p:1291-1309 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bodille Arensman Author-X-Name-First: Bodille Author-X-Name-Last: Arensman Author-Name: Margit van Wessel Author-X-Name-First: Margit Author-X-Name-Last: van Wessel Author-Name: Dorothea Hilhorst Author-X-Name-First: Dorothea Author-X-Name-Last: Hilhorst Title: Does local ownership bring about effectiveness? The case of a transnational advocacy network Abstract: In international development, shared ownership is assumed to be a condition for effectiveness. Academic studies question this relation, claiming shared ownership can instead lead to ineffectiveness. This study analysed the interplay between ownership and effectiveness in a transnational advocacy network for conflict prevention observed 2012–2015. Building on recent discussions about balancing unity and diversity in networks, this article unpacks the ownership/effectiveness relationship into three dimensions: collective identity, accountability processes and a shared advocacy message. We find that the question is not about more or less effectiveness, but about the processes shaping the meaning of effectiveness in particular institutional constellations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1310-1326 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1257908 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1257908 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:6:p:1310-1326 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Robin Broad Author-X-Name-First: Robin Author-X-Name-Last: Broad Author-Name: Julia Fischer-Mackey Author-X-Name-First: Julia Author-X-Name-Last: Fischer-Mackey Title: From extractivism towards : mining policy as an indicator of a new development paradigm prioritising the environment Abstract: This article analyses mining policy as an indicator of a larger question: are some Third World governments starting to steer away from plunder ‘extractivism’ towards a paradigm that prioritises the environment? We begin with the cases of El Salvador and Costa Rica, which have major mining bans in place. We then present the results of our research in which we find five other countries with noteworthy mining-policy shifts: Panama, Colombia, Argentina, Chile, and New Zealand. A sixth country, Honduras under President Zelaya, stands as a recent historical case of how sensitive such a policy change can be. A key take-away from our article is that critical development scholars and practitioners need to look more closely at the mining sector – not simply to analyse case studies of specific mining protests and resistances to extractivism, although these are of course important. Rather, there is a need to investigate policy changes that just might be indications that the era of unquestioning extractivism has ended and that at least some governments are initiating policies to incorporate environmental externalities, policies that suggest a changing development paradigm in the direction of environmental – and concomitant social and economic – ‘well-being’ as envisioned in buen vivir. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1327-1349 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1262741 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1262741 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:6:p:1327-1349 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Timothy David Clark Author-X-Name-First: Timothy David Author-X-Name-Last: Clark Title: Rethinking Chile’s ‘Chicago Boys’: neoliberal technocrats or revolutionary vanguard? Abstract: The term ‘Chicago Boys’ remains closely associated with the orthodox neoliberal adjustment implemented in Chile by the Pinochet dictatorship. The conventional portrayal of the Chicago Boys is of a group of US-trained, technocratic economists who institutionalised neoliberal principles and technocratic prerogatives in public policymaking in Chile. This article will contend the Chicago Boys were much more than neoliberal technocrats: they were a revolutionary vanguard that designed and led a capitalist revolution and radically altered the material and ideological foundations of the nation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1350-1365 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1268906 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1268906 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:6:p:1350-1365 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Karlsrud Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Karlsrud Title: Towards UN counter-terrorism operations? Abstract: The United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operation in Mali (MINUSMA) has become among the deadliest in UN history, suffering from attacks by violent extremists and terrorists. There are strong calls to give UN peacekeeping operations more robust mandates and equip them with the necessary capabilities, guidelines and training to be able to take on limited stabilisation and counter-terrorism tasks. This article conceptually develops UN counter-terrorism operations as a heuristic device, and compares this with the mandate and practices of MINUSMA. It examines the related implications of this development, and concludes that while there may be good practical as well as short-term political reasons for moving in this direction, the shift towards UN counter-terrorism operations will undermine the UN’s international legitimacy, its role as an impartial conflict arbiter, and its tools in the peace and security toolbox more broadly, such as UN peacekeeping operations and special political missions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1215-1231 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1268907 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1268907 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:6:p:1215-1231 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shai André Divon Author-X-Name-First: Shai André Author-X-Name-Last: Divon Author-Name: Morten Bøås Author-X-Name-First: Morten Author-X-Name-Last: Bøås Title: Negotiating justice: legal pluralism and gender-based violence in Liberia Abstract: The plural legal system in post-conflict Liberia expresses tensions between modern and customary institutions. This article seeks to understand how Liberians navigate choices in the plural legal system to address gender-based violence cases. By asking how and why people make the choices they do, we highlight how Liberians solve tensions between institutions, by creating flexible categories that allow them to pursue a course of action that does not compromise their ability to access social networks and resources. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1381-1398 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1268908 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1268908 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:6:p:1381-1398 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Benjamin K. Sovacool Author-X-Name-First: Benjamin K. Author-X-Name-Last: Sovacool Author-Name: May Tan-Mullins Author-X-Name-First: May Author-X-Name-Last: Tan-Mullins Author-Name: David Ockwell Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Ockwell Author-Name: Peter Newell Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Newell Title: Political economy, poverty, and polycentrism in the Global Environment Facility’s Least Developed Countries Fund (LDCF) for Climate Change Adaptation Abstract: Climate change adaptation refers to altering infrastructure, institutions or ecosystems to respond to the impacts of climate change. Least developed countries often lack the requisite capacity to implement adaptation projects. The Global Environment Facility’s Least Developed Countries Fund (LDCF) is a scheme where industrialised countries have disbursed $934.5 million in voluntary contributions to support 213 adaptation projects across 51 least developed countries. But how effective are its efforts—and what sort of challenges have arisen as it implements projects? To provide some answers, this article documents the presence of four “political economy” attributes of adaptation projects—processes we have termed enclosure, exclusion, encroachment and entrenchment—cutting across economic, political, ecological and social dimensions. Based on extensive field research, we find the four processes at work simultaneously in our case studies of five LDCF projects being implemented in Bangladesh, Bhutan, Cambodia, the Maldives and Vanuatu. The article concludes with a discussion of the broader implications of the political economy of adaptation for analysts, program managers and climate researchers at large. In sum, the politics of adaptation must be taken into account so that projects can maximise their efficacy and avoid marginalising those most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1249-1271 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1282816 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1282816 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:6:p:1249-1271 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Natasha Keenaghan Author-X-Name-First: Natasha Author-X-Name-Last: Keenaghan Author-Name: Kathy Reilly Author-X-Name-First: Kathy Author-X-Name-Last: Reilly Title: Mediating representations of poverty and development: a help or a hindrance? Abstract: This paper explores the role of media, and in particular Comic Relief plea films (2013), in scripting understandings of poverty and development. The films represent a coding of poverty that is embedded with wider geographical imaginings that essentially abstract knowledge and produce assumptions about particular places that remain premised on hegemonic Global North ideas about the world and how it works. As a result the Global South is often constructed and represented through images that are ambiguous and uncritical, and greatly hamper understandings of everyday life in the South. Through the Comic Relief (2013) films, the paper explores soft understandings of poverty and development, considering Northern complicity in the (re)production of representations and the challenge of constructing causal responsibility through media discourses of problem-solving. This paper unpacks hegemonic Global North scripting of poverty and development through an examination of visual discourses, critiquing the construction of prioritised narratives and, by extension, pointing towards those knowledges that remain silenced. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1272-1290 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1282817 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1282817 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:6:p:1272-1290 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Corrigendum Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: (1437)-(1437) Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1298281 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1298281 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:6:p:(1437)-(1437) Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stefan Bächtold Author-X-Name-First: Stefan Author-X-Name-Last: Bächtold Title: The rise of an anti-politics machinery: peace, civil society and the focus on results in Myanmar Abstract: ‘Results’, ‘value for money’, ‘effectiveness’ and similar buzzwords have become commonplace in development cooperation and peace building. The use of technical instruments such as project cycle management and evaluations is hardly questioned anymore: these are presented as a minor shift of focus to make current practice more effective. This paper argues that there is far more to this shift: a machinery of practices and institutions has been installed that removes political questions on development or peace from the political realm and places them under the rule of technical experts. Drawing on a Foucauldian understanding of discourse analysis, the paper analyses how this machinery prioritises gradual reform, subjugates other approaches to societal change and reproduces power/knowledge networks in both the global South and North. Based on ethnographic field research in Myanmar, it also explores discursive strategies of local actors and assesses how they are aiming to create spaces to challenge this machinery. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1968-1983 Issue: 10 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1063406 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1063406 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:10:p:1968-1983 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Robert Frith Author-X-Name-First: Robert Author-X-Name-Last: Frith Author-Name: John Glenn Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Glenn Title: Fragile states and the evolution of risk governance: intervention, prevention and extension Abstract: Following the plane crashes into the twin towers of the World Trade Centre, Ulrich Beck claimed that the West would need to pursue ‘border-transcending new beginnings’ towards a more cosmopolitan world. Rather than any radical transformation along cosmopolitan lines, however, this paper maps a process of incremental reform and policy bricolage, where the post-cold war politics of intervention, and the securitisation of development, have been extended to encompass international terrorism in three overlapping phases. Although these overlapping phases – intervention, prevention and extension – are reflexive moments, they constitute a strengthening of the prevailing rationalities and technologies of risk rather than a radical rupture. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1787-1808 Issue: 10 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1063407 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1063407 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:10:p:1787-1808 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vesna Bojicic-Dzelilovic Author-X-Name-First: Vesna Author-X-Name-Last: Bojicic-Dzelilovic Author-Name: Denisa Kostovicova Author-X-Name-First: Denisa Author-X-Name-Last: Kostovicova Author-Name: Mariana Escobar Author-X-Name-First: Mariana Author-X-Name-Last: Escobar Author-Name: Jelena Bjelica Author-X-Name-First: Jelena Author-X-Name-Last: Bjelica Title: Organised crime and international aid subversion: evidence from Colombia and Afghanistan Abstract: Scholarly attempts to explain aid subversion in post-conflict contexts frame the challenge in terms of corrupt practices and transactions disconnected from local power struggles. Also, they assume a distinction between organised crime and the state. This comparative analysis of aid subversion in Colombia and Afghanistan reveals the limits of such an approach. Focusing on relations that anchor organised crime within local political, social and economic processes, we demonstrate that organised crime is dynamic, driven by multiple motives and endogenous to local power politics. Better understanding of governance arrangements around the organised crime–conflict nexus which enables aid subversion is therefore required. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1887-1905 Issue: 10 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1070664 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1070664 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:10:p:1887-1905 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sailen Routray Author-X-Name-First: Sailen Author-X-Name-Last: Routray Title: The post-development impasse and the state in India Abstract: After discussing the various points of departure suggested by scholars of development, this paper argues that, in the context of India, one way out of the post-development impasse lies in shifting the focus from development politics to the workings of the developmental state on the ground, and to change the methodological vantage point to ethnography. It is suggested that this change in approach would provide fresh insights into the workings of the developmental state and into the process of development in India. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1906-1921 Issue: 10 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1070665 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1070665 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:10:p:1906-1921 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maciej Kalaska Author-X-Name-First: Maciej Author-X-Name-Last: Kalaska Author-Name: Tomasz Wites Author-X-Name-First: Tomasz Author-X-Name-Last: Wites Title: Perception of the relations between former colonial powers and developing countries Abstract: People register and process stimuli every day, creating an image of space–time reality involving multifaceted relations between various states. The authors have created a database consisting of articles from the periodical Le Monde diplomatique from 1954 to 2009. This paper focuses on investigating how strong relations are between former colonial powers and developing countries. The authors present an index showing the frequency of coincidence of opinion-shaping content in articles about one of the selected world powers and a developing country; they next establish a quantitative reference to dependency and world-systems theories. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1809-1826 Issue: 10 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1070666 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1070666 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:10:p:1809-1826 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peg Murray-Evans Author-X-Name-First: Peg Author-X-Name-Last: Murray-Evans Title: Regionalism and African agency: negotiating an Economic Partnership Agreement between the European Union and SADC-Minus Abstract: This article investigates the regional dynamics of African agency in the case of negotiations on an Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the EU and a group of Southern African countries, known as SADC-Minus. I argue that these negotiations were shaped by a pattern of differentiated responses to the choice set on offer under the EPAs by SADC-Minus policy makers and by a series of strategic interactions and power plays between them. I offer two contributions to an emerging literature on the role of African agency in international politics. First, I argue for a clear separation between ontological claims about the structure–agency relationship and empirical questions about the preferences, strategies and influence of African actors. Second, I suggest that, in order to understand the regional dynamics of African agency, it is important to pay close attention to the diversity and contingency of African preferences and to the role of both power politics and rhetorical contestation in regional political processes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1845-1865 Issue: 10 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1071659 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1071659 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:10:p:1845-1865 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mark Langan Author-X-Name-First: Mark Author-X-Name-Last: Langan Title: The moral economy of EU relations with North African states: DCFTAs under the European Neighbourhood Policy Abstract: The EU has loudly voiced its intention to facilitate poverty reduction and democratisation in North Africa. In particular, it seeks to conclude Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements (DCFTAs) with Tunisia, Morocco and Egypt. These are seen as a vital response to the Arab Spring – integrating North African countries into the globalised economy. Applying a moral economy perspective, this article argues, however, that, while ‘Normative Power Europe’ seeks to build more tranquil societies in the region, its trade policies nevertheless threaten to exacerbate poverty and social unrest. The prospect of de-industrialisation in the wake of FTAs will do much to entrench economic asymmetries between the European metropole and its neighbours. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1827-1844 Issue: 10 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1071660 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1071660 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:10:p:1827-1844 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Abbas Assi Author-X-Name-First: Abbas Author-X-Name-Last: Assi Author-Name: James Worrall Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Worrall Title: Stable instability: the Syrian conflict and the postponement of the 2013 Lebanese parliamentary elections Abstract: Given the morass of the Syrian civil war and Lebanon’s exposure to the consequences, this article seeks to explore how the intersecting dynamics of Lebanese domestic conflicts and the multiple implications of the bloodbath in Syria have influenced the behaviour of Lebanese political parties in their ongoing struggle over the formulation of a new electoral law, leading to a broad consensus among the country’s parties to postpone the 2013 parliamentary elections. The article argues that, while the usual attempts to profit at the expense of other groups in society are still present and external patrons still wield great influence, the decision to postpone the elections also demonstrates a degree of pragmatism and political development since, despite dire predictions to the contrary, Lebanon has not succumbed to the return of its own civil war. Instead a complex mixture of pragmatism, elision of interests and external influence, combined with local agency, has led Lebanon into a situation of stable instability. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1944-1967 Issue: 10 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1071661 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1071661 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:10:p:1944-1967 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kearrin Sims Author-X-Name-First: Kearrin Author-X-Name-Last: Sims Title: Culture, community-oriented learning and the post-2015 development agenda: a view from Laos Abstract: This article critically interrogates current policy-sector approaches to culturally sensitive development and the manner in which culture has been conceptualised within the post-2015 development agenda-setting process. By providing a brief interpretive summary of academic debates surrounding culture and development, an analysis of how ‘culturally sensitive’ practices have been pursued within the policy sector, and an examination of the insufficient consideration given to culturally sensitive development within post-2015 agenda setting, I argue that much uncertainty remains around how to translate complex academic understandings of culture and development into policy responses. Following this, I provide one case study drawn from the small, low-income country of Laos to suggest possibilities as to how culturally sensitive development may be better conceptualised and implemented within a post-2015 global development era. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1922-1943 Issue: 10 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1074036 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1074036 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:10:p:1922-1943 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Debora Valentina Malito Author-X-Name-First: Debora Valentina Author-X-Name-Last: Malito Title: Building terror while fighting enemies: how the Global War on Terror deepened the crisis in Somalia Abstract: Somalia has become a front in the US Global War on Terror (GWoT) because of the potential connection between terrorism and state fragility. While originally oriented towards ‘building states while fighting terror’, Enduring Freedom in Somalia obtained quite the opposite result of deepening the existing conflict. Why and how did the GWoT result in the controversial outcome of ‘building terror while fighting enemies’? This article argues that the GWoT sponsored in Somalia an isolationist strategy that encouraged the political polarisation and military radicalisation of the insurgency. To explore this argument, the article first analyses the structure of the intervention by focusing on the interests and strategies of the interveners. Then it evaluates the conditions under which the modality of intervention (through the use of diplomatic, economic and coercive measures) violated the conditions essential to resolving conflict. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1866-1886 Issue: 10 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1074037 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1074037 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:10:p:1866-1886 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mayssoun Sukarieh Author-X-Name-First: Mayssoun Author-X-Name-Last: Sukarieh Author-Name: Stuart Tannock Author-X-Name-First: Stuart Author-X-Name-Last: Tannock Title: The global securitisation of youth Abstract: This article looks critically at the new global youth, peace and security agenda, that has been marked by the passage of United Nations Security Council Resolution 2250 in December 2015. It argues that this agenda needs to be situated within the broader context of the securitisation of development, and that the increasing interest in youth as a security subject and actor is shaped by three overlapping sets of global security concerns: the concept of the youth bulge is a euphemism for the problem of growing surplus populations worldwide; the ideal of youth as peacebuilders is a model for eliciting youth support for the current global social and economic order; and the spectre of globally networked youth being radicalised by extremist groups has legitimated joint state and private sector projects that are taking an increasingly active role intervening in the online lives of young people around the world. The article draws on an analysis of a collection of core documents that form the heart of the global youth and security agenda; and it argues for the need for greater critical reflexivity in considering the growing attention being paid to youth as a social category in global development and policy discourse. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 854-870 Issue: 5 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1369038 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1369038 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:5:p:854-870 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Edward Newman Author-X-Name-First: Edward Author-X-Name-Last: Newman Author-Name: Benjamin Zala Author-X-Name-First: Benjamin Author-X-Name-Last: Zala Title: Rising powers and order contestation: disaggregating the normative from the representational Abstract: A central theme of the literature on rising powers is that new aspirants to great power status pose a challenge to the underlying principles and norms that underpin the existing, Western-led order. However, in much of the literature, the nature and significance of rising powers for international order are imprecisely debated, in particular the concept and practice of ‘contestation’. In this article, we aim to establish a distinction between normative contestation and what can be thought of as ‘contestation over representation’: that is, contestation over who is setting and overseeing the rules of the game rather than the content of the rules themselves and the kind of order that they underpin. The paper engages with debates on international order and international society, and its empirical basis is provided by a thorough analysis of the discourse of rising power summitry. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 871-888 Issue: 5 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1392085 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1392085 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:5:p:871-888 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Morgan Brigg Author-X-Name-First: Morgan Author-X-Name-Last: Brigg Title: Humanitarian symbolic exchange: extending Responsibility to Protect through individual and local engagement Abstract: Moral common sense frames the relationship between privileged and at-risk populations underpinning contemporary Responsibility to Protect (R2P) discourse. This article develops an alternative by considering the relationship between archetypes of would-be rescuers and victims through Jean Baudrillard’s theorisation of symbolic exchange. Baudrillardian analysis connects personal morality and affective intersubjective symbolic exchange with the politics of international order. This leads, first, to an argument that current foundations for advocating R2P risk participating in a problematic moral economy of symbolic exchange between would-be rescuers and victims. Nonetheless, and secondly, the article deploys symbolic exchange to develop suggestions for partially re-figuring R2P’s humanitarian impulse by engaging ‘locally’ – both through one’s self (in the ethical relation suggested by Emmanuel Levinas) and with diverse forms of political order (following Jacques Rancière’s conception of politics). Doing so supports moves to engage a wide array of individual actors in a more interactive and less hierarchical form of R2P, to drive deeper consideration of local complexities of R2P through engagement with diverse local forms of political order, and to develop a more inclusive understanding of ‘humanity’ in order to bolster R2P’s normative foundations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 838-853 Issue: 5 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1396534 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1396534 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:5:p:838-853 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Eusebius Pantja Pramudya Author-X-Name-First: Eusebius Pantja Author-X-Name-Last: Pramudya Author-Name: Otto Hospes Author-X-Name-First: Otto Author-X-Name-Last: Hospes Author-Name: C. J. A. M. Termeer Author-X-Name-First: C. J. A. M. Author-X-Name-Last: Termeer Title: The disciplining of illegal palm oil plantations in Sumatra Abstract: The Indonesian state has issued many regulations to control palm oil expansion, but they have been weakly enforced, resulting in widespread illegal plantations. During the last decade, Indonesian authorities have used force to reduce illegal plantations. This article analyses the drivers behind these actions and questions to what extent they reflect the rise of eco-authoritarianism. By investigating six cases of disciplinary action in Sumatra, we conclude that the Indonesian state is neither practising eco-authoritarianism nor constituting a green state. The disciplinary action, however, has had limited success in environmental terms due to policy incoherence, violent contestation and the sector’s historical context. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 920-940 Issue: 5 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1401462 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1401462 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:5:p:920-940 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Niels Nagelhus Schia Author-X-Name-First: Niels Nagelhus Author-X-Name-Last: Schia Title: The cyber frontier and digital pitfalls in the Global South Abstract: How does digitalisation lead to new kinds of global connections and disconnections in the Global South? And what are the pitfalls that accompany this development? Much of the policy literature on digitalisation and development has focused on the importance of connecting developing countries to digital networks. Good connection to digital networks may have a fundamental impact on societies, changing not only how individuals and businesses navigate, operate and seek opportunities, but also as regards relations between government and the citizenry. However, the rapid pace of this development implies that digital technologies are being put to use before good, functional regulatory mechanisms have been developed and installed. The resultant shortcomings – in state mechanisms, institutions, coordination mechanisms, private mechanisms, general awareness, public knowledge and skills – open the door to new kinds of vulnerabilities. Herein lie dangers, but also opportunities for donor/recipient country exchange. Instead of adding to the already substantial literature on the potential dividends, this article examines a less studied issue: the new societal vulnerabilities emerging from digitalisation in developing countries. While there is wide agreement about the need to bridge the gap between the connected and the disconnected, the pitfalls are many.  Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 821-837 Issue: 5 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1408403 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1408403 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:5:p:821-837 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mónica Hurtado Author-X-Name-First: Mónica Author-X-Name-Last: Hurtado Author-Name: Ángela Iranzo Dosdad Author-X-Name-First: Ángela Author-X-Name-Last: Iranzo Dosdad Author-Name: Sergio Gómez Hernández Author-X-Name-First: Sergio Author-X-Name-Last: Gómez Hernández Title: The relationship between human trafficking and child recruitment in the Colombian armed conflict Abstract: The article rethinks the relationship between human trafficking as organised crime and child recruitment as a war crime. After analysing the records of 132 cases of child and adolescent recruitment brought before Colombia’s ordinary justice system between 2008 and 2016, it became clear that the youngsters involved had performed activities both directly and indirectly related to the conflict, but also that they had been exploited and maltreated, with no control over their situation. Reassessment of the relationship between human trafficking and child recruitment could result in more effective justice for this population by shedding light on alternate ways to construct reparation and reintegration. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 941-958 Issue: 5 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1408404 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1408404 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:5:p:941-958 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kate Pincock Author-X-Name-First: Kate Author-X-Name-Last: Pincock Title: School, sexuality and problematic girlhoods: reframing ‘empowerment’ discourse Abstract: This paper draws on ethnographic research with teenage schoolgirls in Tanzania to explore the impact of education on their experiences of sexual agency and empowerment. School-based education is frequently presented within international development as a route for empowering girls to exercise agency over their sexuality; yet school itself often constitutes a space in which the same restrictive gendered and sexual norms that exist outside the classroom are reproduced or go unchallenged by those working with girls. Despite the constraints to their agency from both outside and within school, girls themselves do resist the narratives of girlhood and sexuality imposed upon them. Recognising how these dynamics challenge our understanding of sexual empowerment is key to finding ways to support girls in navigating repressive norms beyond the classroom. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 906-919 Issue: 5 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1415141 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1415141 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:5:p:906-919 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jonathan Kishen Gamu Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan Kishen Author-X-Name-Last: Gamu Author-Name: Peter Dauvergne Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Dauvergne Title: The slow violence of corporate social responsibility: the case of mining in Peru Abstract: Drawing on fieldwork in three Andean regions of Peru, this article analyses the capacity of corporate social responsibility (CSR) to reduce mining-related violence in rural communities in developing countries. Within Peru, to some extent CSR has stabilised short-term relationships between mining corporations and nearby communities, although tensions remain high in others. While effects are varied and locally-contingent, the findings support a theoretical understanding of CSR as deeply embedded in legitimising the violence of capitalism, including the slow violence from degrading local environments. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 959-975 Issue: 5 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1432349 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1432349 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:5:p:959-975 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nematullah Bizhan Author-X-Name-First: Nematullah Author-X-Name-Last: Bizhan Title: Aid and state-building, Part I: South Korea and Taiwan Abstract: Under what conditions does foreign aid in the aftermath of war foster state-building? This article argues that institutional legacy and continuity and the politics of aid may matter. In the aftermath of war, for an aid regime to reinforce state-building, it may need to ensure continuity in the strength of the state and to use recipient mechanisms and finance policies that generate a greater state capacity. The existence and continuity of a Weberian state may increase the likelihood of effective state-building. If the state is relatively strong, with a Weberian bureaucracy, aid can further reinforce it when aid is spent through national systems or is aligned with local priorities, with efforts to ensure that the recipient leaders reinforce state effectiveness by implementing policies that may require greater state capacity. Evidence for this argument is provided through pairwise comparison of state-building patterns between South Korea and Taiwan. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 999-1013 Issue: 5 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1447368 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1447368 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:5:p:999-1013 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nematullah Bizhan Author-X-Name-First: Nematullah Author-X-Name-Last: Bizhan Title: Aid and state-building, Part II: Afghanistan and Iraq Abstract: Part I of this article found that, in South Korea and Taiwan, institutional legacy and continuity as well as the politics of aid did matter for post-war state-building. The inheritance and continuity of Weberian states and the receipt of aid either as budget support or increasingly aligned with local priorities helped to foster state-building. Part II of the study in this article explores a different dynamic of post-war aid to Afghanistan and Iraq which had a legacy of neopatrimonial and weak states. It argues that under more adverse initial conditions – for a neopatrimonial state – the role of aid regime and state-building strategies become even more important. Under these conditions, aid and state-building strategies may undermine state-building if they induce discontinuity in the existing state capacity and create parallel institutions to those of the state. Depending on the policies, state weakness may be reinforced if leaders are preoccupied with the politics of patronage. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1014-1031 Issue: 5 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1447369 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1447369 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:5:p:1014-1031 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Zoë Marriage Author-X-Name-First: Zoë Author-X-Name-Last: Marriage Title: The elephant in the room: offshore companies, liberalisation and extension of presidential power in DR Congo Abstract: In the Democratic Republic of Congo, donors promoted rapid liberalisation and presidential elections in the aftermath of the war, and after two terms, President Kabila has not left office. This article engages with the question of how liberalisation and elections are connected, and how they are related to the extension of presidential power. It finds that the international market for minerals has shaped the domestic political economy but its nature has effectively been ignored in the formulation of donor policy; efforts at regulating trade have been concentrated on due diligence of origin in Congo but have not addressed the secrecy of international trade. Liberalisation has removed control of economic resources from Congo, provided returns for elite politicians and funded violence to control the disenfranchised population. The offshore companies are the elephant in the room; without acknowledging them, analysis of the liberalisation and its interaction with presidential tenure lacks assessment of the opportunities, interests and power that shaped the processes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 889-905 Issue: 5 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1447373 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1447373 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:5:p:889-905 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jeffrey Reeves Author-X-Name-First: Jeffrey Author-X-Name-Last: Reeves Title: Imperialism and the Middle Kingdom: the Xi Jinping administration’s peripheral diplomacy with developing states Abstract: This article applies the Nexon/Wright concept of ideal-type empire to the study of China’s post-2012 peripheral relations to demonstrate that the Xi administration is engaged in a concerted imperialist policy towards its developing neighbour states. Using the Nexon/Wright framework, the article demonstrates how the establishment of a China-centric regional network structure undergirds the Xi administration’s key foreign policy concepts and how these concepts, in turn, inform China’s bilateral relations with its peripheral states. To demonstrate how China employs imperialist tactics to its pursuit of a regionally based order, the article examines China’s bilateral relations with the developing states on its periphery: Mongolia, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Nepal, Myanmar, Cambodia, Lao PDR and Vietnam. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 976-998 Issue: 5 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1447376 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1447376 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:5:p:976-998 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roy Culpeper Author-X-Name-First: Roy Author-X-Name-Last: Culpeper Title: Financial Sector Policy and Development in the Wake of the Global Crisis: the role of national development banks Abstract: Financial sector liberalisation has led to market failure on a massive scale. In industrial countries market failure led to the Great Financial Crisis that erupted in 2007 and continues into its fifth year. In developing countries liberalised financial markets have failed to provide access to financial services for the vast majority of households and firms. Small and medium-sized enterprises (smes), which are critical for employment, income creation and economic development, are particularly excluded by liberalised private financial markets. Market failure necessitates government intervention. To enhance smes' financial access requires an activist role by governments—not only by ensuring an enabling policy framework and financial infrastructure for smes, but also by supporting direct provision of financial services through national development banks and directed credit programmes. More broadly the crisis also provides an opening for a neo-structuralist development paradigm to replace the failed Washington Consensus. In this context activist financial sector policies should be integrated with industrial sector strategies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 383-403 Issue: 3 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657470 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657470 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:3:p:383-403 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Wil Hout Author-X-Name-First: Wil Author-X-Name-Last: Hout Title: The Anti-Politics of Development: donor agencies and the political economy of governance Abstract: This article discusses the attempt undertaken by several development aid agencies since the turn of the century to integrate political economy assessments into their decision making on development assistance. The article discusses three such attempts: the Drivers of Change adopted by the UK's Department for International Development, the Strategic Governance and Corruption Analysis (sgaca) developed by the Dutch Directorate General for International Cooperation and the new thinking on political economy analysis, policy reform and political risk advanced by the World Bank. On the basis of a political-economic interpretation of development agencies, two main factors are found to hinder the successful application of political economy assessment. In the first place, the agencies' professional outlook leads them to see development in primarily technical terms. In the second place, the nature of incentives for development professionals leads them to resist the implementation of political economy analyses. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 405-422 Issue: 3 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657474 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657474 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:3:p:405-422 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Robert Fletcher Author-X-Name-First: Robert Author-X-Name-Last: Fletcher Title: The Art of Forgetting: imperialist amnesia and public secrecy Abstract: This article explores the implications of a phenomenon that, following Renato Rosaldo's influential discussion of ‘imperialist nostalgia’, I call ‘imperialist amnesia’: the fetishistic disavowal of the legacy of European colonisation within contemporary postcolonial societies. I describe the manifestation of this amnesia in discourses as diverse as academic scholarship, international development and travel writing. Observing the recurrence of imperialist amnesia in the face of persistent attempts to historicise postcoloniality, I propose that the disavowal of colonialism functions as what Michael Taussig calls a ‘public secret’—something commonly known but not generally acknowledged—helping to efface the grim realities of the colonial enterprise. Public secrecy by its nature defies most attempts at disclosure; hence efforts to publicise colonialism's contemporary influences may paradoxically reinforce their obfuscation by perpetuating the very imperialist amnesia they seek to dispel. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 423-439 Issue: 3 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657476 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657476 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:3:p:423-439 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hakeem Yusuf Author-X-Name-First: Hakeem Author-X-Name-Last: Yusuf Title: ‘High Value’ Migration and Complicity in Underdevelopment and Corruption in the Global South: receiving from the attic Abstract: Through a focus on the UK's ‘High Value Migrants’ programme, this article directs attention to how commercial migration laws and policies of developed countries could negatively affect the global South. Drawing mainly on insights from criminology and development studies, it investigates how the commercial migration laws and policies, specifically the aspects that deal with encouraging or attracting ‘high-value’ foreign entrepreneurs and investors, make the state potentially complicit in corruption and underdevelopment in the global South. There is an important need to address the implicated migration laws and policies as a critical and integral part of international efforts to combat corruption and promote peace and development in the global South. Reform of such laws and policies is in the long-term interest of all stakeholders. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 441-457 Issue: 3 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657479 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657479 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:3:p:441-457 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Matthew Watson Author-X-Name-First: Matthew Author-X-Name-Last: Watson Title: Friedrich List's Adam Smith Historiography and the Contested Origins of Development Theory Abstract: Friedrich List's National System of Political Economy continues to be positively received in ipe, where it is treated as a seminal text in development theory. Only a handful of ipe scholars have questioned the specific history of economic ideas through which List asserted the distinctiveness of his own position. They do so by showing that he deliberately put words into the mouths of his classical political economy predecessors to provide himself with something to argue against. His alleged authority on development issues rests in particular on purposefully caricaturing the arguments of Adam Smith. I use this article to suggest a plausible reconstruction of the route to List's Smith, one which recognises the possible intermediary influence of the early Dugald Stewart, John Ramsay McCulloch, the Earl of Lauderdale and Georg Sartorius. By following this complex trail to List's rather eccentric Smith historiography, it becomes possible to break down one of the most important oppositions in ipe pedagogy: that between List's National System and Smith's Wealth of Nations. It also becomes necessary to engage more circumspectly with List's history of economic ideas when searching for the origins of contemporary critically minded development theory. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 459-474 Issue: 3 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657482 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657482 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:3:p:459-474 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marouf Hasian Author-X-Name-First: Marouf Author-X-Name-Last: Hasian Title: Colonial Amnesias, Photographic Memories, and Demographic Biopolitics at the Royal Museum for Central Africa (RMCA) Abstract: This article provides readers with a biopolitical critique of the recent debates that have swirled around the renovations at the Royal Museum for Central Africa (rmca) and the ‘Memory of Congo’ exhibits. The author argues that the rmca has become a contested site of memory, where some older photographs that were once used in Congo Reform Movements have been reappropriated in (post)colonial disputes about the epistemic and demographic features of what Adam Hochschild has called the forgotten Congolese ‘holocaust’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 475-493 Issue: 3 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657485 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657485 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:3:p:475-493 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen Hurt Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Hurt Title: The EU–SADC Economic Partnership Agreement Negotiations: ‘locking in’ the neoliberal development model in southern Africa? Abstract: This article focuses on the negotiation of Economic Partnership Agreements (epas) which form the central focus of the commitments made in the Cotonou Agreement, signed in 2000 by the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (acp) states. epas are part of a much wider trend witnessed since the creation of the World Trade Organization (wto), characterised by the proliferation of bilateral free trade agreements. The article argues that both the material and ideational interests of the EU need to be considered alongside the historical context of EU–acp relations. The EU is making a concerted effort to ‘lock in’ neoliberalism across the seven different sub-regions of the acp group by negotiating epas that include both reciprocal trade liberalisation and various ‘trade-related’ issues. In this way epas will go beyond the requirements for wto compatibility, resulting in a reduction of the policy space for acp states to pursue alternative development strategies. The article then considers the potential developmental impact of epas with reference to the negotiations with seven of the 15 member states of the Southern African Development Community (sadc). It is argued that the EU is promoting ‘open regionalism’, which poses a threat to the coherence of the regional project in southern Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 495-510 Issue: 3 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657486 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657486 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:3:p:495-510 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Seda Demiralp Author-X-Name-First: Seda Author-X-Name-Last: Demiralp Title: White Turks, Black Turks? Faultlines beyond Islamism versus secularism Abstract: According to popular views, contemporary Turkish politics is defined by the ideological conflict between Islamist and secularist parties. However, the focus on the Islamism versus secularism dichotomy, a common bias in the studies of Muslim countries, disguises a deeper faultline between the old urban elites and the newly rising provincial actors. This article highlights the need to see beyond the ‘Islamism–secularism’ divide and to consider the complex relations of power between alienated social groups in Turkey. It analyses the intricate and multi-layered forms of ‘othering’ in the urban secularist discourse, which perpetuates the inequalities and contention in society. Instead of taking the ‘Islamism–secularism’ divide as given, the article analyses the construction of secularist and Islamic identities and considers how this dichotomous discourse has empowered the urban parties to control the provincial. Finally, implications for the reconciliation of antagonised social groups are presented. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 511-524 Issue: 3 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657487 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657487 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:3:p:511-524 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Guy Burton Author-X-Name-First: Guy Author-X-Name-Last: Burton Title: Hamas and its Vision of Development Abstract: This article accounts for the conceptualisation of development by the Palestinian Islamist party, Hamas. It concludes that Hamas's position on development can be seen in either two ways: 1) as broadly similar to mainstream neoliberal development; or 2) as significantly different and an alternative type of development. Which view taken depends on whether an Orientalist or non-Orientalist approach to understanding development is employed (with Orientalism linking development, modernity and progress with the West and denying it to the non-West). While an Orientalist view assumes that development only occurs within narrow parameters, obliging the non-West to ‘catch up’, a non-Orientalist approach would study Islam on its own terms—and therefore see Hamas's approach to development as an alternative to mainstream thinking. To account for this, the article studies the basis of knowledge in Orientalism and Islamic thought alongside Hamas's rise from its foundation in 1987 to its control of Gaza in mid-2007. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 525-540 Issue: 3 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657491 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657491 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:3:p:525-540 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Laurence Cooley Author-X-Name-First: Laurence Author-X-Name-Last: Cooley Author-Name: Michelle Pace Author-X-Name-First: Michelle Author-X-Name-Last: Pace Title: Consociation in a Constant State of Contingency? The case of the Palestinian Territory Abstract: It has become common to regard consociational democracy as a method of managing conflict in ethnically divided societies but little attention has been paid to its applicability to societies where the primary political cleavage is between secular and religious forces. This article seeks to redress this imbalance by examining the applicability of consociationalism to the case of the Palestinian Territory. We argue that, while Palestinian society is characterised by ‘pillarisation’ along a secularist/Islamist cleavage, formal power-sharing between the representatives of the two main Palestinian factions, namely Fatah and Hamas, has proved elusive. However, rather than seeking to explain the seeming inability of the factions to share power by reference to the nature of the cleavage, as other authors have done, we instead highlight the contextual factors that have made power sharing difficult to achieve, namely the difficulties Hamas and Fatah face in accepting each other as political partners, and opposition from external actors. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 541-558 Issue: 3 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657492 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657492 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:3:p:541-558 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marcin Solarz Author-X-Name-First: Marcin Author-X-Name-Last: Solarz Title: North–South, Commemorating the First Brandt Report: searching for the contemporary spatial picture of the global rift Abstract: The main purpose of this article is to conduct a concise critical analysis of the division of the world into highly developed countries (the rich North) and underdeveloped countries (the poor South) at the beginning of the 21st century. The criteria used at the end of the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries to define the boundary between the highly developed and the underdeveloped world, while valid in the past, are no longer applicable. The new criterion for this boundary is quality of life, which combines the socioeconomic element (constituted by such factors as consumption, level of health care and education) and the political (which is reflected in the degree to which political rights and civil liberties are observed). Therefore, the dividing line between the rich North and the poor South at the beginning of the 21st century differs from the well-known Brandt line. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 559-569 Issue: 3 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657493 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657493 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:3:p:559-569 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Guy Laron Author-X-Name-First: Guy Author-X-Name-Last: Laron Title: Semi-peripheral countries and the invention of the ‘Third World’, 1955–65 Abstract: Revisiting the events leading to the collapse of Third World summitry in 1965, this article proposes that the rise and fall of Third World unity efforts in the years 1955–65 originated from the unsuccessful attempt by industrialised Afro-Asian (aa) countries to turn unindustrialised aa states into their export markets. As a case study, this article explores Egypt’s economic foreign policy towards other aa countries and its activity within the aa and the Non-aligned movements, and compares Egyptian strategy in this field with that of China and Ghana. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1547-1565 Issue: 9 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.970859 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.970859 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:9:p:1547-1565 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Florian Rabitz Author-X-Name-First: Florian Author-X-Name-Last: Rabitz Title: Explaining institutional change in international patent politics Abstract: This article seeks to explain institutional change in international patent politics since the conclusion of the 1995 Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (trips). I argue that the distribution of interests in this issue area adheres to a sharp North–South distinction, and that the pursuit of largely incompatible and conflicting patent agendas by industrialised and developing countries, respectively, has led to the gradual emergence of an international patent regime complex. Focusing on trips-plus measures under various Free Trade Agreements, patent enforcement clubs and a range of UN organisations which have recently gained relevance for international patent politics, I show how the distribution of interests in this area has led to the development of two parallel and partially inconsistent international governance structures. I conclude that the distribution of interests explains the propensity of regime complexes towards stability and change, with institutional change being particularly pronounced when overlapping interests among revisionist actors enhance the prospects of collective action. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1582-1597 Issue: 9 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.970860 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.970860 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:9:p:1582-1597 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ted Svensson Author-X-Name-First: Ted Author-X-Name-Last: Svensson Title: Humanising the subaltern: unbounded caste and the limits of a rights regime Abstract: This article critically explores the implications of the recent turn to transnational efforts in activism that seeks to counter caste-based discrimination. In particular, it analyses the consequences of mobilising a concept of caste that is sufficiently expansive to accommodate occupation- and descent-based discrimination globally, and which primarily frames caste in terms of human rights. To what extent is it possible to maintain a nuanced conceptualising of caste and of what it means to occupy the margins of the caste system, if efforts to influence the workings of global governance institutions divest caste of its regional and local distinctiveness? The article demonstrates how, even though Dalit (‘untouchable’) activists have been successful in bringing attention to caste as a global concern, present endeavours, on the one hand, reinforce the marginalised identity that they seek to overcome and, on the other, fail to recognise the diversity and situated-ness of the Dalit experience. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1691-1708 Issue: 9 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.970861 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.970861 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:9:p:1691-1708 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter van Dam Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: van Dam Author-Name: Wouter van Dis Author-X-Name-First: Wouter Author-X-Name-Last: van Dis Title: Beyond the merchant and the clergyman: assessing moral claims about development cooperation Abstract: This article proposes to move beyond the categories of altruism and self-interest in the analyses of the motives for development cooperation. This opposition ignores the inherently moral nature of development policy. The article illustrates the shortcomings of such a perspective by tracing the metaphor of the merchant and the clergyman as archetypical figures shaping Dutch development policy. Through these images the suggestion of an opposition between moral and amoral motives in the history of development has gained a strong foothold within the interplay of scholars, policy makers and public opinion. We go on to assess claims about economy, security, solidarity, prestige and guilt, and ecology, which have been brought forward to legitimise Dutch foreign aid. This analysis calls for research on the dynamics of the transnational exchanges of ideas, interests and expectations, especially during episodes when the moral validity of policy has been explicitly contested. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1636-1655 Issue: 9 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.970863 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.970863 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:9:p:1636-1655 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sukanya Podder Author-X-Name-First: Sukanya Author-X-Name-Last: Podder Title: State building and the non-state: debating key dilemmas Abstract: This article unpacks the relationship between state building and the non-state. While accepting both the positive and corrosive characteristics of non-state actors and informal practices of governance, it attempts to (1) advance an argument in favour of mainstreaming ‘non-state’ forms that are positive and useful for state building; and (2) highlight the tensions between the practice of state building and the reality of the non-state. In thinking beyond the state and non-state dichotomy, the article seeks to identify factors that are necessary if state-building programmes are to work in complex environments. Drawing on received wisdom from recent experiences, this conceptual study focuses on important contextual, local, political and legitimacy issues to highlight prominent dilemmas. The conclusion suggests four policy-relevant lessons that reinforce the argument in favour of mainstreaming the non-state agenda into the critical thinking about security and development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1615-1635 Issue: 9 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.970864 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.970864 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:9:p:1615-1635 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Munro Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Munro Title: US foreign policy, intersectional totality and the structure of empire Abstract: Debates about US empire have subsided somewhat in the aftermath of the George W Bush presidency but the issues underlying such debates have not gone away. In arguing that the history of the United States is an imperial one, this article proposes that US empire is the expression of an intersectional totality, one shaped by various vectors of power but reducible to none. To make this case, the article presents a sketch of US imperial history in order to show how this intersectional totality has evolved over time. Such an exercise can give useful context to the foreign policy initiatives of the Barack Obama administration, one that differs from that of its immediate predecessor but is not outside the structure of imperial history’s longer duration. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1566-1581 Issue: 9 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.970865 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.970865 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:9:p:1566-1581 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Caroline Lancaster Author-X-Name-First: Caroline Author-X-Name-Last: Lancaster Title: The iron law of Erdogan: the decay from intra-party democracy to personalistic rule Abstract: Michels’ ‘iron law of oligarchy’ suggests that oligarchic party rule is inevitable, yet many parties have shown a strong commitment to intra-party democracy. However, Turkey’s akp is a typified case of Michels’ law, displaying an explicit commitment to intra-party democracy, only to later abandon it. I ask what factors have facilitated this transformation. Why does the iron law of oligarchy display itself in some parties but not in others? I argue that intra-party democracy owes its existence to three indicators – inclusiveness, decentralisation and institutionalisation. Conversely, it should be observed that a party shifting from democratic to oligarchic or personalistic intra-party rule will display decreasing levels of these three indicators in terms of policy formation and candidate selection. By tracing akp’s internal party operations since its founding in 2001, I demonstrate a gradual deterioration in these indicators, reflecting a gradual deterioration of democracy within the party to oligarchy and then to personalism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1672-1690 Issue: 9 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.970866 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.970866 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:9:p:1672-1690 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen Chan Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Chan Title: Can there be mercy without the merciful? A meditation on Martha Nussbaum’s questions Abstract: Martha Nussbaum raised profound concerns about aid as being conceived out of the self-directed charity of donors and not the expressed concerns of those being aided. Even when the recipients of aid seek to express their concerns, their capabilities may not recognise their own conditions and desirable remedies. This paper agrees that Nussbaum’s questions are profound, but argues that even they do not go far enough. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1728-1747 Issue: 9 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.970868 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.970868 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:9:p:1728-1747 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Arne Ruckert Author-X-Name-First: Arne Author-X-Name-Last: Ruckert Author-Name: Ronald Labonté Author-X-Name-First: Ronald Author-X-Name-Last: Labonté Title: Public–private partnerships (s) in global health: the good, the bad and the ugly Abstract: Global Health Partnerships (ghps) have become ubiquitous within global health governance (ghg). Even before the onset of the global financial crisis public–private partnerships (ppps) were an omnipresent policy tool in global health and in the current austerity climate ppps have been heralded as an effective way to address a growing resource gap in ghg. Despite their omnipresence, ghps have not received adequate attention from critical scholars; few efforts have been made conceptually and theoretically to grasp how ppps are transforming the logic of ghg. We argue that ghps have contributed to the emergence of a complex global health governance architecture in which private solutions (market mechanism) are generally privileged over public approaches. Drawing on Gramscian conceptualisations of public/private, we suggest that the reshaping of the private and public realm inherent to ppps represents a further deepening of the neoliberal management of individuals and populations, allowing private interest to become more embedded within the public sphere and to influence global and national health policy making. This undermines the attempt to improve global health results as the inequitable distribution of social determinants of health, especially poverty and social exclusion, remain the main barriers to achieving health for all. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1598-1614 Issue: 9 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.970870 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.970870 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:9:p:1598-1614 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sedef Arat-Koç Author-X-Name-First: Sedef Author-X-Name-Last: Arat-Koç Title: Dance of Orientalisms and waves of catastrophes: culturalism and pragmatism in imperial approaches to Islam and the Middle East Abstract: This article focuses on a seeming contradiction between ‘Islamophobic’ and ‘Islamophilic’ approaches in contemporary Western policies and discourses on the Middle East. While Islamophobia continues to shape some domestic policies of Western states and provide ideological justification for the wars they wage abroad, ‘Islamophilic’ tendencies in foreign policy have also emerged, especially in responses to the ‘Arab Spring’. Not clearly noted in Western public discourse, this represents a historical continuation of Western support for Islamism common during the Cold War, but is also a shift from the Islamophobic discourse of the post-cold war period, especially since 9/11. While Islamophobic and Islamophilic discourses may appear to be opposites, the paper argues that they represent two sides of the Orientalist logic, continuing to reduce understanding of Middle Eastern societies and politics to a culturalist dimension. Unlike traditional Orientalism, they treat Middle Eastern people as political subjects, but approach them as defined by their culture and religion. They define ‘moderate’ Islamism as the typical (and preferred) politics of the people of the region. Focusing on specific recent developments, the paper suggests that, rather than paving the way to more peaceful relations with the region or to internal peace and stability there, the Islamophilic shift in Western policy may rather lead to new waves of catastrophes by further destabilising and fragmenting the region, threatening to evoke new waves of Islamophobia in the West. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1656-1671 Issue: 9 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.971563 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.971563 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:9:p:1656-1671 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tania Salerno Author-X-Name-First: Tania Author-X-Name-Last: Salerno Title: Capitalising on the financialisation of agriculture: Cargill’s land investment techniques in the Philippines Abstract: This paper has two objectives. First, it aims to analyse how transnational agricultural traders are positioning themselves in, and capitalising on, the financialisation of agriculture. Second, it seeks to position land investments in this process. This is done by situating Cargill – one of the largest agricultural trading companies in the world – into the transformation of agriculture in the world economy and by assessing its strategies of adaption through private equity-driven land investment in the Philippines. The article notes, following Burch and Lawrence, that the transforming position of agriculture is created by reshaping relationships in the agri-food supply chain and is based on the logic of finance capital. An example of this process from the Philippines is provided, where Cargill’s private equity arm – Black River Asset Management– is investing in land through equity acquisitions of a Philippine company, Agrinurture, in a manner that allows the company to adapt to national and local dynamics. The evolving and deepening connection between finance and agriculture is presented first, followed by a discussion of how Cargill fits into this transition in the Philippine context. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1709-1727 Issue: 9 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.971567 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.971567 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:9:p:1709-1727 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ronaldo Munck Author-X-Name-First: Ronaldo Author-X-Name-Last: Munck Title: Globalisation, Governance and Migration: an introduction Abstract: Migration exposes a central inconsistency in neoliberal globalisation because, if capital, money, information and knowledge should all flow freely across the globe, then why not people? This broad introductory survey begins with a critical review of perspectives that pose migration as a global governance problem and the migrant as a potential terrorist. It then moves on to interrogate the sometimes facile declarations that we are living in the age of migration without setting this in either historical or geographical context. It explores the gender, race and class dimensions of migration, which is in reality a far from homogenous flow. Then, after opening up the migration/development problematic to move it beyond a zero-sum game, it ends with a review of the limitations of the dominant migration management paradigm. It advocates throughout a Southern perspective on migration in contrast to the Northern bias of the dominant discourses. This is a necessary step, I would argue, for moving towards a holistic critical analysis of migration on a global scale. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1227-1246 Issue: 7 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802386252 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802386252 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:7:p:1227-1246 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Piyasiri Wickramasekara Author-X-Name-First: Piyasiri Author-X-Name-Last: Wickramasekara Title: Globalisation, International Labour Migration and the Rights of Migrant Workers Abstract: The aim of the paper is to highlight the gaps between policy and practice in the current discourse on international migration and its links with development. It contends that a major cause of the limited development impact of migration is the ‘closed door policy’ of major destination countries on the admission of low-skilled migrant workers from developing countries. The paper addresses the weak foundations and major consequences of this policy: the denial of labour demand, channelling a large part of flows to irregular migration, consequent exploitation and violation of rights of migrant workers, and accelerated brain drain from developing countries. While there is increasing emphasis on temporary migration policies and programmes for low skilled labour, achievements on the ground have been quite limited. The movement towards a global migration regime which can address current pressing issues has also not progressed beyond broad consultative forums. There is an imperative need for fresh approaches and bold initiatives to promote international labour mobility for the welfare of the global community. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1247-1264 Issue: 7 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802386278 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802386278 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:7:p:1247-1264 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pauline Gardiner Barber Author-X-Name-First: Pauline Author-X-Name-Last: Gardiner Barber Title: The Ideal Immigrant? Gendered class subjects in Philippine–Canada migration Abstract: Drawing upon transnational multi-sited research analysing sending and receiving aspects of migration flows and the shifting priorities of neoliberal citizenship regimes, this article highlights the class complexity of Philippine gendered migration pathways to Canada. Migrant agency and class complexity are linked to neoliberal immigration and labour export policies that privilege the acquisition of capital serving the interests of sending and receiving countries. Sometimes this benefits elite migrants but it also exacerbates gendered class cleavages between migrants and within Philippine society. The histories of Philippine internal and overseas migration have contributed to a culture of migration whereby Filipinos exhibit flexibility to draw advantage from subtle shifts in Canadian immigration policy. The paper concludes that Filipinos may well represent the ideal immigrant but there are personal, social, and political consequences for migrants and the nation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1265-1285 Issue: 7 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802386385 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802386385 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:7:p:1265-1285 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nicola Piper Author-X-Name-First: Nicola Author-X-Name-Last: Piper Title: Feminisation of Migration and the Social Dimensions of Development: the Asian case Abstract: This paper offers a first attempt at discussing the linkages between migration and development in reference to the feminisation of intra-regional migratory flows in Asia. It begins with a summary of the current debate on the ‘migration and development nexus’ with two objectives in mind: 1) to assess this debate's relevance to intra-regional migration in Asia; and 2) to redirect attention to the social dimension of feminised migrations and its relationship to development. In doing so, the focus is on the individual and family level to discuss the impact of migration on personal development as well as on interpersonal relations. What follows thereafter is a brief summary of the character and context of feminised migration in Asia, by approaching this issue from an intra-regional (that is migratory moves of Asians within Asia) perspective. The final section links the previous discussion to the issue of rights. The article concludes that the conceptual and normative linkages between women's social and economic rights as they relate to migration need further exploration, eg by way of specific case studies or ethnographic research. This is needed for relevant policy reform and implementation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1287-1303 Issue: 7 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802386427 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802386427 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:7:p:1287-1303 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hein de Haas Author-X-Name-First: Hein Author-X-Name-Last: de Haas Title: The Myth of Invasion: the inconvenient realities of African migration to Europe Abstract: African migration to Europe is commonly seen as a tidal wave of desperate people fleeing poverty and warfare at home trying to enter the elusive European el Dorado. Typical ‘solutions’ proposed by politicians include increasing border controls or boosting African ‘stay-at-home’ development. However, such apocalyptic views are based on fundamentally flawed assumptions about the (limited) magnitude, historicity, nature and causes of this migration. Dominant discourses obscure the fact that African migration to Europe and Libya is fuelled by a structural demand for cheap migrant labour in informal sectors. This explains why restrictive immigration policies have invariably failed to stop migration and have had various perverse effects. African development is also unlikely to curb migration as it will enable and inspire more people to migrate. Despite lip service being paid to ‘combating illegal migration’ for political and diplomatic reasons, neither European nor African states have much genuine interest in stopping migration. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1305-1322 Issue: 7 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802386435 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802386435 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:7:p:1305-1322 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nicos Trimikliniotis Author-X-Name-First: Nicos Author-X-Name-Last: Trimikliniotis Author-Name: Steven Gordon Author-X-Name-First: Steven Author-X-Name-Last: Gordon Author-Name: Brian Zondo Author-X-Name-First: Brian Author-X-Name-Last: Zondo Title: Globalisation and Migrant Labour in a ‘Rainbow Nation': a fortress South Africa? Abstract: Outside southern Africa little attention has been given to the lively debates, particularly within South Africa, about migration, economic integration, racism/xenophobia and exclusion. After the collapse of apartheid the Southern African Development Community (sadc) developed initiatives on regional co-operation on population movement in a far-reaching 1995 Draft Protocol on Free Movement. However, the post-apartheid South African state was concerned solely with free trade and, with the support of other regional players, managed to halt the Protocol. The processes of neoliberal regional integration, socioeconomic transformations, poverty and inequality, as well as the political turmoil in countries of the sub-Saharan region, have resulted in growth of migration to South Africa. The post-apartheid regime has made full use of the ancien regime's authoritarian legal migration instruments, while migrant workers from neighbouring countries, many undocumented, are exploited by employers, repressed by the police and immigration authorities and treated with suspicion. This paper focuses on the processes of localised and globalised racialisation of migrant workers in South Africa, which have allowed it to treat the question of free movement, migration and integration more or less in the image of Europe. The ‘rainbow nation’ seems to be racialising and excluding the ‘xenos’ based on the apartheid legacy's treatment of migrant black labour. Moreover, the myth of the ‘weak state’ serves to cover up the power of capital, which is benefiting from the drive to informalisation and the irregular/undeclared work of undocumented workers. Trade unions have failed to organise migrant workers, initially reacting defensively, but now increasingly recognising that migrant workers must be incorporated in the movement and their rights defended for the benefit of all workers. If trade unions look at the European and US experience they will find similar dilemmas but also strategies for incorporation in the unions. Finally the paper looks at future challenges beyond racialisation and xenophobia. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1323-1339 Issue: 7 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802386476 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802386476 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:7:p:1323-1339 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Oliver Bakewell Author-X-Name-First: Oliver Author-X-Name-Last: Bakewell Title: ‘Keeping Them in Their Place’: the ambivalent relationship between development and migration in Africa Abstract: While there has been an explosion of academic and practitioner interest in the relationship between migration and development in the past decade, this article poses the neglected question of what is meant by development in this literature. It focuses on the ideas of development underpinning development interventions across Africa and shows how they have sedentary roots which are focused on the control of mobility and tend to cast migration as a symptom of development failure. This can be seen in the ongoing ambivalence of many development actors towards migration across Africa. The article argues that the current initiatives to link migration and development will remain fundamentally flawed until the concept of development is reconceptualised for a mobile world. In particular, it calls for the reconsideration of the ideas of the good life envisaged in development initiatives, moving beyond models of development based on the nation-state and abandoning the paternalist paradigms that fail to recognise the agency of migrants from poor countries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1341-1358 Issue: 7 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802386492 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802386492 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:7:p:1341-1358 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Raúl Delgado Wise Author-X-Name-First: Raúl Author-X-Name-Last: Delgado Wise Author-Name: Humberto Covarrubias Author-X-Name-First: Humberto Author-X-Name-Last: Covarrubias Title: Capitalist Restructuring, Development and Labour Migration: the Mexico–US case Abstract: The current dynamics of South to North migration flows can be explained by the nature of the ongoing process of capitalist restructuring, but in order to examine these issues we must approach them from the perspective of critical development studies. Mexican migration to the USA is paradigmatic of the regressive consequences of neoliberal structural adjustment policies and processes of regional integration based on access to cheap labour. From the lens of the political economy of development the dialectical relationship between development and migration can be analysed through three major movements: the dismantling and rearticulation of the productive apparatus, the creation of vast amounts of surplus population, well beyond the conventional formulation of the reserve army of the unemployed and the acceleration of migration flows. An examination of these issues leads us to conclude the following four facts: capitalist restructuring results in forced migration; immigrants contribute to capital accumulation in labour-receiving countries; migrants help sustain the fragile socioeconomic stability of the migrants' country of origin and, if used as a tool of social transformation, development can curtail forced migration. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1359-1374 Issue: 7 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802386542 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802386542 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:7:p:1359-1374 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marianne Marchand Author-X-Name-First: Marianne Author-X-Name-Last: Marchand Title: The Violence of Development and the Migration/Insecurities Nexus: labour migration in a North American context Abstract: This article sets out to challenge the dominant perspective on the nexus between migration and security. In particular since the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001 the discourse on migrants has been increasingly ‘securitised’. Migrants are seen as potential terrorists and thus constitute a security risk for the state. Taking the vantage point of migrants the present article introduces another nexus: the migration–insecurities nexus. It argues that migration as a social process is embedded in violence and insecurities. To start, the mal- or underdevelopment in sending regions has caused many people to migrate—in other words, migration is in part a consequence of the ‘violence of development’. However, the insecurities related to the migratory process do not end with the initial moment of departure—they extend to the entire migratory experience, ranging from crossing borders to being subjected to abuse and discrimination at the workplace and the risk of being deported. Additionally, family members and communities of origin are not exempt from being exposed to multiple insecurities. In sum, the article presents a different take on migration as a potential security risk, using Mexican migration to the USA as example. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1375-1388 Issue: 7 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802386575 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802386575 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:7:p:1375-1388 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rahel Kunz Author-X-Name-First: Rahel Author-X-Name-Last: Kunz Title: ‘Remittances are Beautiful’? Gender implications of the new global remittances trend Abstract: This article traces the emergence of a new trend within the international community—the global remittance trend (GRT)—and undertakes a critical gender analysis of the mainstream framing within it. The GRT refers to the heightened interest of different actors—such as governments, international organisations, non-governmental organisations and private sector actors—in the development potential of international migration and remittances, and in the strategies designed to harness this potential. The main argument advanced is that in the debate about the framing of the GRT gender dimensions have been largely absent and the mainstream framing is generally gender-blind. At the same time, however, it is infused with gendered representations and stereotypes, which have concrete gender-specific implications in terms of policy making. Illustrated with an example from rural Mexico, the paper demonstrates how policies based on such representations lead to complex and seemingly contradictory processes of gender exclusion and inclusion within the GRT, and may have adverse gender implications. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1389-1409 Issue: 7 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802386617 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802386617 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:7:p:1389-1409 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marieke van Houte Author-X-Name-First: Marieke Author-X-Name-Last: van Houte Author-Name: Tine Davids Author-X-Name-First: Tine Author-X-Name-Last: Davids Title: Development and Return Migration: from policy panacea to migrant perspective sustainability Abstract: This article focuses on the assumed relation between return migration, sustainability and development, in particular the role of NGO assistance and government policy herein. It is argued that a different approach to the relation between migration and development is needed both theoretically and policywise. Theoretically the need for a transnational approach based on the everyday epistemologies of refugees and their need for a sense of belonging is highlighted. Building on this, the article emphasises the importance of defining sustainability of return through the use of the concept of mixed embeddedness, and the different factors that influence this embeddedness. Policywise the current convenient application of the Siamese twins, Migration and Development, to involuntarily return is strongly criticised. In doing so the inconsistencies in governmental policy are emphasised. Lastly, the article calls for a more cautious way of linking migration and development, both by NGOs and governments. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1411-1429 Issue: 7 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802386658 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802386658 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:7:p:1411-1429 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ben Rogaly Author-X-Name-First: Ben Author-X-Name-Last: Rogaly Title: Migrant Workers in the 's Report: a critical appraisal Abstract: Temporary migration for agricultural work has long historical provenance globally, and has increased in the most recent period of globalisation. In this paper, using examples based on my own research on both cross-border (to the UK) and internal (within India) migration by workers for temporary agricultural jobs, I raise questions about how such movements, and the labour relations with which they are associated, have been represented in global and regional analyses. The discussion is set within a summary of recent debates over the usefulness of the concept of geographical scale. I use as a case study the ILO's 2005 report, Global Alliance Against Forced Labour, which makes a clear association between temporary migrant work in agriculture and forced labour in rural Asia. I argue that the representations of forced labour that emerge from the report risk, first, painting temporary migrants as victims, rather than as knowledgeable agents, and, second, residualising unfree labour relations, rather than shedding light on their connections to context-specific and contingent forms of capitalism and capital–state relations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1431-1447 Issue: 7 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802386674 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802386674 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:7:p:1431-1447 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Martin Baldwin-Edwards Author-X-Name-First: Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Baldwin-Edwards Title: Towards a Theory of Illegal Migration: historical and structural components Abstract: Illegal migration— also known as clandestine, undocumented or irregular migration—appears frequently in contemporary popular and political discourses; yet there is relatively little theoretical literature on the phenomenon. Nearly all academic and other discussions of the topic take as axiomatic that illegal migration is a ‘problem’, without pausing to question its rapid rise to prominence and the underlying issues that may be involved. It is the aim of this paper to search a little deeper into the historical and structural factors germane to the phenomenon: little attention will be paid to detailed empirical matters, since such information is available elsewhere. I start with some definitional issues then, taking an overview of the history of migration controls, I proceed to a discussion of the complex structural factors that have contributed to the emergence of illegal migration as a putative ‘crisis’ in the developed world. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1449-1459 Issue: 7 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802386690 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802386690 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:7:p:1449-1459 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gerard Boucher Author-X-Name-First: Gerard Author-X-Name-Last: Boucher Title: A Critique of Global Policy Discourses on Managing International Migration Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1461-1471 Issue: 7 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802386757 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802386757 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:7:p:1461-1471 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Notes on Contributors Journal: Pages: 1223-1226 Issue: 7 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802485294 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802485294 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:7:p:1223-1226 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adam Moe Fejerskov Author-X-Name-First: Adam Author-X-Name-Last: Moe Fejerskov Title: Understanding the nature of change: how institutional perspectives can inform contemporary studies of development cooperation Abstract: This article argues that core lines of sociological institutionalist thought provide a set of valuable conceptual and theoretical vocabularies for exploring and explaining contemporary concerns of development cooperation. It identifies four broad categories of issues of central attention in the current study of development cooperation, and couples these with four avenues of sociological institutional research that may provide us with theoretical and conceptual frameworks for further empirically exploring and theoretically extrapolating these. Increasing attention to these theoretical concerns not only helps us progress the study of development cooperation, it may also allow us to inform contemporary institutional thinking. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2176-2191 Issue: 12 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1159128 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1159128 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:12:p:2176-2191 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Katja Freistein Author-X-Name-First: Katja Author-X-Name-Last: Freistein Author-Name: Bettina Mahlert Author-X-Name-First: Bettina Author-X-Name-Last: Mahlert Title: The potential for tackling inequality in the Sustainable Development Goals Abstract: The recently passed Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) encompass a variety of explicit and implicit goals that address inequality. Although formulations remain vague and targets abstract, the SDGs go much further than previous development goals in addressing inequality as a central issue. Against the background of insights from inequality research, the article assesses their potential to become discursive resources for fundamental reforms of established development ideas. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2139-2155 Issue: 12 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1166945 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1166945 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:12:p:2139-2155 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lata Narayanaswamy Author-X-Name-First: Lata Author-X-Name-Last: Narayanaswamy Title: Whose feminism counts? Gender(ed) knowledge and professionalisation in development Abstract: Gender and development (GAD) has become a transnational discourse and has, as a result, generated its own elite elements. This elitism has tended to be attributed to a Northern hegemony in how feminism has been articulated and then subsequently professionalised and bureaucratised. What has received less attention, and what this paper highlights empirically, is how Southern-based feminisms might themselves be sites of discursive exclusion. The paper interrogates these concerns through an analysis of how professionalisation is evidenced in feminist engagement among civil society organisations working on gender in New Delhi. The analysis suggests that efforts to create spaces for subaltern voices are constrained not only by the disciplining effects of neoliberal frameworks but also – and in tandem – by Southern elite feminist priorities. The implications of these findings are significant: processes of professionalisation and the elitism they engender may have the effect of potentially precluding the engagement of those people on the margins whose voices are so sought after as part of efforts to facilitate inclusive development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2156-2175 Issue: 12 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1173511 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1173511 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:12:p:2156-2175 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Catherine Gegout Author-X-Name-First: Catherine Author-X-Name-Last: Gegout Title: Unethical power Europe? Something fishy about EU trade and development policies Abstract: This article analyses the impact of European Union (EU) policies in the field of fisheries on development in Africa. It contests the premise that the EU promotes local economies, and argues that it often contributes to depleting fish stocks, distorting African economic policies and harming fishers’ communities. In so doing, the EU is violating its basic duty to avoid harm to other states. However, it is now committed to sustainable development. This article offers suggestions on policies which would enable the EU to take on both its negative and positive duties. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2192-2210 Issue: 12 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1176855 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1176855 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:12:p:2192-2210 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tom Scott-Smith Author-X-Name-First: Tom Author-X-Name-Last: Scott-Smith Title: Humanitarian neophilia: the ‘innovation turn’ and its implications Abstract: This paper critically examines the ‘humanitarian innovation’ movement, arguing that it represents a departure from classical principles and the entry of a distinctive new ideology into the sector. Labelling this ‘humanitarian neophilia’, the paper argues that it has resonances of Barbrook and Cameron’s ‘Californian Ideology’, with its merging of New Left and New Right within the environs of Silicon Valley. Humanitarian neophilia, similarly, comes from a diverse ideological heritage, combining an optimistic faith in the possibilities of technology with a commitment to the power of markets. It both ‘understates the state’ and ‘overstates the object’, promoting a vision of self-reliant subjects rather than strong nation-states realising substantive socioeconomic rights. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2229-2251 Issue: 12 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1176856 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1176856 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:12:p:2229-2251 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Wisdom Oghosa Iyekekpolo Author-X-Name-First: Wisdom Oghosa Author-X-Name-Last: Iyekekpolo Title: Boko Haram: understanding the context Abstract: Boko Haram insurgency has caused the death and displacement of thousands of Nigerians. Its means of terror has evolved from the use of crude weapons to bombs, kidnappings and the use of children as suicide bombers. Its reach has expanded beyond Nigeria into neighbouring West African countries and it has pledged allegiance to Al-Qaida and Islamic State. To address this security concern, its cause should first be ascertained. This paper argues that to do this, Boko Haram should be located in northern Nigerian historical context/environment. This paper reviews economic greed and grievance, extreme religious ideology and political opportunity in historic insurgencies in northern Nigeria. It finds that while the interplay of different factors shaped these insurgencies; it was political opportunity that ignited their onsets. Finally, the article submits that as long as these factors remain the same, military quelling of Boko Haram will not prevent a re-emergence of its likes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2211-2228 Issue: 12 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1177453 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1177453 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:12:p:2211-2228 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: E. Fuat Keyman Author-X-Name-First: E. Author-X-Name-Last: Fuat Keyman Title: Turkish foreign policy in the post-Arab Spring era: from proactive to buffer state Abstract: Our globalising world is presently in a state of global turmoil. Risk, uncertainty, and insecurity are the terms that shape global/regional/national/local affairs and developments. The refugee crisis and the war against ISIL constitute the twin crises creating seismic impacts and consequences that in turn escalate risk and turmoil. Turkey is situated at the heart of these two crises, being very much affected by them and, therefore, perceived as a pivotal actor in the way in which the West is dealing with them. Yet, the West’s current instrumentalist and functionalist approach to Turkey as a buffer state designed to contain these two crises in the MENA does not offer an effective and sustainable solution to these crises, much less provide the stability and order that is direly needed in regional and global affairs. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2274-2287 Issue: 12 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1199260 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1199260 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:12:p:2274-2287 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bülent Aras Author-X-Name-First: Bülent Author-X-Name-Last: Aras Author-Name: Emirhan Yorulmazlar Author-X-Name-First: Emirhan Author-X-Name-Last: Yorulmazlar Title: State, region and order: geopolitics of the Arab Spring Abstract: State failure, sovereignty disputes, non-state territorial structures, and revolutionary and counter-revolutionary currents, among others, are intertwined within the Arab Spring process, compelling old and emerging regional actors to operate in the absence of a regional order. The emergent geopolitical picture introduces the poisonous mix of loss of state authority spiralling toward instability, defined by sectarianism, extremism, global rivalries, and ultimately irredentism within interdependent subregional formations. This assertion is substantiated by detailed and specific evidence from the shifting and multi-layered alliance formation practices of intra- and inter-state relations, and non-state and state actors. Analysis of the relations and alliances through a dichotomous flow from domestic to regional and regional to global also sheds light on prospective future order. A possible future order may take shape around a new imagination of the MENA, with porous delimitations in the form of emerging subregions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2259-2273 Issue: 12 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1205442 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1205442 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:12:p:2259-2273 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pınar Akpınar Author-X-Name-First: Pınar Author-X-Name-Last: Akpınar Title: The limits of mediation in the Arab Spring: the case of Syria Abstract: This article investigates the limits of mediation during the Arab Spring by focusing on the case of Syria. It examines international mediation attempts by states, non-governmental organisation, and regional and international organisations. Drawing largely on Bercovitch and Gartner’s framework of mediation outcomes, the study suggests that the directive strategy applied by Staffan de Mistura through the United Nations–Arab League joint effort has achieved the closest outcome towards a full settlement. Mediation in the Syrian crisis has been limited by disagreement among key actors, lack of commitment and of coordinated efforts, questions of representation and legitimacy, and lack of neutrality and of inclusiveness. Despite its limits, mediation has been able to achieve important gains such as the longest and broadest ceasefire, access to the majority of besieged areas, considerable de-escalation of violence, commitment among key actors towards a resolution, and resolution of incidents of hostage crises. Despite its limits, mediation is likely to play an important role vis-à-vis the Arab Spring. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2288-2303 Issue: 12 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1218273 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1218273 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:12:p:2288-2303 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Richard Falk Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Falk Title: Rethinking the Arab Spring: uprisings, counterrevolution, chaos and global reverberations Abstract: This article evaluates the aftermath of the Arab Spring through the dual optic of a regional phenomenon and a series of country narratives. These narratives are categorised by reference first to the secular states that found a path to stability after experiencing strong uprisings that drove rulers from power, second to the states in which the uprisings generated prolonged resistance and continuing acute instability, and third to the monarchies that neutralised the uprisings at their inception and restored stability. When other dimensions of conflict are taken into account, it seems likely that the Middle East will continue to experience chaos, intervention and counterrevolution for years to come, and possibly even a second cycle of uprisings directed at the evolving order. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2322-2334 Issue: 12 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1218757 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1218757 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:12:p:2322-2334 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bülent Aras Author-X-Name-First: Bülent Author-X-Name-Last: Aras Author-Name: Richard Falk Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Falk Title: Five years after the Arab Spring: a critical evaluation Abstract: A new political geography has emerged in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) after the Arab Spring. The transformative impact of the popular upheavals appeared to put an end to long-term authoritarian regimes. Today, the region is far from stable since authoritarian resilience violently pushed back popular demands for good governance and is pushing to restore former state structures. However, the collective consciousness of the popular revolts endures, and a transformative prospect may emerge on the horizon. The chaotic situation is the result of an ongoing struggle between those who seek change and transformation and others in favour of the status quo ante. A critical evaluation of the Arab Spring after five years indicates a continuous process of recalculation and recalibration of policies and strategies. There are alternative routes for an eventual settlement in the MENA region, which are in competition against both regional and transregional quests for a favourable order. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2252-2258 Issue: 12 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1224087 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1224087 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:12:p:2252-2258 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Halil Ibrahim Yenigün Author-X-Name-First: Halil Ibrahim Author-X-Name-Last: Yenigün Title: The political and theological boundaries of Islamist moderation after the Arab Spring Abstract: This paper explores the repercussions of the apparent failure of Islamist experimentations with democracy during the Arab Spring in terms of the moderation hypotheses with a specific focus on the Egyptian case. I build on the existing arguments that repression may paradoxically moderate mainstream Islamist movements with certain caveats: when Islamists eventually come to power, their ideological vision also matters within the nexus of their strategic commitments and the on-going power struggles with other Islamist contenders. The prospects of democratisation, then, may also depend on the theoretical and political success of an Islamist political theology that accords better with rights and freedoms than a simplistic procedural democracy. Repression may indeed lead to moderation of the well-entrenched mainstream Islamist groups. However, such analyses focus only on those who remain within the fold of the mother organisation, rather than the splinter groups that break away with their more radicalised views. Under the post-Arab Spring conditions and given the Salafi factor, current views on the repression–moderation cycle must also account for the defection among certain Islamist constituencies towards jihadi or vigilante Salafism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2304-2321 Issue: 12 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1227683 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1227683 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:12:p:2304-2321 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: List of Reviewers Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2335-2336 Issue: 12 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1228730 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1228730 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:12:p:2335-2336 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sally Matthews Author-X-Name-First: Sally Author-X-Name-Last: Matthews Title: Colonised minds? Post-development theory and the desirability of development in Africa Abstract: While post-development theory is very concerned with the ways in which development has impacted upon the countries of the Global South, there has been relatively little written on post-development theory from an African perspective. This paper identifies some of the ways in which post-development theory fails to adequately understand the African experience of development. In particular, I explore the difficulty that post-development theory confronts when faced with the continued desire on the part of many people in Africa for development. In his introduction to the new edition of The Development Dictionary, Wolfgang Sachs discusses this desire, noting that despite development’s many failures, many still associate the concept with self-affirmation and redress. He explains this continued desire for development as being indicative of the need for the decolonisation of the imagination. In this paper, I show some of the problems with this explanation and present alternative ways of understanding the persistence of the desire for development in Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2650-2663 Issue: 12 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1279540 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1279540 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:12:p:2650-2663 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Daniel Bendix Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Bendix Title: Reflecting the Post-Development gaze: the degrowth debate in Germany Abstract: Post-Development has reproduced the ‘development gaze’ by focusing on interventions and struggles in the South. This paper draws attention to the German version of degrowth, Postwachstum, as a possible Post-Development approach in the North. It thus contributes to the Post-Development agenda by including the North as a ‘development’ problem and by overcoming the view of the North as a homogeneous neo-liberal, capitalist, Eurocentric bloc. The paper examines key Postwachstum contributions with regard to their correspondence to insights of and gaps in the Post-Development debate. It argues that Postwachstum needs to include a postcolonial perspective on global inequalities and question the ‘development’–modernity–coloniality nexus more profoundly in order to provide a valuable contribution to the Post-Development agenda. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2617-2633 Issue: 12 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1314761 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1314761 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:12:p:2617-2633 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Wendy Harcourt Author-X-Name-First: Wendy Author-X-Name-Last: Harcourt Title: The making and unmaking of development: using Post-Development as a tool in teaching development studies Abstract: This article explores the ways in which western modernity, as Boaventura De Sousa Santos suggests, can play tricks on intellectuals when we try to teach revolutionary ideas in reactionary institutions. I reflect on my efforts to use Post-Development (PD) as a tool to engage students in critical reflections on development in a post graduate course in 2015/2016. One of their assignments was to create an International Institute of Social Studies (ISS) Development Dictionary emulating the Sachs’s collection. The results were mixed. On the one hand, they produced wonderful digital collations of concepts, ideas and critiques, but on the other hand, many felt that learning about PD had turned their world upside down. Given the strong reactions of the students, and also my colleagues, I reflect on the possibilities and also the problems of using PD as a tool to teach development studies to international students (most of whom are from the Global South). My experiment in asking students to engage in their own ‘unmaking of development’ recorded in their evaluations, a series of interviews, and my own and other colleagues’ reflections sets out the difficulty of unsettling apparent truths of development processes even in progressive institutes at the interface of activism and academe. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2703-2718 Issue: 12 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1315300 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1315300 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:12:p:2703-2718 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Aram Ziai Author-X-Name-First: Aram Author-X-Name-Last: Ziai Title: ‘I am not a Post-Developmentalist, but…’ The influence of Post-Development on development studies Abstract: During the course of the 1990s, the Post-Development school emerged as an innovative though controversial approach in development studies. The article examines its critical reception in the textbooks and the extent to which its authors and arguments have become influential. It argues that the relationship between development studies and Post-Development is characterised simultaneously by (sometimes explicit, sometimes implicit) rejection and integration. Examining a number of current development studies textbooks, it illustrates the growing influence of Post-Development arguments and how they have been tacitly or consciously taken up while often rejecting Post-Development per se. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2719-2734 Issue: 12 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1328981 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1328981 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:12:p:2719-2734 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ilan Kapoor Author-X-Name-First: Ilan Author-X-Name-Last: Kapoor Title: Cold critique, faint passion, bleak future: Post-Development’s surrender to global capitalism Abstract: This article carries out a psychoanalytic critique of Post-Development, arguing that the latter’s inattention to the unconscious underpinnings of power not only leaves it unable to explain why development discourse persists, but also deprives it of a radical politics, resulting in a surrender to global capitalism. Drawing on the work of Escobar, Ferguson and Esteva, the article valorises Post-Development’s important insights on the production of development discourse and its attendant power mechanisms. But using a Lacanian lens, it also probes Post-Development’s failure to address how power is mediated at the level of the subject: in maintaining that (capitalist) development is produced discursively in a cold, impersonal way (like an ‘anti-politics machine’), Post-Development ignores the fact that such power is only able to take hold, expand and, crucially, persist through unconscious libidinal attachments (e.g. desires, enjoyment). This failure leaves Post-Development with few resources – beyond localised resistance (Escobar, Esteva) or the call for a universal basic income (Ferguson) – to address the structural challenges of global capitalism. Psychoanalytically speaking, such a (Left) position appears to manifest a secret desire that nothing too much must change: Post-Development may well criticise the disciplinary mechanisms of neoliberal development, but ultimately it engages in an unconscious acceptance of capitalism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2664-2683 Issue: 12 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1334543 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1334543 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:12:p:2664-2683 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stefan Andreasson Author-X-Name-First: Stefan Author-X-Name-Last: Andreasson Title: Fossil-fuelled development and the legacy of Post-Development theory in twenty-first century Africa Abstract: This article examines the legacy of Post-Development theory, in particular its relevance and applicability to debates about Africa’s future. It scrutinises Post-Development theory, and its claims about the end of development, through the prisms of Africa’s continued pursuit of development and its political economy of energy. It considers the impact of these aspects of Africa’s developmental efforts on the ability of Post-Development theory to remain relevant in light of recent developments. Revisiting basic claims of Post-Development theory provides insights into the enduring disconnect and incommensurability between Africa’s twenty-first century socio-economic trajectories and the core assumptions of Post-Development theory. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2634-2649 Issue: 12 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1334544 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1334544 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:12:p:2634-2649 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gustavo Esteva Author-X-Name-First: Gustavo Author-X-Name-Last: Esteva Author-Name: Arturo Escobar Author-X-Name-First: Arturo Author-X-Name-Last: Escobar Title: Post-Development @ 25: on ‘being stuck’ and moving forward, sideways, backward and otherwise Abstract: Escobar and Esteva engage in a retrospective conversation on Post-Development, reassessing the critiques and discussing openly the meaning of ‘living beyond development’ today. Some of the topics covered include: how the development discourse has shaped mentalities and practices; the tensions and contradictions in the institutional world, trapped in their compulsion for development in the face of the multiple crisis plaguing the world; the new manifestations of the resistance to development; and the relevant experiences that anticipate the new worlds beyond development and patriarchal capitalist modernity and towards the pluriverse. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2559-2572 Issue: 12 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1334545 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1334545 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:12:p:2559-2572 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Corrigendum Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: (iii)-(iii) Issue: 12 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1342343 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1342343 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:12:p:(iii)-(iii) Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Federico Demaria Author-X-Name-First: Federico Author-X-Name-Last: Demaria Author-Name: Ashish Kothari Author-X-Name-First: Ashish Author-X-Name-Last: Kothari Title: The Post-Development Dictionary agenda: paths to the pluriverse Abstract: This article lays out both a critique of the oxymoron ‘sustainable development’, and the potential and nuances of a Post-Development agenda. We present ecological swaraj from India and Degrowth from Europe as two examples of alternatives to development. This gives a hint of the forthcoming book, provisionally titled The Post-Development Dictionary, that is meant to deepen and widen a research, dialogue and action agenda for activists, policymakers and scholars on a variety of worldviews and practices relating to our collective search for an ecologically wise and socially just world. This volume could be one base in the search for alternatives to United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, in an attempt to truly transform the world. In fact, it is an agenda towards the pluriverse: ‘a world where many worlds fit’, as the Zapatista say. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2588-2599 Issue: 12 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1350821 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1350821 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:12:p:2588-2599 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Wolfgang Sachs Author-X-Name-First: Wolfgang Author-X-Name-Last: Sachs Title: The Sustainable Development Goals and : varieties of Post-Development? Abstract: Comparing the Agenda 2030 of the United Nations and the Laudato si’ by the Pope, both authored in 2015, one point stands out: the Development enthusiasm of the twentieth century is gone. In its place, we are now dealing with the demise of expansive modernity. The motto of the previous century (playing on words of the Lord’s Prayer), ‘on Earth as in the West’, now seems like a threat. The world is in crisis roundabout: the biosphere is being shattered and, in more ways than one, the gap between the rich and the poor is widening. While both publications agree that the global economic model can now be considered old iron, there are equally significant differences. While the Agenda 2030 seeks to repair the existing global economic model significantly, the encyclical calls for a pushing back of economic hegemony and for more ethical responsibility on all levels. While the Agenda 2030 envisions a green economy with social democratic hues, the encyclical foresees a post capitalist-era, based on a cultural shift towards eco-solidarity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2573-2587 Issue: 12 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1350822 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1350822 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:12:p:2573-2587 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kalpana Wilson Author-X-Name-First: Kalpana Author-X-Name-Last: Wilson Title: Worlds beyond the political? Post-development approaches in practices of transnational solidarity activism Abstract: This article considers some ways in which one strand of post-development thinking has influenced non-governmental organisation (NGO)-led activist discourses and practices of transnational solidarity. It argues that there has been a tendency for these discourses and practices to rearticulate racialised constructions of unspoiled and authentic ‘natives’ requiring protection which are historically embedded in colonial practices of governance. In turn, this has meant the failure to acknowledge indigenous histories of political organisation and resistance. Further, the characterisation of development in binary terms as both homogeneous and always undesirable has meant the delegitimisation of demands for equality as well as the neglect of the implications of the decisive shift from developmentalism to neoliberal globalisation as the dominant paradigm. Drawing upon a discussion of aspects of the local, national and transnational campaign to prevent proposed bauxite mining in the Niyamgiri hills in Odisha (India), I argue that given that international NGOs are themselves embedded in the architecture of neoliberal development and aid, their campaigning activities can be understood as facilitating the displacement and marginalisation of local activists and silencing their complex engagements with ideas of development. This potentially defuses and depoliticises opposition to neoliberal forms of development, while transposing collective agency onto undifferentiated publics in the Global North, processes which, however, continue to be actively resisted. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2684-2702 Issue: 12 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1354694 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1354694 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:12:p:2684-2702 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alberto Acosta Author-X-Name-First: Alberto Author-X-Name-Last: Acosta Title: Living Well: ideas for reinventing the future Abstract: In various parts of the world, growing and serious problems, especially economic, social and environmental, are increasingly calling into question the conventional ideas of progress. The lives of human beings are in danger. We are in ‘the age of survival’, a sort of crossroads in which the future of the human species is defined. That is why alternatives that exceed the dominant concepts typical of Modernity are arising from many sectors and places. Above all, natives are determined to recover their origins and even to strengthen their ancestral practices, from their past to project into the future. And there are those who try to build bridges between these different shores, from which it may be possible to build other worlds where life with dignity for all beings existing on the planet is a possibility. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2600-2616 Issue: 12 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1375379 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1375379 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:12:p:2600-2616 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Aram Ziai Author-X-Name-First: Aram Author-X-Name-Last: Ziai Title: Post-development 25 years after Abstract: Few books in the history of development studies have had an impact like The Development Dictionary – A Guide to Knowledge as Power, which was edited by Wolfgang Sachs and published by Zed Books in 1992, and which was crucial in establishing what has become known as the Post-Development (PD) school. This special issue is devoted to the legacy of this book and thus to discussing PD. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2547-2558 Issue: 12 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1383853 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1383853 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:12:p:2547-2558 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Richard Duncombe Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Duncombe Author-Name: Richard Boateng Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Boateng Title: Mobile Phones and Financial Services in Developing Countries: a review of concepts, methods, issues, evidence and future research directions Abstract: Research concerning mobile phones and financial services in developing countries has undergone rapid growth in recent years. This paper seeks to improve understanding of the current state of knowledge by reviewing the content of 43 research articles. A framework is developed that differentiates research activity according to a lifecycle model that incorporates financial needs, design, adoption and impact. The review finds that research to date has resulted in a high level of practitioner involvement, providing valuable links from the mobile phone industry to the research community but, as a consequence, research has become too narrowly defined. Thus, issues of assessing financial need and the measurement of impact have been comparatively neglected, while application design and adoption studies have received greater attention. This paper suggests a future direction for research and practice within the mainstream of micro-financial services and finance for the poor, correcting this imbalance, and contributing towards the mobiles-in-development-research agenda. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1237-1258 Issue: 7 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903134882 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903134882 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:7:p:1237-1258 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Francis Weyzig Author-X-Name-First: Francis Author-X-Name-Last: Weyzig Author-Name: Michiel van Dijk Author-X-Name-First: Michiel Author-X-Name-Last: van Dijk Title: Incoherence between Tax and Development Policies: the case of the Netherlands Abstract: This article discusses incoherence between tax and development policies, a relatively new area in the debate on policy coherence for development, using a case study of the Netherlands. Dutch business entities play a key role in tax avoidance structures of multinational corporations. We argue that the Dutch tax regime facilitates the avoidance of substantial amounts of tax revenues in developing countries when compared to the Dutch aid budget. As domestic tax revenues are an important source of financing for development, this suggests that the Dutch tax policy is incompatible with the Dutch policy on development co-operation. The lack of policy coherence is largely unintended but it has structural and political causes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1259-1277 Issue: 7 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903134916 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903134916 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:7:p:1259-1277 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jude Howell Author-X-Name-First: Jude Author-X-Name-Last: Howell Author-Name: Jeremy Lind Author-X-Name-First: Jeremy Author-X-Name-Last: Lind Title: Changing Donor Policy and Practice in Civil Society in the Post-9/11 Aid Context Abstract: This article argues that the global ‘War on Terror’ regime has contributed in complex and differentiated ways to the increasing securitisation of development policy and practice. The global ‘War on Terror’ regime refers to a complex and contradictory weaving of discourses, political alliances, policy and legislative changes, institutional arrangements and practices. This is manifest in aid rhetoric, policy discourse, institutional convergence and programming. These processes have in turn affected the way donor agencies engage with non-governmental actors. On the one hand they have led to new forms of control over charitable agencies; on the other hand they have created new opportunities for interaction and resource access to ‘newly discovered’ civil society actors such as Muslim organisations and communities. The article explores these issues through the lens of development policy and practice by four donor countries, namely, the USA, Sweden, the UK and Australia. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1279-1296 Issue: 7 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903134924 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903134924 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:7:p:1279-1296 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Onder Bakircioglu Author-X-Name-First: Onder Author-X-Name-Last: Bakircioglu Title: The Future of Preventive Wars: the case of Iraq Abstract: Eight years have past since the devastating September 11 attacks, and the USA has engaged in two wars in the name of uprooting global ‘terrorism’ and providing security to American citizens. The Bush administration bequeathed a legacy of two ongoing wars and growing threats emerging from ‘terrorist’ acts. This article analyses the future of the preventive war doctrine, formulated by the Bush administration, under international law. The article thus explores whether the preventive war doctrine has the potential to set a customary precedence, or whether it merely constitutes a breach of international law. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1297-1316 Issue: 7 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903134932 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903134932 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:7:p:1297-1316 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Martin Gainsborough Author-X-Name-First: Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Gainsborough Title: The (Neglected) Statist Bias and the Developmental State: the case of Singapore and Vietnam Abstract: This paper highlights three key weaknesses with the developmental state as a theory of the state. First, that the theory imagines the state in Weberian terms and then seeks to judge all states—even ones which are not Weberian—according to Weberian yardsticks which are not universal. Second, that the theory underestimates the extent to which it is itself bound up with dominant global power structures associated with the Cold War and the post-cold war period. Third, that in its concern to identify the correct ‘institutional mix’ for development to occur, developmental state theorists ends up believing that the (best) states really do stand apart from society, forgetting that this is an illusion which is fundamental to how states rule. Not to be alert to the state's ‘ideological effects’ is not really to study the state at all; this is ultimately a criticism which has to be levelled at the theory of the developmental state. To suggest—as many scholars do—that the theory's weaknesses can be solved by breaking the state down into its constituent parts, focusing more on society, or trying to locate the ‘blurred’ boundary between state and society more effectively, completely misses the point, since it does little, if anything, to uncover how states really rule. The issues are explored via a comparison of the state in Singapore and Vietnam. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1317-1328 Issue: 7 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903134957 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903134957 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:7:p:1317-1328 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Morten Bøås Author-X-Name-First: Morten Author-X-Name-Last: Bøås Title: Making Plans for Liberia—a Trusteeship Approach to Good Governance? Abstract: Since the end of the Liberian civil war in August 2003 the international community has been ‘making plans’ for Liberia. However, it rarely questioned whether these plans were in accordance with the political and economic logic of the peace agreement and the subsequent transitional government. The consequence was that corruption continued and a much more intrusive economic management plan was established. The Governance and Economic Management Assistance Programme (gemap) is supposed to combat corruption and facilitate good governance, but it also limits the range of policy options for the new democratically elected government of Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf. The irony is that the best and most legitimate government that Liberia has ever had is subject to stronger external control than any of its predecessors. The probability that this scheme will remain sustainable when donor interest shifts elsewhere is low, and what is needed is a more pragmatic approach that draws a wider segment of Liberian society into anti-corruption management and creates checks and balances between them. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1329-1341 Issue: 7 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903134965 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903134965 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:7:p:1329-1341 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Valbona Muzaka Author-X-Name-First: Valbona Author-X-Name-Last: Muzaka Title: Developing Countries and the Struggle on the Access to Medicines Front: victories won and lost Abstract: This paper seeks to put the spotlight on the ongoing contestations in the area of trade negotiations, global intellectual property rights (iprs) and access to medicines. It aims to shows that these contests are real and have important consequences for how global public health needs are met and on the form and shape of the emerging global iprs regime. More specifically, it shows how the coalition of some developing countries and international health ngos has scored some victories and lost ground elsewhere in the iprs–access to medicines battle which is taking place both at the multilateral and bilateral level. It concludes that the coalition of developing countries needs to be both on the offensive and on the defensive, so as to defend past victories, cut losses and win new victories simultaneously. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1343-1361 Issue: 7 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903134973 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903134973 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:7:p:1343-1361 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Devi Sridhar Author-X-Name-First: Devi Author-X-Name-Last: Sridhar Title: Post-Accra: is there space for country ownership in global health? Abstract: On 4 September 2008 the Accra Agenda for Action, which emphasised that country ownership over health must be strengthened, was agreed upon. While the Agenda for Action, which builds on the 2005 Paris Declaration, is a major step forward, there are still structural factors that impede developing country ownership in health. This paper outlines the key issues in the governance and resourcing of public health in low- and middle-income countries focusing on three major structural challenges for developing countries: the proliferation of initiatives, donor influence on priority setting and donors' lack of accountability, and the sustainability of current levels and types of external financing. How can these structural obstacles be overcome? Three avenues hold considerable promise: creating new mechanisms to hold donors to account, developing national plans and strengthening national leadership in health, and building South–South collaborative networks through bilateral, multilateral and plurilateral relations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1363-1377 Issue: 7 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903134981 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903134981 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:7:p:1363-1377 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michael Stevenson Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Stevenson Author-Name: Andrew Cooper Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Cooper Title: Overcoming Constraints of State Sovereignty: global health governance in Asia Abstract: In an increasingly globalised world effective international communicable diseases control requires states to embrace basic norms informing global health governance. However, recent international public health crises have shown that states continue to use national sovereignty to justify non-compliance with these norms. In this article we use three recent high-profile examples from Asia in which the tight hold of state sovereignty cut into the effective implementation of international communicable disease control efforts. Taken together, the three cases illustrate a wider trend in which states historically diminished in structural power or subject to imperialist intrusion contest the legitimacy of global governance initiatives if they are perceived to be another vehicle for the imposition of exogenous norms that do not reflect the values or goals of that state. In response to these challenges, three strategies are posited for how the actors involved in protecting public health might overcome the constraints of state sovereignty to more effectively address global public health threats created by the fluid movement of pathogens across borders. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1379-1394 Issue: 7 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903152686 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903152686 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:7:p:1379-1394 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Berit Bliesemann de Guevara Author-X-Name-First: Berit Author-X-Name-Last: Bliesemann de Guevara Title: Studying the International Crisis Group Abstract: This special issue studies the International Crisis Group (icg), one of the most notable and widely referenced producers of knowledge about conflict areas, used extensively by policy makers, the media and academics. The authors take different theoretical and methodological approaches to make sense of this hard-to-ignore conflict expert, exploring the icg’s daily operations and role in international politics. This introduction sets the scene by offering a critical exploration of the organisation and its approach to the construction of political knowledge. It analyses the icg’s position in the conflict-related knowledge market and the sources of its expert authority. It then discusses the organisation’s roles – from mediation to instrumentalisation – in the ‘battlefield of ideas’ in conflict and intervention contexts and its potential to make an impact on policy framings and outcomes. It shows that studies of the icg need to ‘unpack’ the organisation in order to account for it as both a highly successful international expert brand and a very heterogeneous actor in specific contexts and at specific times. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 545-562 Issue: 4 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.924060 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.924060 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:4:p:545-562 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sonja Grigat Author-X-Name-First: Sonja Author-X-Name-Last: Grigat Title: Educating into liberal peace: the International Crisis Group’s contribution to an emerging global governmentality Abstract: Indonesia has seen excessive political violence in the first years since the end of autocratic rule under former president Suharto. Documented violence has ranged from separatist struggle to communal strife to terrorist attacks. The International Crisis Group (icg) has reported extensively on the conflicts underlying this violence and has formulated policy advice on how to overcome them. While the icg’s reports on Indonesia have been acknowledged for their detailed and accurate account of micro-level violence, their recommendations reveal their political objectives. The icg’s panacea for overcoming violent conflicts is institution building and security sector reform, which are centrepieces of the ‘standard programme’ of liberal peace- and state building. However, it is not only its policy advice but all the icg’s publications in general that aim to diffuse the liberal governance agenda. This article argues that, through the narrative technique of epideictic oratory, the icg is aiming to educate its audience into a liberal governmentality characterised by practices and procedures which effect a de-politicisation of violence, foster liberal forms of governance and self-government and thus contribute to sustaining liberalism as a global ‘regime of power’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 563-580 Issue: 4 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.924061 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.924061 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:4:p:563-580 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Greg Simons Author-X-Name-First: Greg Author-X-Name-Last: Simons Title: The International Crisis Group and the manufacturing and communicating of crises Abstract: The International Crisis Group (icg) has the motto ‘working to prevent conflict worldwide’. As an organisation the icg occupies a very specific niche role, which is related to crises of a political nature, specifically armed conflict. While the icg employs a negative understanding of crisis, the academic definition of what a crisis may constitute is broader, as it can actually represent an opportunity for some actors. This article, written from a communication studies perspective, seeks to address how crises are manufactured in icg texts. It argues that the way in which crisis events are viewed and reacted to depends on the level of information and ‘knowledge’ that is produced and circulating about them. The article tackles the issue of the strategic level of the icg in terms of its means and mechanisms of attempting to project influence. It explores the different ploys and strategies used to influence policy makers, especially its communication strategy, the different values and ethics that are highlighted, and the ‘causes’ that are promoted.  Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 581-597 Issue: 4 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.924062 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.924062 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:4:p:581-597 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nikolas Kosmatopoulos Author-X-Name-First: Nikolas Author-X-Name-Last: Kosmatopoulos Title: : the techno-politics of international crisis in Lebanon (and beyond) Abstract: In this article I focus on the crisis experts in Lebanon and, in particular, on one celebrated expert response to crisis, the crisis report. I suggest looking at the report as a techno-political tool that seeks to produce and disseminate knowledge about crisis and conflicts in different parts of the world, while packaged and structured in a universal format. As a first step I analyse the particular features of this format, such as size and scale. The main argument is that the report presents itself as an assemblage of a series of technical characteristics that help to shrink the world and make it fit the model format of the crisis expert. In a second step I open up the perspective and link the report’s micro-format to bigger questions on governing the world today. Here, I argue that, within current imaginaries of emergency, impending crisis and global terrorism, the crisis report functions as a particular kind of sentinel. I show that it can speak through the language of constant alertness and, crucially, the production of sentinel subjectivities that must be continuously monitored. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 598-615 Issue: 4 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.924063 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.924063 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:4:p:598-615 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Berit Bliesemann de Guevara Author-X-Name-First: Berit Author-X-Name-Last: Bliesemann de Guevara Title: On methodology and myths: exploring the International Crisis Group’s organisational culture Abstract: Exploring the historiography of the International Crisis Group (icg), this article looks critically at the narratives surrounding the organisation’s self-declared success. The focus is specifically on the so-called icg methodology, consisting of field-based research and analysis, practical policy recommendations and high-level advocacy. Combining a three-level approach to the analysis of organisational cultures with Yanow’s concept of organisational myths, the article argues that the icg methodology contains a number of organisational myths that are meant to mask tensions and contradictions in the organisation’s underpinning basic assumptions and values, which, if publicly discussed, could have the power to undermine its expert authority. The four myths looked at in detail are the ‘field facts myth’, the ‘myth of flexible pragmatism’, the ‘myth of uniqueness’ and the ‘neutrality/independence myth’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 616-633 Issue: 4 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.924064 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.924064 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:4:p:616-633 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roland Kostić Author-X-Name-First: Roland Author-X-Name-Last: Kostić Title: Transnational think-tanks: foot soldiers in the battlefield of ideas? Examining the role of the in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2000–01 Abstract: Peace-building situations can be described as battlefields of ideas where key international policy makers engage in internal battles for control over intervention policy. Knowledge production, based on timely information and analysis, is seen as crucial to winning these battles of ideas. By providing detailed information, analysis and recommendations, the International Crisis Group (icg) has assumed an important role in this process. Yet we know little about the specific role the icg plays in battles for intervention policy. This article investigates icg analyses and recommendations and the way they fit into the specific internal debates within the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in 2000–01. By looking at the work of the icg in BiH around the elections in 2000, the article demonstrates that it often acted as a legitimising agent of US positions and policy in the country. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 634-651 Issue: 4 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.924065 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.924065 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:4:p:634-651 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Morten Bøås Author-X-Name-First: Morten Author-X-Name-Last: Bøås Title: ‘Hunting ghosts of a difficult past’: the International Crisis Group and the production of ‘crisis knowledge’ in the Mano River Basin wars Abstract: This article explores the relationship between the International Crisis Group’s (icg) interpretation of the civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone and the main academic ‘greed and grievance’ debate at the time. It shows that the icg’s early policy recommendations were basically in line with the interpretation of these wars as caused by ‘opportunistic warlordism’. However, this supposed causal link is less evident in the analytical parts of its early reports, and in the policy recommendations of later reports. These contradictory findings point to both internal developments within the icg and to its ‘two faces’: it seeks to influence policy makers using detailed empirical analysis on the ground in countries in conflict or transition, but is also aware that policy makers do not generally read long reports, thus it produces executive summary and policy recommendations for this target audience. The article argues that policy recommendations cannot work without the analytical parts of the reports: the analysis sections’ main function is to add legitimacy to policy recommendations and the organisation overall, contributing to its image as a genuine ‘on-the-ground producer’ of crisis knowledge and fostering its expert authority. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 652-668 Issue: 4 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.924066 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.924066 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:4:p:652-668 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kai Koddenbrock Author-X-Name-First: Kai Author-X-Name-Last: Koddenbrock Title: Malevolent politics: reporting on government action and the dilemmas of rule in the Democratic Republic of Congo Abstract: Since the start of reporting during the ‘Congo wars’ in 1998 the International Crisis Group (icg) has been one of the most important sources of information for Western analysts, UN agencies and ngos dealing with the political and economic challenges of the Democratic Republic of Congo. This article takes a closer look at the way Congolese government politics is analysed in icg reports. It shows that the logics of government and the dilemmas of rule in a country with the size, geography and history of the DRC receive hardly any attention in icg reporting. Building on Klaus Schlichte’s approach to the dilemmas of rule, the article argues that President Joseph Kabila has in fact responded skilfully to the dilemmas of elite inclusion across the different hubs of power and wealth from the Kivus to Katanga to the capital Kinshasa. While his political and human rights records are by no means impeccable, not all is rotten in the state of Congo, and the Kabila government deserves more analytical rigor and openness than is offered by the pathologising modes of analysis used by the icg. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 669-685 Issue: 4 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.924067 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.924067 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:4:p:669-685 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jonathan Fisher Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan Author-X-Name-Last: Fisher Title: Framing Kony: Uganda’s war, Obama’s advisers and the nature of ‘influence’ in Western foreign policy making Abstract: This article explores the influence of actors and organisations outside the corridors of power in Washington, DC on US ‘crisis foreign policy making’ in Africa. Focusing on the case of US policy towards the lra/northern Uganda crisis – particularly the Obama administration’s 2011 decision to send ‘combat-equipped US forces’ to pursue the rebel group across central Africa – it is argued that the role of African governments themselves merits greater consideration. The decision to send in these ‘military advisers’ was arguably strongly influenced by campaigns run by Western policy institutes, notably the International Crisis Group, and US advocacy groups since around 2007. The Ugandan regime of Yoweri Museveni has – it is suggested – nevertheless itself fundamentally shaped the nature and direction of the debate into which such groups have entered. This raises crucial questions about the agency of African governments in Western ‘crisis’ decision-making fora. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 686-704 Issue: 4 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.924068 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.924068 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:4:p:686-704 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Markus Hochmüller Author-X-Name-First: Markus Author-X-Name-Last: Hochmüller Author-Name: Markus-Michael Müller Author-X-Name-First: Markus-Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Müller Title: Encountering knowledge production: the International Crisis Group and the making of Mexico’s security crisis Abstract: After nearly seven years of ever-escalating violence related to the Mexican ‘war on drugs’, in 2013 Mexico entered the International Crisis Group’s (icg) ‘observatory’ of countries facing a violent crisis. In this article we critically interrogate this ‘Mexican turn’ of the icg, as well as its accompanying forms of crisis knowledge production. By applying analytical insights from critical policy analysis and postcolonial security studies, we highlight the Western-centrism embedded in the icg’s perspective on Mexico’s security crisis. In analysing this perspective on questions of drug trafficking, statehood and indigenous justice, we demonstrate how this Western-centrism produces a de-politicising and overly technocratic crisis narrative. The article concludes that, through its Western-centric ‘Mexican turn’, the icg has been able to reaffirm its standing as a uniquely influential and internationally recognised crisis expert by showcasing its awareness of newly emerging crisis situations, as well as its possession of the necessary crisis-solving expertise. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 705-722 Issue: 4 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.924069 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.924069 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:4:p:705-722 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dia Da Costa Author-X-Name-First: Dia Author-X-Name-Last: Da Costa Title: Introduction: relocating culture in development and development in culture Abstract: This introduction situates the contributions of articles in this special issue within the so-called cultural turn of development. It examines relevant debates to locate ways in which this special issue goes beyond the decisive disregard for and the glib celebration of ‘culture’ in development thinking. Together the papers contribute to rethinking three key questions: 1) whether ‘culture’ ultimately constructs ideological security for the market economy and imperialism; 2) whether recognition of voice, creative difference and inter-cultural learning can prevail over structural inequalities and violence; and 3) whether ‘culture’ is destined to serve instrumental purposes of capital and governmentality. This introductory article articulates an agenda for a cultural turn in development by taking the shared history of ‘culture’ and ‘development’ seriously. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 501-522 Issue: 4 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003701059 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003701059 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:4:p:501-522 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Susanne Soederberg Author-X-Name-First: Susanne Author-X-Name-Last: Soederberg Title: The Politics of Representation and Financial Fetishism: the case of the G20 summits Abstract: One year after the 2008 crash, policy makers and international lending institutions declared the crisis over and assured the world that recovery was underway. The efforts of the Group of Twenty (G20) have been widely credited with securing economic recovery. In this article I examine the politics of representation of the crisis by the G20. I argue that the G20 summits have served to naturalise and depoliticise the crisis, thereby legitimating a narrow and very particular response to it. The politics of representation is bound up in what I term ‘financial fetishism’. To demonstrate and explain how and why the G20 summits have engaged in a politics of representation alongside a politics of management, I proceed from an abstract to a concrete level of analysis by, first, revealing the social construction of neoliberal-led growth and the subordination of all social life to the rationality of the market, and, second, comparatively exploring the discourse of the G20 summits of 2009 and their predecessor: the New International Financial Architecture of 1999. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 523-540 Issue: 4 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003701067 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003701067 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:4:p:523-540 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nosheen Ali Author-X-Name-First: Nosheen Author-X-Name-Last: Ali Title: Books vs Bombs? Humanitarian development and the narrative of terror in Northern Pakistan Abstract: This article examines the role of humanitarian discourse and development in reconfiguring the contemporary culture of empire and its war on terror. It takes as its point of entry the immensely popular biographical tale, Three Cups of Tea, which details how the American mountaineer Greg Mortenson has struggled to counter terrorism in Northern Pakistan through the creation of schools. Even as this text appears to provide a self-critical and humane perspective on terrorism, the article argues that it constructs a misleading narrative of terror in which the realities of Northern Pakistan and Muslim life-worlds are distorted through simplistic tropes of ignorance, backwardness and extremism, while histories of US geopolitics and violence are erased. The text has further facilitated the emergence of a participatory militarism, whereby humanitarian work helps to reinvent the military as a culturally sensitive and caring institution in order to justify and service the project of empire. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 541-559 Issue: 4 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003701075 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003701075 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:4:p:541-559 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marcus Taylor Author-X-Name-First: Marcus Author-X-Name-Last: Taylor Title: Conscripts of Competitiveness: culture, institutions and capital in contemporary development Abstract: Through the lens of the new institutional economics development is represented as a process of cultural and institutional transformation in which informal social institutions that hinder the operation of market forces are dismantled and replaced with formalised, liberal institutional frameworks to facilitate rational economic activity. The World Bank has deployed these arguments to legitimise reforms aimed at reshaping the values and conduct of postcolonial citizenries to facilitate entrepreneurship and competitiveness. To deconstruct this discourse, the article points to its underlying contradictions; specifically, to the way that the idealised formal rationality of impersonal markets is necessarily subsumed in practice within the substantive irrationalities of capitalist development. Consequently the informal social relations that the Bank deems instances of cultural atavism and a barrier to competitiveness arise as intrinsic features of global capitalism. Seemingly impervious to reform, informalised populations appear as objects to be restrained or removed by the state. Coercion, I argue, emerges as the inevitable concomitant of competitiveness. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 561-579 Issue: 4 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003701083 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003701083 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:4:p:561-579 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maureen Sioh Author-X-Name-First: Maureen Author-X-Name-Last: Sioh Title: The Hollow Within: anxiety and performing postcolonial financial policies Abstract: In 1997–98 East and Southeast Asia experienced a region-wide financial crisis that saw national currencies lose 75 per cent of their value and stock markets wiped out. The financial crisis became an antagonistic and racialised referendum on Asian values between certain Asian governments and their Western critics. What was the larger political significance of this focus on Asian values? Focusing on the Malaysian government's controversial decision to go against the international financial community by implementing capital controls during the crisis, I argue that the debate over Asian values can be understood as performances to challenge and psychologically defend the conventional hierarchy of international relations that followed its symbolic disruption through the economic success of the regional economies before the crisis. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 581-597 Issue: 4 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003701109 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003701109 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:4:p:581-597 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mitu Sengupta Author-X-Name-First: Mitu Author-X-Name-Last: Sengupta Title: A Million Dollar Exit from the Anarchic Slum-world: 's hollow idioms of social justice Abstract: This article contests the characterisation of the popular and acclaimed film, Slumdog Millionaire, as a realistic portrayal of India's urban poverty that will ultimately serve as a tool of advocacy for India's urban poor. It argues that the film's reductive view of slum-spaces will more probably reinforce negative attitudes towards slum-dwellers, lending credibility to the sorts of policies that have historically dispossessed them of power and dignity. By drawing attention to the film's celebration of characters and spaces that symbolise Western culture and Northern trajectories of ‘development’, the article also critically engages with some of the issues raised by the film's enormous success. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 599-616 Issue: 4 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003701117 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003701117 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:4:p:599-616 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dia Da Costa Author-X-Name-First: Dia Author-X-Name-Last: Da Costa Title: Subjects of Struggle: theatre as space of political economy Abstract: This article studies political theatre as a space of political economy. When conceptualising theatre as a space of political economy, it is important to maintain distinctions between three formulations of the relationship between culture and development: that capitalism is cultural, that cultural labour is a space of political economy, and that culture is capital today. While agreeing with the first two formulations, this article suggests an amendment to the third formulation, as put forward by critical scholarship on the culturalisms of neoliberal governmentality, particularly in George Yúdice's influential book The Expediency of Culture. Rather than subsume culture completely within histories of state and capital while evacuating struggle and hope, the author draws on political activism and critical play by two theatre groups in India to theorise everyday political economy as grounded in multiple histories of power, producing complex subjects of struggle. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 617-635 Issue: 4 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003701133 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003701133 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:4:p:617-635 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jason Cons Author-X-Name-First: Jason Author-X-Name-Last: Cons Author-Name: Kasia Paprocki Author-X-Name-First: Kasia Author-X-Name-Last: Paprocki Title: Contested Credit Landscapes: microcredit, self-help and self-determination in rural Bangladesh Abstract: This paper makes a methodological and political intervention in debates over microcredit. It explores outcomes of microcredit interventions in the lives of residents of Arampur, a village in rural northern Bangladesh. Using a community-based research and engagement strategy, we explore recipients' own critiques and experiences of microcredit. These experiences suggest that the cultural and economic template that many microfinance institutions (mfis) superimpose on communities not only fails to map to lived realities, but often reinforces the very problems that mfis claim to address. Microcredit and other ‘self-help’ development strategies operate through idealised notions of poverty and rural life. We ask how restoring the voices of recipients to debates that seek to shape their futures could transform such interventions. In conclusion, we explore the ongoing debate over microcredit in Arampur and reflect on how re-rooting debates over development in specific places might move such debates from questions of ‘self-help’ to grounded and historicised projects of self-determination. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 637-654 Issue: 4 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003701141 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003701141 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:4:p:637-654 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alexandre Emboaba Da Costa Author-X-Name-First: Alexandre Emboaba Author-X-Name-Last: Da Costa Title: Afro-Brazilian : critical perspectives on knowledge and development Abstract: This article ‘thinks with’ an Afro-Brazilian mobilisation of ancestralidade (ancestrality) as a means to explore, unmask and mark the centrality of ‘race’ in development. In contrast to thinking about race as cultural difference necessitating inclusion in development, thinking with Afro-Brazilian knowledge aims to rework the very category of development. ‘Thinking with’ engages critical knowledge emerging out of Afro-Brazilian struggles to forward a theory and practice of substantive political, institutional and social transformation. The article juxtaposes the culturalisms of national ideology and multicultural development policies with ancestralidade as a dynamic political practice that contests capitalism's racialised hierarchies while embodying another sociality of development. An analysis of one cultural centre's efforts to restructure the school curriculum demonstrates that the ‘past’ of racialised capitalism and ancestral memory are each contemporary projects which evince the relational formation and contested meaning of ‘race’ in development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 655-674 Issue: 4 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003701166 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003701166 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:4:p:655-674 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Editors Title: Retraction of a published article Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1305-1305 Issue: 7 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.818831 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.818831 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:7:p:1305-1305 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alejandra Roncallo Author-X-Name-First: Alejandra Author-X-Name-Last: Roncallo Title: Cosmologies and Regionalisms from ‘Above’ and ‘Below’ in the post-cold war Americas: the Relevance of Karl Polanyi for the 21st century Abstract: Drawing on a Polanyian analysis of the land question, this article aims to analyse both Western and Indigenous cosmologies of Abya Yala—the name that indigenous peoples give to the American continent—to understand the relationship between human beings and land and nature. These cosmologies are at the heart of the way in which two distinct societies construct their regional space, one from ‘above’, the other from ‘below’, and they are therefore key to understanding today’s climate change problématique. Following this nexus it is argued that, since the end of the Cold War, a new regional ‘double-movement’, unleashed by the quest for land and natural resources has been in the making. This is a superstructural or legal battle between Western transnational regime-making and a law that originated at the ‘centre of the Earth’. The article explains both regionalisms and the dialectical interaction between them and demonstrates that Karl Polanyi’s legacy remains relevant for the 21st century. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1145-1158 Issue: 7 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.824638 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.824638 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:7:p:1145-1158 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Carl Conradi Author-X-Name-First: Carl Author-X-Name-Last: Conradi Title: Child Trafficking, Child Soldiering: exploring the relationship between two ‘worst forms’ of child labour Abstract: While it may be intuited that human trafficking is an ineluctable component of the child soldiering experience, very little research exists to illustrate the tangible connections between these two ‘worst forms’ of child labour. The extent to which common reception points for trafficked children—such as slave-owning households, religious boarding schools and brothels—double as profitable reservoirs for recruiting commanders remains entirely unknown. Likewise, despite the clear financial incentive that some erstwhile commanders might have to traffic their former child combatants into civilian slavery, the prevalence of such practice is unknown. The purpose of this article is to delineate some of the most conspicuous academic gaps pertaining to the intersection of child trafficking and child soldiering. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1209-1226 Issue: 7 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.824639 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.824639 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:7:p:1209-1226 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Trevor Parfitt Author-X-Name-First: Trevor Author-X-Name-Last: Parfitt Title: Modalities of Violence in Development: structural or contingent, mythic or divine? Abstract: This paper examines the relationship between violence and development. It explores whether violence is an intrinsic (structural) part of development, or a contingent result of poor or mistaken policies and practices that might be corrected. The issue of how far an element of violence might be desirable for development is also considered. These two issues are debated in the context of a variety of approaches to development and in light of various accounts of violence offered by analysts such as Fanon, Benjamin, Critchley and Zizek. In conclusion it is argued that an emancipatory conception of development may be reconciled with Benjamin’s idea of divine violence in the form of a Badiouan event—with the proviso that the Derridian conception of the economy of violence is also applied in such a way as to minimise, or at least limit violence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1175-1192 Issue: 7 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.824641 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.824641 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:7:p:1175-1192 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Audra Mitchell Author-X-Name-First: Audra Author-X-Name-Last: Mitchell Title: Escaping the ‘Field Trap’: exploitation and the global politics of educational fieldwork in ‘conflict zones’ Abstract: There is a growing global demand for Northern universities to provide fieldwork opportunities in ‘conflict zones’ to students in applied International Relations (peace and conflict studies, post-conflict studies, human rights, development and related fields). This demand is generated in macro-level or structural dynamics emerging from three sources: the hiring criteria of major international organisations, competition between universities for fee-paying students and the social commodification of ‘authentic’ or ‘real’ life experience. At the micro level these dynamics can manifest themselves in exploitative relations, two of which are explored here. First, substantial inequalities (or a ‘benefit gap’) may arise between student researchers and their research subjects. Second, student researchers may find themselves in extractive relations with their research subjects. These dynamics lead to a situation in which some of the world’s most vulnerable people are objectified as learning resources for students enrolled in (predominantly Northern) universities. The article argues that these dynamics are a problem of global politics, not just research ethics or pedagogy. It concludes with recommendations for reducing the potential for exploitation in educational fieldwork. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1247-1264 Issue: 7 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.824642 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.824642 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:7:p:1247-1264 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Morten Bøås Author-X-Name-First: Morten Author-X-Name-Last: Bøås Author-Name: Liv Elin Torheim Author-X-Name-First: Liv Elin Author-X-Name-Last: Torheim Title: The Trouble in Mali—corruption, collusion, resistance Abstract: The combined force of the 2012 coup in Bamako and the rebellion in the north entailed an unmasking of Mali. What had been presented as a showcase of democracy, good governance, and peace and reconciliation proved to be a facade for institutional weakness and mismanagement. The collusion between regional and national ‘big man’ interests that the crisis revealed showed little if any respect for human security and development. This article will analyse the causes of the crisis and the strategies of key actors, including the Islamist rebels. The consequences of and responses to the conflict will also be addressed before the article ends with some tentative conclusions concerning the future stability of Mali and the Sahel region. The article is based on the authors’ long engagement with Mali, spanning more than a decade, but the most recent material presented is based on a series of in-depth interviews conducted there in February and March 2013. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1279-1292 Issue: 7 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.824647 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.824647 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:7:p:1279-1292 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Patrick Milabyo Kyamusugulwa Author-X-Name-First: Patrick Milabyo Author-X-Name-Last: Kyamusugulwa Title: Participatory Development and Reconstruction: a literature review Abstract: In the past decade researchers and development experts have been preoccupied by participatory development and reconstruction. Despite criticisms of its potential, it has been at the centre of development practices. This review of both published and unpublished literature aims to assess the importance of participatory development and reconstruction, especially its positive and negative characteristics. The paper shows that, despite its potentially transformative role, its main drawback rests in the power relations between elites and non-elites and that creating comprehensible ways through which non-elites can deal with these relations is one issue that needs additional research. Other issues that need more research are related to how to sustain the participatory development and reconstruction outcomes by increasing local ownership, and how to better involve existing structures and institutions (both state and non-state actors) in development and reconstruction efforts for poverty alleviation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1265-1278 Issue: 7 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.824653 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.824653 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:7:p:1265-1278 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: James Parisot Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Parisot Title: American Power, East Asian Regionalism and Emerging Powers: or empire? Abstract: Recent years have seen a revival of discussions on American decline. This paper intervenes in this debate by suggesting that there is a tendency towards partial conceptualisations of US power. It suggests a new historical materialist perspective that makes it possible to theorise American Empire as a relational social totality embedded within global capitalism. The paper then analyses the social limits of China’s rise and the integration of East Asian regionalisation into American Empire, suggesting the extent to which world power has shifted east has tended to be overestimated. It also analyses the emergence of Brazil, India, and the brics meetings, suggesting these developments have a limited, but overstated, capacity to challenge American Empire. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1159-1174 Issue: 7 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.824655 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.824655 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:7:p:1159-1174 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Daanish Mustafa Author-X-Name-First: Daanish Author-X-Name-Last: Mustafa Author-Name: Amiera Sawas Author-X-Name-First: Amiera Author-X-Name-Last: Sawas Title: Urbanisation and Political Change in Pakistan: exploring the known unknowns Abstract: Pakistan is the fastest urbanising country in South Asia, and the world’s sixth most populous country, with a projected population of 335 million by 2050, and an annual urbanisation rate of 3.06%. Simultaneously it is undergoing a demographic transition to a youthful country and is experiencing the growth of rapidly expanding primary (megacities, like Karachi) and secondary (smaller towns) urban centres as a result of rural–urban migrations. This paper uses refereed literature and expert interviews to explore the drivers of urbanisation, and the social and, particularly, political consequences and potential impacts the phenomenon in Pakistan. Focusing on the impact of urbanisation on electoral politics, one predicted key driver of change will be the ability of politicians to satisfy the younger, more educated population’s desire for improved public services, employment and social justice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1293-1304 Issue: 7 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.824657 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.824657 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:7:p:1293-1304 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Oliver Turner Author-X-Name-First: Oliver Author-X-Name-Last: Turner Title: ‘Finishing the Job’: the UN Special Committee on Decolonization and the politics of self-governance Abstract: This article examines the modern day role and purpose of the UN Special Committee on Decolonization. Since its establishment in the 1960s the Committee has helped numerable former colonies achieve independence. Today, with very few ‘colonised’ Non-Self-Governing Territories remaining its work appears almost complete. However, serious flaws have always pervaded its decolonisation strategy; which are now more apparent than ever. The Committee retains narrow and outdated understandings of colonialism and, as a result, fails to recognise how widespread and pervasive global colonial forces remain. This makes its goal of universal decolonisation both unsatisfactory and misguided. The Committee’s problematic approach towards decolonisation stems from its participation within the ‘North–South Theatre’, in which antagonism is perpetuated between the world’s developed and less developed states. The paper argues that the Committee has not prioritised colonised peoples in the way it has always claimed, but instead worked principally in the interests of itself and its members. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1193-1208 Issue: 7 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.825078 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.825078 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:7:p:1193-1208 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rahel Kunz Author-X-Name-First: Rahel Author-X-Name-Last: Kunz Title: Governing International Migration through Partnership Abstract: Partnerships in international migration governance promise a cooperative approach between countries of origin, transit and destination. The literature has generally conceptualised migration partnerships as a policy instrument. This article suggests that understanding the broader transformations taking place in international migration governance under the rubric of partnership demands a novel analysis. Using a governmentality perspective, I interpret migration partnerships as an instance of neoliberal rule. Focusing on the convergence of international migration governance between the international realm and the European and North American region in particular, I demonstrate that the partnership approach frames international migration governance so as to enlist governments, migrants and particular experts in governing international migration, and invokes specific technologies of neoliberal governing which contribute to producing responsible, self-disciplined partners who can be trusted to govern themselves according to the norms established by the partnership discourse. The partnership approach is not a mere policy instrument; it goes beyond the European region and has become an essential element of the governance of international migration. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1227-1246 Issue: 7 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.825089 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.825089 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:7:p:1227-1246 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nivi Manchanda Author-X-Name-First: Nivi Author-X-Name-Last: Manchanda Title: Queering the Pashtun: Afghan sexuality in the homo-nationalist imaginary Abstract: A certain, pathologised image of the Afghan man now dominates the mainstream Western imaginary. This article interrogates representations of Pashtun males in Anglophone media, arguing that these representations are embedded in an Orientalist, homo-nationalist framework. Through a specific focus on the construction of the Taliban as sexually deviant, (improperly) homosexual men, the paper underscores the tensions and contradictions inherent in the hegemonic narrative of ‘Pashtun sexuality’. It also revisits the debate about homosexuality as a ‘minority identity’, arguing that the act versus identity debate is deployed in this context simultaneously to make the Pashtun Other legible and to discredit his alternate ways of being. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 130-146 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.974378 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.974378 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:1:p:130-146 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: William I. Robinson Author-X-Name-First: William I. Author-X-Name-Last: Robinson Title: The transnational state and the BRICS: a global capitalism perspective Abstract: It is commonplace for observers to see the increasingly prominent role of the BRICS in international economic and political affairs as a Southern challenge to global capitalism and the power of the core Trilateral nation-states. Extant accounts remain mired in a tenacious realist debate over the extent to which the BRICS are challenging the prevailing international order. I suggest that we shift the paradigmatic focus in discussion of the BRICS phenomenon towards a global capitalism perspective that breaks with such a nation-state/inter-state framework. Global integration and transnational capitalist class formation has advanced significantly in the BRICS. BRICS protagonism is aimed less at challenging the prevailing international order than at opening up space in the global system for more extensive integration and a less asymmetric global capitalism. The article examines agricultural subsidies, US–China relations and international trade agreements as empirical reference points in arguing that the concept of the transnational state provides a more satisfying explanatory framework for understanding the BRICS phenomenon than the variety of realist approaches. By misreading the BRICS critical scholars and the global left run the risk of becoming cheerleaders for repressive states and transnational capitalists in the South. We would be better off by a denouement of the BRICS states and siding with ‘BRICS from below’ struggles of popular and working class forces. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-21 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.976012 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.976012 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:1:p:1-21 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Van Benthuysen Author-X-Name-First: John Van Author-X-Name-Last: Benthuysen Title: In-between anarchy and interdependence: from state death to fragile and failing states Abstract: International relations scholars concede a vital role for anarchy in structuring state behaviour towards survival. Anarchy provides strong incentives for power-maximising behaviour, since states that do not act accordingly risk death by conquest. This assumption raises an important question: if international anarchy is pervasive, leading to processes where only the fit survive, how do we explain the survival of fragile and failing states? Under conditions of self-help such states should be tempting targets, yet these vulnerable states avoid death by conquest. Fragile and failing states survive because international order is based on a sovereignty regime backed by major powers. International order is more salient than anarchy and provides better vantage points to understand the absence of state death. Elements of international order, like the relational hierarchies between dominant and subordinate states, no longer tolerate state death. This largely explains the survival of fragile and failing states. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 22-39 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.976015 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.976015 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:1:p:22-39 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Karlsrud Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Karlsrud Title: The UN at war: examining the consequences of peace-enforcement mandates for the UN peacekeeping operations in the CAR, the DRC and Mali Abstract: The UN peacekeeping operations in the Central African Republic (CAR), Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Mali were in 2013 given peace enforcement mandates, ordering them to use all necessary measures to ‘neutralise’ and ‘disarm’ identified groups in the eastern DRC and to ‘stabilise’ CAR and northern Mali. It is not new that UN missions have mandates authorising the use of force, but these have normally not specified enemies and have been of short duration. This article investigates these missions to better understand the short- and long-term consequences, in terms of the willingness of traditional as well as Western troop contributors to provide troops, and of the perception of the missions by host states, neighbouring states, rebel groups, and humanitarian and human rights actors. The paper explores normative, security and legitimacy implications of the expanded will of the UN to use force in peacekeeping operations. It argues that the urge to equip UN peacekeeping operations with enforcement mandates that target particular groups has significant long-term implications for the UN and its role as an impartial arbitrator in post-conflict countries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 40-54 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.976016 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.976016 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:1:p:40-54 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adam Sneyd Author-X-Name-First: Adam Author-X-Name-Last: Sneyd Title: The poverty of ‘poverty reduction’: the case of African cotton Abstract: African cotton has been an engine of immiseration. On this the historic record is clear. Since 2002 development policy and decision makers have attempted to treat aspects of this unwelcome condition by focusing official poverty-reduction efforts more explicitly on cotton. While these anti-poverty palliatives have doubtless been well-warranted, the preferred poverty pain relievers have under-performed. This article argues that poverty reduction efforts undertaken for African cotton at multiple levels over the past 13 years have been overly infused with neoliberal ideas. Many experts have simply not cottoned on to the possibility that prescriptions steeped in neoliberal predispositions might only alleviate some of the symptoms that their African ‘patients’ experience every day. In this context status quo poverty reduction initiatives come at a high potential risk and cost. Absent a rethink, in this case the poverty of ‘poverty reduction’ could well be cemented. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 55-74 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.976017 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.976017 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:1:p:55-74 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jonathan Hassid Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan Author-X-Name-Last: Hassid Author-Name: Elaine Jeffreys Author-X-Name-First: Elaine Author-X-Name-Last: Jeffreys Title: Doing good or doing nothing? Celebrity, media and philanthropy in China Abstract: Based on a statistical analysis of 91 celebrity-endorsed charities in the People’s Republic of China, this paper challenges the popular assumption that celebrity involvement with not-for-profit organisations attracts extensive media coverage. Although China is the largest media market in the world, previous studies of celebrity philanthropy have been conducted almost exclusively in a Western context. Such studies argue passionately for and against the role that celebrities can play in attracting attention to humanitarian causes, focusing on the activities of Western celebrities, corporations and consumers as essential or problematic promoters and providers of aid to people in developing countries. We show that – in China, at least – most of this debate is overblown. Rather than arguing in favour of or against celebrity philanthropy, we provide statistical results suggesting that celebrity endorsement has very little impact on press coverage of charities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 75-93 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.976019 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.976019 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:1:p:75-93 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Aasim Sajjad Akhtar Author-X-Name-First: Aasim Sajjad Author-X-Name-Last: Akhtar Author-Name: Ali Nobil Ahmad Author-X-Name-First: Ali Nobil Author-X-Name-Last: Ahmad Title: Conspiracy and statecraft in postcolonial states: theories and realities of the hidden hand in Pakistan’s war on terror Abstract: This paper is a cautiously sympathetic treatment of conspiracy theory in Pakistan, relating it to Marxist theories of the state, structural functionalism and Machiavellian realism in international relations. Unlike moralising mainstream news reports describing terrorism in terms of horrific events and academic research endlessly lamenting the ‘failure’, ‘weakness’ and mendacity of the Pakistani state, conspiracy theory has much in common with realism in its cynical disregard for stated intentions and insistence on the primacy of inter-state rivalry. It contains a theory of the postcolonial state as part of a wider international system based on class-conspiracy, wedding imperial interests to those of an indigenous elite, with little concern for preserving liberal norms of statehood. Hence we consider some forms of conspiracy theory a layperson’s theory of the capitalist state, which seeks to explain history with reference to global and domestic material forces, interests and structures shaping outcomes, irrespective of political actors’ stated intentions. While this approach may be problematic in its disregard for intentionality and ideology, its suspicion of the notion that the ‘War on Terror’ should be read morally as a battle between states and ‘non-state actors’ is understandable – especially when technological and political-economic changes have made the importance of impersonal economic forces driving towards permanent war more relevant than ever. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 94-110 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.976022 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.976022 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:1:p:94-110 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Imad Salamey Author-X-Name-First: Imad Author-X-Name-Last: Salamey Title: Post-Arab Spring: changes and challenges Abstract: This paper advances the proposition that post-Arab Spring politics are a product of globalisation’s economic and social liberalisation. The global market and privatisation have fundamentally deconstructed centralised autocratic rule over state and society, while facilitating corruption and selective development, culminating in public outrage. The political order of the Middle East and North Africa since the Arab Spring synthesises globalisation’s dialectic duality, in which economic integration has contributed to the demise of national authoritarianism, inciting communalism and political fragmentation. This paper analyses emerging political trends and challenges based on a comparative analysis of Egypt and Tunisia. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 111-129 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.976025 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.976025 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:1:p:111-129 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mneesha Gellman Author-X-Name-First: Mneesha Author-X-Name-Last: Gellman Title: Teaching silence in the schoolroom: whither national history in Sierra Leone and El Salvador? Abstract: This article addresses the divergent cultures of silence and memorialisation about the civil wars in Sierra Leone and El Salvador, and examines the role that sites of remembering and forgetting play in crafting post-war citizens. In the formal education sector the ministries of education in each country have taken different approaches to teaching the history of the war, with Sierra Leone emphasising forgetting and El Salvador geared towards remembering war history. In both countries nongovernmental actors, particularly peace museums, are filling the memory gap. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in each country, the article documents how the culture of silence that pervades Sierra Leone enables a progress-driven ‘looking forward’ without teaching the past, while El Salvador is working on weaving a culture of memorialisation into its democratisation process. The article argues that knowledge about civil war history can raise young people’s awareness of the consequences of violence and promote civic engagement in its deterrence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 147-161 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.976027 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.976027 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:1:p:147-161 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen Baranyi Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Baranyi Author-Name: Andreas E. Feldmann Author-X-Name-First: Andreas E. Author-X-Name-Last: Feldmann Author-Name: Lydia Bernier Author-X-Name-First: Lydia Author-X-Name-Last: Bernier Title: Solidarity forever? ABC, ALBA and South–South Cooperation in Haiti Abstract: The growing influence of the global South in international affairs has prompted a passionate discussion about the role of South–South cooperation (SSC). SSC is sometimes uncritically portrayed as a uniform phenomenon that presents a superior alternative to North–South Cooperation (NSC). To problematise and deepen our knowledge about SSC, this article examines the intriguing case of Haiti, which has seen a wealth of SSC cooperation since the international intervention in 2004. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, the study compares the approaches of two distinct Southern groupings working in Haiti: Argentina, Brazil and Chile (the so-called ABC countries) and the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA) led by Venezuela. We argue that ABC and ALBA display marked differences and that, while their approaches have distinct strengths and weaknesses, they do not necessarily represent a fundamental improvement over NSC. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 162-178 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.976041 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.976041 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:1:p:162-178 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marylynn Steckley Author-X-Name-First: Marylynn Author-X-Name-Last: Steckley Author-Name: Yasmine Shamsie Author-X-Name-First: Yasmine Author-X-Name-Last: Shamsie Title: Manufacturing corporate landscapes: the case of agrarian displacement and food (in)security in Haiti Abstract: This paper explores the historical and contemporary sources of food insecurity in Haiti. It begins by detailing the impact of colonial legacies on the Caribbean region as a whole and on Haiti in particular. The adverse consequences associated with this period include deforestation, soil infertility and food-import dependence. The paper then turns to more contemporary trends, namely the influence of 30 years of neoliberal ideology. It argues that the belief that Haiti can best achieve food security through the pursuit of comparative advantage, a notion advanced and supported by powerful international and domestic actors, has served to reinforce harmful historic trends. We support this argument with recent fieldwork findings that highlight how the construction of a new export processing zone (EPZ), following the 2010 earthquake, has generated troubling environmental and food security concerns. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 179-197 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.976042 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.976042 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:1:p:179-197 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jihan Zakarriya Author-X-Name-First: Jihan Author-X-Name-Last: Zakarriya Title: Humanism in the autobiographies of Edward Said and Nelson Mandela: memory as action Abstract: This paper discusses the concept of memory as a form of humanist activism in the autobiographies of Nelson Mandela and Edward Said. Mandela and Said were chosen because they dedicated their lives to the cause of freedom in South Africa and Palestine. Their engagement with the political causes of their countries turned into a concern with worldwide struggles for human rights and racial equality. While Mandela emerged as a vital force against apartheid in South Africa, Said was a well-known and influential Palestinian critic and intellectual whose writings tackle the Palestinian struggle for justice within the worldwide experience of imperialism and its binary oppositions of white/black, male/female, superior/inferior. I argue that these autobiographies bear witness to the plight of Black South Africans and Palestinians as both a shared memory resistant to erasure and a call for justice. Mandela and Said used their personal memories and life stories to construct a public reading of the meanings of the events that shaped them. Here I focus on the concept of humanist and political activity in the two autobiographies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 198-204 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.976048 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.976048 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:1:p:198-204 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Barry Gills Author-X-Name-First: Barry Author-X-Name-Last: Gills Author-Name: Kevin Gray Author-X-Name-First: Kevin Author-X-Name-Last: Gray Title: People Power in the Era of Global Crisis: rebellion, resistance, and liberation Abstract: This article examines the relationship between oppression, injustice, and liberation both theoretically and practically and in relation to contemporary global events and political history. The struggle for human freedom and liberation from structures of oppression and exploitation, and the relation to democracy and to the agents of social change, is the central subject of the analysis. The article summarises the critical analyses of the contributors to this collection, who examine the past several decades of `People Power' via popular struggles for substantive democratisation, and assess both the obstacles and achievements of these movements in a context of global, regional, and national political economic tendencies. The authors revisit the theses of `Low Intensity Democracy', which appeared in the early 1990s, in light of the recent upsurge of popular protest and rebellion in the context of an on-going global crisis. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 205-224 Issue: 2 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.664897 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.664897 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:2:p:205-224 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Joel Rocamora Author-X-Name-First: Joel Author-X-Name-Last: Rocamora Title: People Power is Alive and Well Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 201-204 Issue: 2 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.666008 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.666008 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:2:p:201-204 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas Muhr Author-X-Name-First: Thomas Author-X-Name-Last: Muhr Title: (Re)constructing Popular Power in Our America: Venezuela and the regionalisation of ‘revolutionary democracy’ in the ALBA–TCP space Abstract: With Nicaragua's Sandinista People's Revolution (1979–90) as an ideological reference point, this paper adopts an historical approach to a theorisation of the contemporary (re)construction of popular power in Latin America and the Caribbean through the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America–Peoples' Trade Agreement (alba–tcp). At the core of the analysis is the Venezuelan government's concept of ‘protagonistic revolutionary democracy’ which, by drawing on Marxist direct democracy and CB Macpherson's participatory democracy, can be understood as the definitional foundation of the envisioned ‘21st century socialism’. Mechanisms for the exercise of direct democracy and of participatory democracy promotion are identified at the national and regional scales, through which the alba–tcp emerges as a counter-hegemonic governance regime composed of two dialectically interrelated forces: the ‘state-in-revolution’ and the ‘organised society’. They drive the regionalisation of ‘revolutionary democracy’, thus (re)constructing popular power in the production of the alba–tcp space. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 225-241 Issue: 2 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.666010 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.666010 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:2:p:225-241 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Patrick Bond Author-X-Name-First: Patrick Author-X-Name-Last: Bond Title: South African People Power since the mid-1980s: two steps forward, one back Abstract: The advent and growth of a community-based democracy movement in South Africa in the late 1970s was decisive in destabilising the apartheid regime and paving the way to democracy. But in the quarter century since then progressive civil society has ebbed and flowed, reaching a peak in the early 1990s as an anti-apartheid force, retreating into a ‘honeymoon period’ with Nelson Mandela's anc government during the late 1990s, and emerging as ‘new social movements’ around 1999. These latter included the Treatment Action Campaign, which won enormous victories in cheapening aids medicines, and urban community movements which advocated improved water/sanitation, electricity and housing. Within five years these movements had either won or begun to fade; more recent people power has taken the form of disruptive – but ultimately disorganized – township insurgencies. In cases where the popular movements allied with the Congress of SA Trade Unions, they made progress, but the latter's political allegiances to the anc and the unions' ability to replace the anc president in 2007 meant continuing gridlock for social and economic change, as society remained under neoliberal public policy domination. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 243-264 Issue: 2 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.666011 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.666011 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:2:p:243-264 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Fantu Cheru Author-X-Name-First: Fantu Author-X-Name-Last: Cheru Title: Democracy and People Power in Africa: still searching for the ‘political kingdom’ Abstract: 1This article analyses current trends in the struggle for democracy in Africa, including the role of social movements. Such movements found early expression in the anti-colonial movement, while recent uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt are reminiscent of the second liberation struggles of two decades earlier. The article undertakes a critical evaluation of emerging democratic forces in Africa, arguing that such a review is vital to the analysis of the trends in the struggles for people power, and explores strategies for avoiding the pitfalls that undermined earlier waves of democratisation in the continent, particularly that of the 1990s when initial euphoria led to uncritical acceptance of movements that were later found to be opportunistic and undemocratic. The article concludes by examining the conditions under which an ‘emanicipatory’ African national democratic project—defined by an increase in people's participation in authoritative resource allocation—can be initiated and sustained in the face of a deepening crisis of the current neoliberal world order. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 265-291 Issue: 2 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.666012 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.666012 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:2:p:265-291 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kwang-Yeong Shin Author-X-Name-First: Kwang-Yeong Author-X-Name-Last: Shin Title: The Dilemmas of Korea's New Democracy in an Age of Neoliberal Globalisation Abstract: This paper explores how the return to power by the authoritarian conservative Grand National Party after a decade of liberal government was possible, drawing attention to the mode of democratic transition and its impact on democratic consolidation, and to the role of civil society in South Korea. It examines how the democratic transition by pact failed to eliminate the legacies of authoritarianism within the state and civil society and contributed to the maintenance of authoritarian civic organisations established by the military regime. Whilst liberal democratic parties took power in the midst of the East Asian financial crisis, they ultimately undermined their own social bases by carrying out neoliberal economic reforms in order to tackle the crisis. The rise of conservative civil society in the 2000s formed the social base upon which the Grand National Party was able to regain state power through a significant shift in voters' party preference. Its reorganisation of the conservative civic organisations played a key role in mobilising frustrated voters to support it in 2007. The Korean experience of democratisation demonstrates that democratic transition is not only a political process but also a social and economic process, revealing that in Korea civil society has been far from democratic. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 293-309 Issue: 2 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.666013 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.666013 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:2:p:293-309 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Garry Rodan Author-X-Name-First: Garry Author-X-Name-Last: Rodan Title: Competing Ideologies of Political Representation in Southeast Asia Abstract: In both post-authoritarian and authoritarian regimes in Southeast Asia there are continuing struggles over the forms and extent of political representation. Importantly, many of the same ideologies are present across these different categories of regime. Ideas of, and constituencies for, non-democratic representation exist in democratic societies and vice versa. Alongside democratic notions of representation, populist, localist and consensus rationales compete for support. However, in contests to shape political representation, historical factors, including legacies of the Cold War and structural impacts of global capitalist development, are not favourable to the pursuit of interests through the independent, collective action—especially cohesive social movements involving trade unions—that characterised the experiences of democratisation in Western Europe. This profoundly influences the complexion of and levels of support for different ideologies of representation in the region. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 311-332 Issue: 2 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.666014 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.666014 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:2:p:311-332 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jason Abbott Author-X-Name-First: Jason Author-X-Name-Last: Abbott Title: Democracy@internet.org Revisited: analysing the socio-political impact of the internet and new social media in East Asia Abstract: This article explores the socio-political impact of the internet and new social media in East Asia. In particular it explores whether the new tools and platforms associated with the latter are having a democratising effect on the region's authoritarian and semi-authoritarian regimes by opening up a permissive online public sphere in which traditional hierarchies of power are challenged. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 333-357 Issue: 2 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.666015 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.666015 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:2:p:333-357 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stuart Shields Author-X-Name-First: Stuart Author-X-Name-Last: Shields Title: Opposing Neoliberalism? Poland's renewed populism and post-communist transition Abstract: This article interrogates the social impact of neoliberalisation and the counter-hegemonic forces this has engendered by exploring Poland's recent populist turn. It rejects methodologically nationalist attempts to isolate events in Poland from wider processes of structural change and the accompanying realignment within the global capitalist economy, analysing the implications of a number of alternative and counter-hegemonic projects to the neoliberal mainstream. The article considers whether the populist turn signals a decisive rejection of neoliberalism, despite the absence of a coherent left alternative and the fact that the anti-neoliberal alternative has come from the nationalist right, dominated by politically regressive conservative social forces who have aimed to arrest welfare cuts and end the austerity associated with Poland's seemingly endless forms of reform. While no clear anti-neoliberal strategy exists, pragmatic responses have occurred but within the structurally delimited environs of state intervention. Utilising a Gramscian critical political economy the article shows how populist counter-hegemonic forces have been co-opted and are best understood in terms of the relationship to specific conjunctural projects for the reorientation of the reproduction of capitalist social relations. The conclusion reflects on the potential for a progressive politics of a renewed Polish left to emerge. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 359-381 Issue: 2 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.666016 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.666016 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:2:p:359-381 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vanessa F. Newby Author-X-Name-First: Vanessa F. Author-X-Name-Last: Newby Title: Power, politics and perception: the impact of foreign policy on civilian–peacekeeper relations Abstract: This article responds to a recent call for increased empirical evidence on the ‘local turn’ in the peacebuilding literature and discusses the impact of the international on local consent for peace operations. Using fresh empirical material this article examines the case of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). It shows how local perceptions of the foreign policies of peacekeeping contingents matter, and how this affects the functionality of the mission. This article highlights the heterogeneity of both United Nations peacekeeping missions and local populations, an issue that is insufficiently discussed in the literature on local engagement in peacebuilding/peacekeeping. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 661-676 Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1334542 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1334542 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:4:p:661-676 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Oliver Walton Author-X-Name-First: Oliver Author-X-Name-Last: Walton Title: Beyond disaster framing: exploring multi-mandate INGOs’ representations of conflict Abstract: This article examines how and why multi-mandate INGOs represent contemporary armed conflicts in particular ways. Based on empirical analysis of NGO communications and interviews with staff, it finds that these organisations typically adopt a two-track approach to representing conflicts. They use mainstream media to present consequence-oriented accounts to the general public, while utilising alternative channels to represent more nuanced depictions of conflict to more targeted audiences. These alternative forms of communication often aim to disrupt the dominant narratives of conflict produced by influential policy or media actors. Decisions about how to represent conflict are shaped by organisations’ histories, identities and funding relationships. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 642-660 Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1350097 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1350097 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:4:p:642-660 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rebecca Clouser Author-X-Name-First: Rebecca Author-X-Name-Last: Clouser Title: Reality and rumour: the grey areas of international development in Guatemala Abstract: In Guatemala, development projects and practitioners are frequently associated with rumours. These rumours, often related to suspicions of ulterior motives, have a high degree of potency and endurance. This paper investigates this relationship between development and rumour, focusing on some of the more prevalent rumours including robaniños (baby-stealers), religious rumours regarding the Antichrist and rumours related to vaccinations and sterilisation. As a counter to perspectives which essentialise a lack of education in the perpetuation of rumours, I explore how they become devices through which one can understand power imbalances and everyday violence(s) inherent in many development projects and processes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 769-785 Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1368380 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1368380 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:4:p:769-785 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jeb Sprague-Silgado Author-X-Name-First: Jeb Author-X-Name-Last: Sprague-Silgado Title: Global capitalism, Haiti, and the flexibilisation of paramilitarism Abstract: This paper looks at the shifting manner in which paramilitarism has been reproduced in Haiti, examining how it has evolved from the Cold War into the era of capitalist globalisation. The central argument of this article is that paramilitarism has not disappeared but has been altered, and that this has occurred in part due to the changing strategies of elites in the global era. Rather than a permanent and widespread force, paramilitary groups are utilised in smaller numbers and only in certain ‘emergency periods’, serving a purpose of containment: targeting political threats and beating down those large populations whose social reproduction is not required by transnational capital. This has been a difficult situation for elites to manage, as they often have only limited control over such ruthless, corrupt and violent elements, which they sometimes require. Following the 1991 and 2004 coup d’états in Haiti, a military–paramilitary–bourgeoisie grouping has repeatedly worked to recover its impunity and revamp its coercive apparatus. Under these conditions, and even more increasingly in the wake of the 2010 earthquake, a variety of elites and technocrats (most importantly, US policymakers) have sought to politically remake the country alongside processes of economic restructuring promoted by transnational capital. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 747-768 Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1369026 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1369026 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:4:p:747-768 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jared McKinney Author-X-Name-First: Jared Author-X-Name-Last: McKinney Title: How stalled global reform is fueling regionalism: China’s engagement with the G20 Abstract: In the Chinese view, the architecture of contemporary global governance – especially that of the Bretton Woods institutions – is flawed and in need of reform. Developing nations (like China), the argument runs, need to be given a role proportionate to their global economic influence. Since the Group of Twenty (G20) became a leaders’ summit in 2008, China has used the forum to push for such reform. But today, despite some supposed progress, reform has stalled. Recognising this fact, China is increasingly emphasising regional integration in its strategy for overcoming the middle-income trap. Global reform has not been abandoned, but – given its infeasibility – is no longer a short-term priority. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 709-726 Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1374838 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1374838 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:4:p:709-726 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Allan Gillies Author-X-Name-First: Allan Author-X-Name-Last: Gillies Title: Theorising state–narco relations in Bolivia’s nascent democracy (1982–1993): governance, order and political transition Abstract: Conventional policy and academic discourses have generally held illicit drug economies in Latin America to be synergistic with violence and instability. The case of post-transition Bolivia (1982–1993) confounds such assumptions. Applying a political economy approach, this article moves beyond mainstream analyses to examine how the Bolivian drug trade became interwoven with informal forms of governance, order and political transition. I argue that state–narco networks – a hangover from Bolivia’s authoritarian era – played an important role in these complex processes. In tracing the evolution of these interactions, the article advances a more nuanced theorisation of the relationship between the state and the drug trade in an understudied case. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 727-746 Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1374839 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1374839 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:4:p:727-746 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Charanpal S. Bal Author-X-Name-First: Charanpal S. Author-X-Name-Last: Bal Author-Name: Kelly Gerard Author-X-Name-First: Kelly Author-X-Name-Last: Gerard Title: ASEAN’s governance of migrant worker rights Abstract: Temporary migrant workers in Southeast Asia are subject to various abuses in recruitment, work and repatriation. A decade ago ASEAN governments committed to developing an Instrument governing migrant worker rights, but a series of deadlocks have stymied this agreement. Prevailing accounts explain this impasse as the consequence of incompatible national interests, norms of non-interference and consensus, a lack of institutional capacity and the limits of rights advocacy in ASEAN. Conversely, utilising a political economy framework, this article demonstrates this impasse in regional governance reflects societal-level conflicts among migrant workers, civil society organisations, business groups and state-based actors, generated by the latter’s adoption of migrant labour as both a livelihood and development strategy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 799-819 Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1387478 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1387478 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:4:p:799-819 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elia Zureik Author-X-Name-First: Elia Author-X-Name-Last: Zureik Title: Qatar’s humanitarian aid to Palestine Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to document Qatar’s recent contribution of humanitarian aid to the Palestinians. We consider Qatar as an example of a mini state that relies on its wealth and soft power to further its interests in the Middle East and support a beleaguered Arab-Muslim state. The paper carries out analysis of Arabic newspapers and other documentary evidence to contextualise and estimate Qatar’s financial contribution 2010–2016. Contextualising Qatar’s aid necessitates considering Israel’s military control of the Palestinian Territories, and its ability through hard power to regulate the inflow of aid to Palestine. The paper concludes by calling for adopting the political economy perspective in dealing with humanitarian aid. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 786-798 Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1392087 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1392087 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:4:p:786-798 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Joanne E. Davies Author-X-Name-First: Joanne E. Author-X-Name-Last: Davies Title: Does the Millennium Challenge Corporation reinforce capitalist power structures or empower citizens? Abstract: In development practice, how does ‘mutual benefit’ accrue, and to whom? China criticises America for perpetuating capitalist power relations and claims it can seek a new geopolitical order based on South–South cooperation. Meanwhile, there has been an extraordinary shift of emphasis towards the private sector as a driver of development, but this shift is attracting increasing criticism. The Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) – the only development agency to grow in influence under the Trump administration – is evaluated in the light of these two key themes. Neither China nor the private sector is successful in achieving ‘mutual benefit’ for ordinary citizens – both replicate existing power inequalities. As with the rise of both China and the private sector, the MCC also enmeshes developing countries further into the existing neoliberal capitalist structures. However, the advantages of the agency should not be dismissed outright, as its Ruling Justly and Investing in People indicators can enhance the capacity of citizens to challenge these power structures themselves. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 609-625 Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1401463 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1401463 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:4:p:609-625 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Paul Bowles Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Bowles Author-Name: Fiona MacPhail Author-X-Name-First: Fiona Author-X-Name-Last: MacPhail Author-Name: Baotai Wang Author-X-Name-First: Baotai Author-X-Name-Last: Wang Title: Renminbi appreciation and Global Value Chains in China: exploring the linkages Abstract: China has experienced a rapid integration into Global Value Chains and a decade long appreciation of its exchange rate. However, these trends have been analysed largely in isolation from each other. In this paper, we explore the linkages between the two based on interviews with a sample of firms in Jiangsu Province. We show (1) how the distribution of the costs and benefits of exchange rate appreciation depends on the power hierarchies between firms in GVCs; (2) how exchange rate changes are important drivers of upgrading and even downgrading in GVCs; and (3) that the firm heterogeneity evident in GVCs provides additional insights into the politics of exchange rate determination in China. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 692-708 Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1401921 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1401921 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:4:p:692-708 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: M.-O. Baumann Author-X-Name-First: M.-O. Author-X-Name-Last: Baumann Title: Forever North–South? The political challenges of reforming the UN development system Abstract: Member states of the United Nations (UN) agree that its development system needs substantial reform given its fragmentation and outdated structures, as well as new demands from the 2030 Agenda. Yet, a recent two-year reform process yielded no substantial reform decisions. Why did member states fail to endorse the necessary reforms despite almost unanimous recognition of the need for change? This paper describes member states’ conflicting positions on reforming the UN and analyses their failure to delegate authority to the UN development system. North and South, donors and recipients, are locked in a struggle for power and control, maximising bilateral influence at the expense of the benefits of multilateral cooperation. The paper contributes to the pool of UN studies, adding a decidedly political perspective of the reform process. It is based on diplomatic statements, negotiation drafts and interviews with UN diplomats. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 626-641 Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1408405 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1408405 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:4:p:626-641 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Simon Philpott Author-X-Name-First: Simon Author-X-Name-Last: Philpott Title: The politics of purity: discourses of deception and integrity in contemporary international cricket Abstract: The International Cricket Council and civil prosecutions of three Pakistani cricketers and their fixer brought player corruption in cricket to public scrutiny once more. A range of English media commentators and the sentencing judge referred to cricket’s loss of innocence because of the deception of the Pakistani cricketers. However, commercialisation, racism and dealings with corrupt political regimes have all exposed cricket as less innocent than many of its English defenders would admit. Furthermore, the demonisation of Pakistani cricketers as cheats blurs the boundary between individual responsibility and cultural characteristics with negative consequences for Muslims in the post-9/11 world. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 677-691 Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1432348 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1432348 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:4:p:677-691 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Corrigendum Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: (iii)-(iii) Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1445191 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1445191 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:4:p:(iii)-(iii) Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Daniel Vukovich Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Vukovich Title: Illiberal China and global convergence: thinking through Wukan and Hong Kong Abstract: This article examines the applicability of convergence thinking via two protests in southern China: the Wukan ‘uprising’ and the ‘Umbrella Revolution’. These failed to usher in ‘democracy’ in an unnamed, ‘Western’ procedural sense. Yet the global media events expose the limits of convergence thinking, both official/PRC and Western/liberal. In so far as convergence is also about hegemony and rivalry, the events also show the fading of the latter, liberal one and the rise of the Chinese state as something which must be reckoned with analytically. It is not that the Chinese version is truer but that its relative legitimacy and actuality must be used to further citizens’ ends. The challenge is to re-politicise the state and bureaucracy, and in this the villagers have a lesson for Hong Kong. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2130-2147 Issue: 11 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1065709 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1065709 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:11:p:2130-2147 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Qingye Tang Author-X-Name-First: Qingye Author-X-Name-Last: Tang Author-Name: Qing Li Author-X-Name-First: Qing Author-X-Name-Last: Li Title: Voicing the self: discursive representations of Chinese old-generation migrant workers Abstract: This study, drawing upon J. R. Martin’s appraisal theory, examines the discursive representations of self in a corpus of in-depth interviews with 15 Chinese old-generation migrant workers. Migrants represent self as aliens, outlanders, the suppressed and socially excluded, but with strong self-awareness and a definite self-categorisation. This study has implications for removing the stigma and stereotype against this group and enhancing their power of discourse. Also, with the voice being heard, the marginalised have the opportunity to resist forced identity and to contribute to building a bridge of sympathy, empathy, respect and understanding between the powerful and the powerless. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2167-2182 Issue: 11 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1067767 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1067767 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:11:p:2167-2182 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jan Nederveen Pieterse Author-X-Name-First: Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Nederveen Pieterse Title: China’s contingencies and globalisation Abstract: Will China be able to rebalance its economy, heavily tilted towards investment? Will it be able to increase the share of household consumption in GDP? Will it turn steeply growing social inequality around? Will urbanisation contribute to China’s rebalancing or will it add to the imbalances? Will China manage to bring pollution under control? Such variables will determine whether China can move beyond the middle-income trap and also affect its external relations. In addition, China’s rebalancing is a variable in global rebalancing. This article provides an introduction to the special issue. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1985-2001 Issue: 11 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1067860 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1067860 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:11:p:1985-2001 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shih-Diing Liu Author-X-Name-First: Shih-Diing Author-X-Name-Last: Liu Title: The new contentious sequence since Tiananmen Abstract: In the aftermath of the crackdown in Tiananmen, China’s political landscape has witnessed a new protest cycle. Unrest has escalated as a consequence of the reconfiguration of the Party-state, which has to deal with an increasingly restive society. The protest politics since the 1990s has unfolded with a set of distinctively different patterns, dynamics and consequences alongside with the transformation of the Party-state. This paper gives an account of the emerging new contentious sequence, with an emphasis on how the transformation of the Party-state has facilitated the conditions for popular resistance. The distinctiveness of the new sequence rests in the ambivalent relationship and strategic engagement with the decentralised Party-state, which has increasingly accommodated mass protest to recapture regime legitimacy. Profound changes in state governance and state–society linkages, the central–local divide, as well as the socialist tradition have all combined to reshape the conditions for contemporary popular struggle in China. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2148-2166 Issue: 11 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1067861 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1067861 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:11:p:2148-2166 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Changgang Guo Author-X-Name-First: Changgang Author-X-Name-Last: Guo Author-Name: Fengmei Zhang Author-X-Name-First: Fengmei Author-X-Name-Last: Zhang Title: Religion and social stability: China’s religious policies in the Age of Reform Abstract: Under a strongly entrenched and powerful regime since the Han Dynasty, China has formed a unique ‘state-lead, church-follow’ model, in which the secular regime always incorporates religious affairs into its national administration. The Chinese Communist Party’s religious policy has largely remained an inheritance of the practice dating back to ancient times. In response to the great ‘religious awakening’ in the age of reform, especially the political risks that religion was seen to pose after the downfall of the USSR and the disintegration of the Communist bloc in Eastern Europe, the Party proposed a policy of ‘management of religious affairs according to law’. This ‘self-centred’ policy is being challenged, yet is crucial to social and political stability. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2183-2195 Issue: 11 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1067862 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1067862 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:11:p:2183-2195 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ning Wang Author-X-Name-First: Ning Author-X-Name-Last: Wang Title: Globalisation as glocalisation in China: a new perspective Abstract: In the current Chinese and international cultural and theoretical context globalisation has been one of the most heatedly debated topics of the past decade. This raises these questions: why should we Chinese humanities scholars deal with this topic with such enthusiasm? Has China really benefited from globalisation in its modernity project? How is globalisation realised in the Chinese context? How has it affected China’s humanities and culture? The advent of globalisation in China is subject to various constructions and reconstructions in its glocalised practice. So it is actually a sort of glocalisation in the Chinese context. Based on my previous research and on others’ publications, I offer my own reconstruction of globalisation with regard to its ‘glocalised’ practice in China. In the age of globalisation modernity has taken on a new look, or become a postmodern modernity, characterised by contemporary consumer culture. Along with the rapid development of its economy, China is now experiencing a sort of ‘de-third-worldising’ process, with its function increasingly important in the world. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2059-2074 Issue: 11 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1068113 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1068113 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:11:p:2059-2074 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jonathan Holslag Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan Author-X-Name-Last: Holslag Title: Unequal partnerships and open doors: probing China’s economic ambitions in Asia Abstract: One of the most important arguments with which China has sought to develop amicable relations with its neighbours has been the promise of economic benefits. Yet, this paper argues, these gains have remained limited. In spite of limited available data, the paper shows that China’s contribution to the rest of Asia’s GDP has been small and for most neighbours negative. Moreover, China is increasingly impelling those countries into partnerships that look unequal rather than equal. While Beijing has tried to mitigate frustration by promising to rebalance its economy and to create more export opportunities, the paper goes on to reveal that China is in fact readying itself to make another major push for exports itself and to pursue its own open-door policy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2112-2129 Issue: 11 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1077680 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1077680 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:11:p:2112-2129 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Debin Liu Author-X-Name-First: Debin Author-X-Name-Last: Liu Author-Name: Zhen Yan Author-X-Name-First: Zhen Author-X-Name-Last: Yan Title: Engaging with globalisation: Chinese perspectives Abstract: China’s reform and opening-up process has coincided with the expansion of globalisation. Many people have expressed the belief that China has been the biggest winner in globalisation, and some of them even believe that the country has begun to take initiatives in globalisation instead of merely being affected by it. This article reviews the foundations of China’s engagement with globalisation, and shows how Chinese scholars have approached the study of globalisation for the past three decades. By further examining the Chinese authorities’ official stance, China’s changing identity and newly announced strategic initiatives, the article argues that the relationship between China and globalisation has undergone a certain transition, in which the country has been increasing its power and will to reshape and engage the process of globalisation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2002-2022 Issue: 11 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1077681 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1077681 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:11:p:2002-2022 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dianfan Yu Author-X-Name-First: Dianfan Author-X-Name-Last: Yu Author-Name: Yajun Zhang Author-X-Name-First: Yajun Author-X-Name-Last: Zhang Title: China’s industrial transformation and the ‘new normal’ Abstract: China’s industrial transformation faces four big roadblocks: the loss of traditional comparative advantage, weak domestic demand, low-end locking of the value chain, and structural and institutional obstacles. The shift of economic growth to structural upgrades, innovation and a service-based economy is the primary driving force required. China should implement four strategies. The first is to cultivate a new dynamic comparative advantage and inject new vitality for industrial transformation. The second is to let the market play a more decisive role and establish a long-term mechanism to expand domestic demand. The third is to promote the convergent development of global and national value chains, upgrading the value chain in horizontal and vertical axes. The fourth is to create an upgraded version of Chinese reform, manage the market with a pattern of negative listing and supervise the government with a pattern of positive listing. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2075-2097 Issue: 11 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1077682 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1077682 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:11:p:2075-2097 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Xiao Li Author-X-Name-First: Xiao Author-X-Name-Last: Li Author-Name: Yibing Ding Author-X-Name-First: Yibing Author-X-Name-Last: Ding Title: From export platform to market provider: China’s perspectives on its past and future role in a globalised Asian economy Abstract: Since the 1990s China’s development of a market-oriented economy and its engagement with globalisation have given it a role as the primary export platform of a globalised Asian economy. This has not only promoted the exports of capital and intermediate goods of the other leading Asian economies, but has also stabilised the fluctuations of the Asian economy and deepened the regional production networks in the US-dominated global economic system. As China is entering an economic ‘new normal’, its economic structure and growth pattern will experience a period of transition. Thus its role in the Asian economy and the global economic system will change. China’s new role as a market provider for the final consumer goods from the region might increase. China’s efforts to reform its domestic economy and develop regional economic cooperation arrangements will helpful in accomplishing this role change, but various uncertainties and contingencies might continue to pose obstacles for this process. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2098-2111 Issue: 11 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1077683 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1077683 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:11:p:2098-2111 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ren Xiao Author-X-Name-First: Ren Author-X-Name-Last: Xiao Title: A reform-minded status quo power? China, the G20, and reform of the international financial system Abstract: This paper analyses the case of China in the G20 process and examines China’s position and policies on relevant issues, including international monetary system reform, reform of the international financial institutions (IFIs), international financial regulation, the future of the dollar, and internationalisation of the renminbi. My findings demonstrate that China has actively participated in the G20’s deliberations and actions, put forward its suggestions, sought an expanded share and voting power in the IFIs in correspondence with its rising status, and promoted the internationalisation of the renminbi. It does not aspire to overthrow this system within which it has prospered. In this sense China is a status quo power. Meanwhile China argues that the current international order is flawed and that there exist a number of unjust and unreasonable components. They have long needed to be changed. My conclusion is that China is not a complete but rather a reform-minded status quo power. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2023-2043 Issue: 11 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1078232 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1078232 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:11:p:2023-2043 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shi-xu Author-X-Name-First: Author-X-Name-Last: Shi-xu Title: China’s national defence in global security discourse: a cultural–rhetorical approach to military scholarship Abstract: China’s ascendancy in general and its military growth in particular have engendered mixed reactions the world over. This article takes up international academic discourse on China’s national defence and examines the ways in which recurring themes of China as a ‘regional threat’, ‘hostile East Asian power’, and as ‘untrustworthy’, as well as proposals of counter-strategies, are constructed in a case of an international journal publication. Proceeding from Cultural Discourse Studies (CDS), and especially the notion of rhetoric as morally oriented, the article shows that the ‘dangers’, ‘threats’ and ‘untrustworthiness’ of China are born, not out of presentations of facts or evidence, but out of particular rhetorical renderings of Western binary thinking and presumptions of ‘USA-as-guarantor-of-world-peace’ and ‘power-as-hegemony’. Further, it critiques from a CDS perspective the cultural bias and human consequences of these ways of thinking and speaking. The article ends with suggestions for culturally new ways of thinking and talking about the cultural Other and international relations more generally. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2044-2058 Issue: 11 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1082423 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1082423 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:11:p:2044-2058 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: S. G. Sreejith Author-X-Name-First: S. G. Author-X-Name-Last: Sreejith Title: An auto-critique of TWAIL’s historical fallacy: sketching an alternative manifesto Abstract: Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) has been impactful in international law scholarship. However, many of its epistemic approaches, especially its active historicising, have often turned counterproductive to its objective of securing freedom for the peoples of the Third World. Moreover, pursuing the colonial past through weighty polemics has rendered TWAIL a discourse that engenders anti-Western sentiments. Further, TWAIL’s dialectic means of resistance and opposition to a past-influenced present ingrained in international law and systems, which are at the disposal of the West, have the reverse effect of dialectically imposing a Western otherness on TWAIL. Hence, an alternative manifesto is sketched, which, while it disagrees with the exclusion of the West in social production, refuses to privilege the West through a Hegelian dialectic of otherness. The alternative manifesto proposes an alternative dialectic wherein the otherness is a ‘universal’ in the self-consciousness of the subjects. It is a dialectic of inclusion and open participation. The article also attempts to situate the new dialectic in international law. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1511-1530 Issue: 7 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1217737 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1217737 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:7:p:1511-1530 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Eija Maria Ranta Author-X-Name-First: Eija Maria Author-X-Name-Last: Ranta Title: governance in Bolivia: chimera or attainable utopia? Abstract: The notion of vivir bien – a complex set of ideas, worldviews, and knowledge deriving from indigenous movements, activist groups, and scholars of indigeneity – has become an overarching principle for policy-making and state transformation processes in Andean countries. This article analyses the contradiction between the principle of vivir bien as an egalitarian utopian category and its bureaucratic application in Bolivia to state formation processes and power dynamics involving social movements. It argues that while discursively grounded on such egalitarian principles as reciprocity and rotating authority, its implementation entails bureaucratic propensities to centralise power and authority. Instead of decolonising the state, it is used to discipline the masses. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1603-1618 Issue: 7 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1224551 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1224551 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:7:p:1603-1618 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christian Downie Author-X-Name-First: Christian Author-X-Name-Last: Downie Title: One in 20: the G20, middle powers and global governance reform Abstract: There is a growing consensus that the international system needs to be reformed to reflect the changing distribution of power with the rise of the Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRICs). The Group of Twenty (G20) has been at the centre of these discussions. Within the G20, emphasis has been on great powers or rising powers and their capacity to drive reform. Less attention has been given to the preferences and strategies of middle powers in the G20 and their capacity to shape global governance reform. Drawing on interviews with G20 officials, this paper considers the role of Australia as president of the G20 in 2014. Australia’s presidency presents a unique opportunity to examine the behaviour of a middle power as it balances the competing global governance claims of the USA and the BRICs. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1493-1510 Issue: 7 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1229564 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1229564 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:7:p:1493-1510 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christoph Neusiedl Author-X-Name-First: Christoph Author-X-Name-Last: Neusiedl Title: The deep marketisation of development in Bangladesh Abstract: This article introduces the concept of ‘deep marketisation’ as a relatively new, contemporary phase of neoliberal development policy in Bangladesh. By looking into the development strategy of the country’s energy sector, the article shows how an emphasis on marketisation through public-private partnerships (PPPs) and other strategies advances a market fundamentalist agenda to strengthen the private sector and establish a world market. By drawing on interviews with development practitioners from various development organisations in Bangladesh, the article further reveals how development conceptualisations are shaped by the strategy of deep marketisation, leading to the impoverishment of development by constraining its field of actions to measures based on the primacy of economic growth and private sector-led economic development, at the same time leading to a re-legitimisation of flawed neoliberal development policies that result in further inequality, poverty and environmental degradation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1639-1654 Issue: 7 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1229567 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1229567 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:7:p:1639-1654 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Bwalya Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Bwalya Title: Unravelling clientelism in the Zambian electoral campaigns Abstract: Based on reports on selected parliamentary by-elections from 2009 to 2015 and two presidential elections in 2011 and 2015 in Zambia, this paper examines the political rhetoric to determine the presence and nature of clientelism in Zambian electoral campaigns. Zambia’s three leading newspapers, The Post, Times of Zambia and Zambia Daily Mail, were searched for reports of electoral campaigns. In total, 605 issues of each of the three newspapers spanning a period of 20 months were used. The paper concludes that a blend of vote buying and turnout buying were more evident in the campaign rhetoric in parliamentary by-elections than the presidential elections. Further, the ruling parties extended their clientelistic rhetoric to include perverse accountability. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1551-1565 Issue: 7 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1229568 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1229568 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:7:p:1551-1565 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mateja Peter Author-X-Name-First: Mateja Author-X-Name-Last: Peter Author-Name: Francesco Strazzari Author-X-Name-First: Francesco Author-X-Name-Last: Strazzari Title: Securitisation of research: fieldwork under new restrictions in Darfur and Mali Abstract: Knowledge on conflict-affected areas is becoming increasingly important for scholarship and policy. This article identifies a recent change in knowledge production regarding 'zones of danger', attributing it not only to the external environment, but also to an on-going process of securitisation of research resulting from institutional and disciplinary practices. Research is increasingly framed by security concerns and is becoming a security concern in itself, although the implications are not readily acknowledged. To illustrate these developments, we draw on fieldwork in Mali and Darfur. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1531-1550 Issue: 7 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1256766 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1256766 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:7:p:1531-1550 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Arne Ruckert Author-X-Name-First: Arne Author-X-Name-Last: Ruckert Author-Name: Laura Macdonald Author-X-Name-First: Laura Author-X-Name-Last: Macdonald Author-Name: Kristina R. Proulx Author-X-Name-First: Kristina R. Author-X-Name-Last: Proulx Title: Post-neoliberalism in Latin America: a conceptual review Abstract: The concept of post-neoliberalism has emerged in response to the electoral victories of new left governments across Latin America starting in the late 1990s. Since then, it has been widely employed to understand the policy response of new left governments to the neoliberal Washington Consensus. However, there is no clear consensus on the utility of the concept and little effort has been made to systematically analyse policy and institutional trends amongst countries pursuing post-neoliberal strategies, including attention to variation in approaches to policy and underlying tensions and contradictions of post-neoliberal policy development. We performed a critical literature review of post-neoliberalism and, based on this review, argue that the concept remains useful, but only if we understand it as a tendency to break with neoliberal policy prescriptions leading to a variety of distinct post-neoliberalisms. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1583-1602 Issue: 7 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1259558 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1259558 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:7:p:1583-1602 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Charles Butcher Author-X-Name-First: Charles Author-X-Name-Last: Butcher Title: Geography and the outcomes of civil resistance and civil war Abstract: This paper reports the results of the first cross-national examination of the impact of the geography of nonviolent contention on regime transitions. Nonviolent tactics ‘work’ in part by signalling the preferences of non-participants through the symbolism of participants, unlike violent tactics. This opens the way for nonviolent campaigns to exploit variations in social-spatial meaning to enhance the informativeness of dissent. Capital cities are one such symbolic place and the main prediction of this study is a positive relationship between large protests and regime transitions in the capital, but not elsewhere. I also predict a strong direct relationship between the proximity to the capital of fighting in civil wars, and regime transitions; no relationship to the proximity of nonviolent contention; and that the intensity of violent conflict impacts regime transitions in a way that is largely independent of location. Results from an analysis of episodes of violent and nonviolent conflict from 1990 to 2014 generally support these contentions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1454-1472 Issue: 7 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1268909 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1268909 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:7:p:1454-1472 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Laura T. Raynolds Author-X-Name-First: Laura T. Author-X-Name-Last: Raynolds Title: Fairtrade labour certification: the contested incorporation of plantations and workers Abstract: Fair trade seeks to promote the well-being and empowerment of farmers and workers in the Global South. This article traces the contested growth and configuration of Fairtrade International labour certification, providing a multifaceted and dynamic view of private regulation. I explain why Fairtrade International began certifying large enterprises and how its hired labour strategy has developed over time, illuminating fair trade’s move from peasant to plantation sectors, stakeholder involvement in shaping the growth of Fairtrade labour certification, the internal and external balancing of farmer and worker concerns, and major innovations in Fairtrade’s ‘New Workers Rights Strategy’. My findings challenge the claim that recent market mainstreaming explains the rise of labour certification within fair trade and the more general argument that private regulatory programmes founded to foster empowerment evolve over time to prioritise a logic of control. As I document, Fairtrade International has recently moved to bolster producer power within its organisation and labour rights within its certification programme. My analysis reveals the dynamic nature of private regulatory programmes and the potentially influential role of diverse stakeholders in shaping the priorities of Fairtrade and other labour-standards systems. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1473-1492 Issue: 7 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1272408 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1272408 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:7:p:1473-1492 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Joao Pontes Nogueira Author-X-Name-First: Joao Pontes Author-X-Name-Last: Nogueira Title: From failed states to fragile cities: redefining spaces of humanitarian practice Abstract: It has become commonplace to claim that cities are becoming conflict zones, or ‘war zones’. This article traces some of the discursive and conceptual shifts that made it possible to define the city as a new frontier for international humanitarian action in states of the Global South. In order to represent cities as humanitarian spaces, concepts of ‘failure’ and ‘fragility’ have been problematised and subjected to reinterpretations that legitimised new strategies applied to the urban realm. I argue that this re-scaling of humanitarian practices enables a de-coupling and inclusion of so called new ‘urban conflicts’ in strategies of global liberal governance. Moving from failed states to fragile cites is a key development to understand changes in the practices that redefine humanitarian spaces today. The definition of urban violence as a new type of conflict informs a new cycle of expansion of the humanitarian order focused on the city. The article analyses the problematisation of concepts of failure and fragility as a decisive move to redefine the boundaries of humanitarian spaces. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1437-1453 Issue: 7 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1282814 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1282814 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:7:p:1437-1453 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Esther Marijnen Author-X-Name-First: Esther Author-X-Name-Last: Marijnen Title: The ‘green militarisation’ of development aid: the European Commission and the Virunga National Park, DR Congo Abstract: To ‘save’ the Virunga National Park, located in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the European Commission (EC) allocates development aid to the paramilitary training of the park guards, their salaries, and mixed patrols of the guards together with the Congolese army. Moreover, the ‘development’ projects the EC supports around the park have militarising effects as they are based on a soft counter-insurgency approach to conservation and to address dynamics of violent conflict. This amounts to the ‘green militarisation’ of development aid. This article describes how a personalised network of policymakers within the EC renders militarised conservation-related violence and controversy around the Virunga park invisible, by framing contestations and violence in and around the park as solely caused by economic factors and motivations. Moreover, by ‘hiding’ the fact that the EC aid is used to fund armed conservation practices, policymakers circumvent political debate about the use of development funds for (para)military expenditures. While the existing literature focuses on the importance of securitised discourses to explain the militarisation of conservation, this article indicates that in addition, it is important to focus on these more mundane practices of securitisation within international organisations that ultimately fund the militarisation of conservation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1566-1582 Issue: 7 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1282815 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1282815 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:7:p:1566-1582 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tim Jacoby Author-X-Name-First: Tim Author-X-Name-Last: Jacoby Title: Culturalism and the rise of the Islamic State: faith, sectarianism and violence Abstract: This paper looks at the ways in which culturalist discourses have influenced our understanding and representation of the rise of the so-called Islamic State. It argues that, in keeping with older narratives on the motives of ‘bad’ Muslims, its political and economic objectives have been overlooked and/or downplayed. Instead, I propose, there has been a strategically efficacious focus on its appeal to Islam, on its sectarian rhetoric and on its use of violence. By continuing to emphasise the ethical over the political in these ways, the culturalism that underpins the dominant representation of the Islamic State’s emergence has, I conclude, served three key purposes – the mobilisation of the ‘good’ Muslim, the exculpation of Western foreign policy and the legitimisation of force. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1655-1673 Issue: 7 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1282818 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1282818 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:7:p:1655-1673 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alice Evans Author-X-Name-First: Alice Author-X-Name-Last: Evans Title: Patriarchal unions = weaker unions? Industrial relations in the Asian garment industry Abstract: This paper explores how gender ideologies shape industrial relations in the Asian garment industry. Drawing on ethnographic research, it illustrates how widespread norm perceptions of acquiescent women and assertive men reinforce patriarchal, authoritarian unions. Even if privately critical, women may be reluctant to protest if they anticipate social disapproval. Such beliefs reinforce patriarchal unions, curbing women workers’ collective analysis, engagement, and activism. This weakens the collective power of labour to push for better working conditions. Tackling norm perceptions and building more inclusive unions may help strengthen the labour movement. Video abstract Read the transcript Watch the video on Vimeo Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1619-1638 Issue: 7 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1294981 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1294981 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:7:p:1619-1638 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ida Danewid Author-X-Name-First: Ida Author-X-Name-Last: Danewid Title: White innocence in the Black Mediterranean: hospitality and the erasure of history Abstract: Themes of loss, grief, and vulnerability have come to occupy an increasingly central position in contemporary poststructuralist and feminist theory. Thinkers such as Judith Butler and Stephen White have argued that grief has the capacity to access or stage a commonality that eludes politics and on which a new cosmopolitan ethics can be built. Focusing on the role of grief in recent pro-refugee activism in Europe, this article argues that these ethical perspectives contribute to an ideological formation that disconnects connected histories and that turns questions of responsibility, guilt, restitution, repentance, and structural reform into matters of empathy, generosity, and hospitality. The result is a veil of ignorance which, while not precisely Rawlsian, allows the European subject to re-constitute itself as ‘ethical’ and ‘good’, innocent of its imperialist histories and present complicities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1674-1689 Issue: 7 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1331123 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1331123 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:7:p:1674-1689 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Graham Harrison Author-X-Name-First: Graham Author-X-Name-Last: Harrison Title: Rwanda: an agrarian developmental state? Abstract: This article investigates Rwanda’s agricultural policies and institutions as a historically contextualised response to exceptionally adverse developmental circumstances. Using the agrarian question as an analytical point of reference, the article argues that it is extremely difficult to identify how increases in productivity and income in smallholder agriculture can be achieved without forceful state action and a sustained injection of resources. In light of this, entirely right-congruent governance is caught in a dilemma about the extent to which the government overrides peasants’ own agency and the extent to which the agrarian strategy produces a sustained and stable transformation in agriculture. Rather than making a defence or condemnation of the government’s strategy, the article argues against pre-emptive judgements of an agrarian strategy that can only discernibly attain success over a long period. What the article does do is insist that there is development potential in the current strategy, not simply a disaster in the making. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 354-370 Issue: 2 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1058147 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1058147 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:2:p:354-370 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hakan Seckinelgin Author-X-Name-First: Hakan Author-X-Name-Last: Seckinelgin Title: Social policy and conflict: the Gezi Park–Taksim demonstrations and uses of social policy for reimagining Turkey Abstract: This article argues that conflicts are productive forces within which new ideas are developed and new social relations are articulated. The critical issue here is the way in which such conflicts are managed and mediated. The paper analyses the Gezi Events of May–June 2013 in Istanbul and considers the way in which people’s reactions in these events are linked with the intersection of everyday lives and the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi – AKP) government’s social policy initiatives, which are increasingly framing these everyday lives. Social policy is considered to be the domain of this intersection, as the government uses policies to inform a particular way of orienting individuals’ everyday context. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 264-280 Issue: 2 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1089164 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1089164 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:2:p:264-280 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Edwina Pio Author-X-Name-First: Edwina Author-X-Name-Last: Pio Author-Name: Smita Singh Author-X-Name-First: Smita Author-X-Name-Last: Singh Title: Vulnerability and resilience: critical reflexivity in gendered violence research Abstract: South Asian women are a focus area for organisations such as the UN, World Bank and WHO, where violence against women severely constrains policy instruments such as the Millennium Development Goals. The field researcher is often invisible in research space, which informs policy in practice. Through critical reflexivity we rupture the silence on researcher vulnerability, foregrounding researcher resilience as the ethical compass in the research space of gendered violence. Through narratives of researchers as development actors in the river of corrosiveness involved in acid violence research, we offer a typology for researcher resilience for consideration in research designs for policy development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 227-244 Issue: 2 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1089166 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1089166 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:2:p:227-244 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrew Delatolla Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Delatolla Title: War and state formation in Lebanon: can Tilly be applied to the developing world? Abstract: State formation in the developing world can be explained as growing centralisation and institutionalisation. To understand why some states struggle with state formation, or the processes of centralisation, the model provided by Charles Tilly, in his analysis of state formation in Western Europe, is applied to Lebanon, starting at the onset of the 1975 civil war and concluding with an analysis of the post-Syrian occupation environment. With the appropriate conditions it is possible to use Tilly’s model of war making and the state to measure state formation, or the lack thereof, in the developing world. Conclusively, in the case of Lebanon, it is evident that progress towards strong state formation has been made because of processes of war that are similar to those Tilly outlines in his historical analysis of Western Europe. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 281-298 Issue: 2 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1098529 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1098529 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:2:p:281-298 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: James M. Scott Author-X-Name-First: James M. Author-X-Name-Last: Scott Author-Name: Ralph G. Carter Author-X-Name-First: Ralph G. Author-X-Name-Last: Carter Title: Promoting democracy in Latin America: foreign policy change and US democracy assistance, 1975–2010 Abstract: Since the Cold War the USA has articulated and implemented explicit strategies of democracy promotion. One interesting target of such efforts is Latin America, in part because of the region’s geographic proximity to the USA and of the mixed record of US support for democracy there. This paper examines the impact of the end of the Cold War and the 9/11 episode on the nature, purposes, targets and consequences of US democracy assistance to Latin America. Examining democracy aid allocations, social and political factors and other variables, it traces changes in aid strategies, purposes and recipients generated by these paradigm shifts, and assesses the impact of such assistance on the politics of the region. It concludes with implications of these findings for US democracy promotion policies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 299-320 Issue: 2 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1108824 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1108824 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:2:p:299-320 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Annika Björkdahl Author-X-Name-First: Annika Author-X-Name-Last: Björkdahl Author-Name: Johanna Mannergren Selimovic Author-X-Name-First: Johanna Author-X-Name-Last: Mannergren Selimovic Title: A tale of three bridges: agency and agonism in peace building Abstract: This article explores agonistic processes of peace, which are situated within and constitutive of different spaces and places. Three contested cities, Sarajevo, Mostar and Višegrad in Bosnia-Herzegovina, provide us with local sites where peace and peace building in various forms ‘take place’ as people come together in collective action. Through a close reading of three symbolically and materially important bridges in the towns, we reveal meaning-making processes, as agentive subjects struggle around competing claims in the post-conflict everyday world. The collective, situated and fleeting agency that we explore through the Arendtian notion of ‘space of appearance’ invests space with meaning, belonging and identity. Thus, this article grapples with agonistic peace as it manifests itself in materiality and spatial practices. We use the social and material spaces of the city to locate agency and agonism in peace building as they relate to the conflict legacy in Mostar, Višegrad and Sarajevo in order to advance the critical peace research agenda. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 321-335 Issue: 2 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1108825 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1108825 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:2:p:321-335 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gabriel Garcia Author-X-Name-First: Gabriel Author-X-Name-Last: Garcia Title: The rise of the Global South, the IMF and the future of Law and Development Abstract: Following the onset of the Asian Financial Crisis the world has witnessed a re-accommodation of the global financial system. In the particular case of middle-income countries they have disentangled themselves from the conditionality of the IMF and grown into more assertive actors in international forums, proposing new alternative mechanisms to become more financially independent and for the provision of development assistance. This article critically reviews the new reality by assessing the strategies deployed by developing countries to reduce the IMF’s influence, and explores the potential consequences of the rise of middle-income nations for Law and Development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 191-208 Issue: 2 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1108826 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1108826 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:2:p:191-208 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ben Cormier Author-X-Name-First: Ben Author-X-Name-Last: Cormier Title: Empowered borrowers? tracking the World Bank’s Program-for-Results Abstract: The World Bank has developed a new lending instrument, called Program-for-Results (P4R). This instrument is notable because it emphasises borrower programmes and contexts, ostensibly shifting from universally applied Washington Consensus models. Why did the Bank develop P4R? First, theoretical grounds for a new Bank policy are outlined. Second, the context, formalisation and usage of P4R are analysed. Third, P4R’s possible futures are described, along with their implications for development lending theory and practice. Despite its embryonic status, scholars and practitioners will be able to learn about power in development lending by following the fate of P4R. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 209-226 Issue: 2 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1108828 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1108828 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:2:p:209-226 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrew Rosser Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Rosser Author-Name: Maryke van Diermen Author-X-Name-First: Maryke Author-X-Name-Last: van Diermen Title: Law, democracy and the fulfilment of socioeconomic rights: insights from Indonesia Abstract: In recent years a debate has emerged about the conditions under which justiciable legal frameworks facilitate the fulfilment of socioeconomic rights. This debate has pitted institutionalist perspectives that emphasise the progressive potential of democratisation against structuralist perspectives that emphasise the constraints imposed by relationships of power and interest. This paper considers the debate in light of Indonesia’s recent experience. It suggests that we need to examine how institutional and structural factors interact within particular contexts to shape socioeconomic rights fulfilment, not examine these factors in isolation. It also considers the strategic implications of this argument for rights proponents. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 336-353 Issue: 2 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1108829 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1108829 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:2:p:336-353 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Glenn Banks Author-X-Name-First: Glenn Author-X-Name-Last: Banks Author-Name: Regina Scheyvens Author-X-Name-First: Regina Author-X-Name-Last: Scheyvens Author-Name: Sharon McLennan Author-X-Name-First: Sharon Author-X-Name-Last: McLennan Author-Name: Anthony Bebbington Author-X-Name-First: Anthony Author-X-Name-Last: Bebbington Title: Conceptualising corporate community development Abstract: Globally there is an increasing focus on the private sector as a significant development actor. One element of the private sector’s role emphasised within this new focus has been corporate social responsibility (CSR) activities, whereby the private sector claims to contribute directly to local development. There is now a substantial body of work on CSR but it is a literature that is mostly polarised, dominated by concerns from the corporate perspective, and not adequately theorised. Corporations typically do development differently from NGOs and donors, yet the nature and effects of these initiatives are both under-researched and under-conceptualised. In this paper we argue that viewing CSR initiatives through a community development lens provides new insights into their rationale and effects. Specifically we develop a conceptual framework that draws together agency and practice-centred approaches in order to illuminate the processes and relationships that underpin corporate community development initiatives. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 245-263 Issue: 2 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1111135 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1111135 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:2:p:245-263 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Corrigendum Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 371-371 Issue: 2 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1136503 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1136503 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:2:p:371-371 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ban Ki-Moon Author-X-Name-First: Ban Author-X-Name-Last: Ki-Moon Title: Foreword Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-2 Issue: 1 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.543807 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.543807 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:1:p:1-2 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nana Poku Author-X-Name-First: Nana Author-X-Name-Last: Poku Author-Name: Jim Whitman Author-X-Name-First: Jim Author-X-Name-Last: Whitman Title: The Millennium Development Goals: challenges, prospects and opportunities Abstract: The prospect for the MDGs cannot be reduced to the sum of the eight goals, divorced from international dynamics, the hard interests of states and the global dynamics that impact on both, or from the complexities and intractability of widespread poverty and its consequences. The legacies and controversies of previous international development initiatives also beset perceptions of, and support for, the MDGs. However, the wholly inclusive nature of the goals give them a unique normative standing and momentum; and the quantitative measures of progress ensure that there is more to the goals than lofty ideals. In addition, the thematic linkages between each of the goals is mutually reinforcing. While not discounting either structural difficulties or the lack of adequate progress in some specifics, it is important not to overlook the political consensus, abundant goodwill and normative momentum that have already been generated in the ten years to date. The answer to the question, `How promising is the promise of the MDGs?' has not yet been answered definitively: there remains good reason for cautious optimism for progress up to 2015–and through revitalized commitment and persistent engagement, well beyond that date. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 3-8 Issue: 1 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.543808 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.543808 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:1:p:3-8 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jan Vandemoortele Author-X-Name-First: Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Vandemoortele Title: If not the Millennium Development Goals, then what? Abstract: Even if the MDGs are achieved, the world will still face unacceptably high levels of hunger, morbidity, mortality and illiteracy beyond 2015. Global targets can be drivers of change. The debate about the post-2015 framework should not be about the usefulness of global targets but about their improved architecture and enhanced relevance. After reviewing the good, the bad and the ugly that have happened since the MDGs were created, this article discusses several challenges and pitfalls in the process of defining the post-2015 framework, including the need to formulate the MDGs more clearly as global targets, to maintain their measurability, to focus on ends, to embed equality of opportunity, to include interim targets, and to conduct global summitry differently so as to make it better fit for purpose. A Peer & Partner Group is proposed as the global custodian of the MDGs in order to reduce undue donorship. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 9-25 Issue: 1 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.543809 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.543809 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:1:p:9-25 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Aram Ziai Author-X-Name-First: Aram Author-X-Name-Last: Ziai Title: The Millennium Development Goals: back to the future? Abstract: The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) constitute a normative consensus in the development community at the beginning of the 21st century. This article examines that consensus from the perspective of post-structuralist discourse analysis by situating it in its historical context, comparing the Millennium Declaration with the UN International Development Strategy of 1970. The article illustrates the depoliticising bias of the main MDG documents and interprets the shift in favour of market-oriented solutions and non-antagonistic conceptions of global community as the principal manifestations of a significant shift in development discourse. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 27-43 Issue: 1 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.543811 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.543811 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:1:p:27-43 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bernhard Gunter Author-X-Name-First: Bernhard Author-X-Name-Last: Gunter Title: Achieving the s and Ensuring Debt Sustainability Abstract: This article analyses the growth and debt distress prospects of low-income countries (LICs) based on projections of the 2009 World Economic Outlook (WEO). It then reviews various debt sustainability concepts, including the appropriateness of the Bretton Woods institutions' current debt sustainability framework, and summarises the recent debt relief initiatives, including the Heavily Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) Initiative and the Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative (MDRI). It also examines the equity issues related to the recent debt relief initiatives and discusses various solutions suggested in the recent literature on how to ease the tension between making the necessary investments to achieve the MDGs while maintaining a sustainable debt. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 45-63 Issue: 1 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.543813 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.543813 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:1:p:45-63 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Neil Renwick Author-X-Name-First: Neil Author-X-Name-Last: Renwick Title: Millennium Development Goal 1: poverty, hunger and decent work in Southeast Asia Abstract: This article considers three questions: 1) what progress has been made in achieving MDG1 targets?; 2) what challenges remain?; and 3) what more could and should be done? To examine these questions, the article assesses the progress of Southeast Asia in seeking to achieve MDG1. It argues that the region is ‘on track’ to achieve MDG 1 targets, although significant challenges such as inequality remain. Economic growth, significant structural change and incorporation into global value chains have contributed to MDG progress. However, this is a double-edged sword as exposure to global economic turbulence can increase. The longer-term reduction of poverty, inequality and social exclusion is a question of empowerment of local producers within value chains–a shift in economic power and control through pro-poor strategies strong enough to effect substantive structural change. The article outlines key concepts; identifies the main characteristics of Southeast Asian poverty; outlines what more needs to be done; and concludes by reprising the article's findings and weighing the prospects for 2010–15 and beyond. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 65-89 Issue: 1 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.543814 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.543814 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:1:p:65-89 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tim Allen Author-X-Name-First: Tim Author-X-Name-Last: Allen Author-Name: Melissa Parker Author-X-Name-First: Melissa Author-X-Name-Last: Parker Title: The ‘Other Diseases’ of the Millennium Development Goals: rhetoric and reality of free drug distribution to cure the poor's parasites Abstract: The sixth MDG aims ‘to combat HIV/AIDS, TB, malaria and other diseases’. The residual category of ‘other diseases’ has become the focus of intense interest, partly because it has provided an opportunity to increase resources for the control of the mostly parasitic ‘neglected tropical diseases’ (NTDs). Intense lobbying has secured large amounts of funding from donors, as well as generous donations of medicines from the major drug companies. A massive programme is now underway to treat the parasites of the poor in Africa via integrated vertical interventions of mass drug administration in endemic areas. The approach has been hailed as remarkably effective, with claims that there is now a real prospect of complete control and, for some NTDs, even elimination. However, a closer look at evaluation and research data reveals that much less is known about what is being achieved than is suggested. Competition between implementing organisations is leading to potentially counterproductive exaggerations about treatment coverage. Detailed local-level research in Uganda and Tanzania shows that actual rates of drug take-up among target populations are often lower than is necessary to effectively control the diseases, and that methods of drug distribution may even lead to active resistance to treatment. If current trends are not corrected, declining rates of NTD infection will not be sustained. Much more rigorous and effective monitoring is essential. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 91-117 Issue: 1 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.543816 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.543816 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:1:p:91-117 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Philip McMichael Author-X-Name-First: Philip Author-X-Name-Last: McMichael Author-Name: Mindi Schneider Author-X-Name-First: Mindi Author-X-Name-Last: Schneider Title: Food Security Politics and the Millennium Development Goals Abstract: This article reviews proposals regarding the recent food crisis in the context of a broader, threshold debate on the future of agriculture and food security. While the MDGs have focused on eradicating extreme poverty and hunger, the food crisis pushed the hungry over the one billion mark. There is thus a renewed focus on agricultural development, which pivots on the salience of industrial agriculture (as a supply source) in addressing food security. The World Bank's new ‘agriculture for development’ initiative seeks to improve small-farmer productivity with new inputs, and their incorporation into global markets via value-chains originating in industrial agriculture. An alternative claim, originating in ‘food sovereignty’ politics, demanding small-farmer rights to develop bio-regionally specific agro-ecological methods and provision for local, rather than global, markets, resonates in the IAASTD report, which implies agribusiness as usual ‘’is no longer an option’. The basic divide is over whether agriculture is a servant of economic growth, or should be developed as a foundational source of social and ecological sustainability. We review and compare these different paradigmatic approaches to food security, and their political and ecological implications. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 119-139 Issue: 1 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.543818 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.543818 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:1:p:119-139 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julia Kim Author-X-Name-First: Julia Author-X-Name-Last: Kim Author-Name: Brian Lutz Author-X-Name-First: Brian Author-X-Name-Last: Lutz Author-Name: Mandeep Dhaliwal Author-X-Name-First: Mandeep Author-X-Name-Last: Dhaliwal Author-Name: Jeffrey O'Malley Author-X-Name-First: Jeffrey Author-X-Name-Last: O'Malley Title: The ‘ and s’ Approach: what is it, why does it matter, and how do we take it forward? Abstract: Progress towards the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) has been mixed, and many observers have noted the tendency for development actors to address individual MDGs largely in isolation from one another. This in turn has resulted in missed opportunities to catalyse greater interdisciplinary collaboration and innovation towards MDG achievement. The term ‘AIDS and MDGs’ is gaining currency as an approach that aims to explore, strengthen and leverage the links between AIDS and other health and development issues. Drawing from academic literature and from MDG country reports, this article sets out three important pillars to an AIDS and MDGs approach: 1) understanding how AIDS and the other MDGs affect one another; 2) documenting and exchanging lessons learned across MDGs; and 3) creating cross- MDG synergy. We propose broader policy level implications for this approach and how UNDP and other partners can take this agenda forward. Because the MDGs explicitly locate HIV within a broader international commitment to human development targets, they provide a critical platform for development partners to galvanise resources, political will and momentum behind a broader, systematic and structural approach to HIV, health and development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 141-163 Issue: 1 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.543819 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.543819 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:1:p:141-163 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Amy Barnes Author-X-Name-First: Amy Author-X-Name-Last: Barnes Author-Name: Garrett Brown Author-X-Name-First: Garrett Author-X-Name-Last: Brown Title: The Idea of Partnership within the Millennium Development Goals: context, instrumentality and the normative demands of partnership Abstract: The word’ partnership’ is pervasive within debates about participatory global governance and the idea of partnership acts as an underwriting principle within both the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the Paris Declaration. However, there remains general ambiguity about the meaning of the idea of partnership and how its conceptualisation is meant to normatively guide a more co-ordinated move from theory to practice. Indeed, the idea of partnership remains an impoverished theoretical and practical appeal, which is under-defined, poorly scrutinised and unconvincingly utilised as a normative tool in applied practice. This article will provide a more theoretical examination of what an appeal to ideas of partnership means and explore what a normative commitment to a robust conceptualisation of partnership might look like within the MDGs. To do so, it will examine the underwriting normative language of partnership as it is found within the MDGs, theoretically explore the principles inherent within this normative language, and locate present gaps within the MDGs between its normative theory and applied practice. By doing so, it will be possible to outline some additional principles and commitments that are normatively required to satisfy the underwriting spirit of the MDGs in order to bring them in line with said spirit's own normative values. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 165-180 Issue: 1 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.543821 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.543821 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:1:p:165-180 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nana Poku Author-X-Name-First: Nana Author-X-Name-Last: Poku Author-Name: Jim Whitman Author-X-Name-First: Jim Author-X-Name-Last: Whitman Title: The Millennium Development Goals and Development after 2015 Abstract: Five years from the end of the 15-year span of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) it is already plain that progress has been patchy and that the larger goals will not be met. The scale and profile of the MDGs will make them subject to eventual success or failure judgments and ‘lessons learned’ analyses, but the evidence of the past decade and current trajectories are sufficient to reveal our conceptual and operational shortcomings and the kinds of reorientation needed to ensure that the last five years of the MDGs will exhibit positive momentum rather than winding-down inertia. Such reorientations would include prioritising actors over systems; disaggregated targets over global benchmarks; qualitative aspects of complex forms of human relatedness over technical ‘solutions’; and the painstaking work of developing country enablement over quick outcome indicators, not least for the purpose of sustainability. Thinking and planning beyond 2015 must be made integral to the last five years of the MDGs, for normative as well as practical reasons. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 181-198 Issue: 1 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.543823 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.543823 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:1:p:181-198 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Abdi Samatar Author-X-Name-First: Abdi Author-X-Name-Last: Samatar Author-Name: Mark Lindberg Author-X-Name-First: Mark Author-X-Name-Last: Lindberg Author-Name: Basil Mahayni Author-X-Name-First: Basil Author-X-Name-Last: Mahayni Title: The Dialectics of Piracy in Somalia: the rich versus the poor Abstract: Somali piracy has been poorly understood and consequently the international strategy designed to curtail it has not worked. Because of this mismatch some of the pirates have extended their exploits deep into the Indian Ocean. This article provides an analysis which shows that several pirate types driven by different logics have operated along the Somali coast and all but one of these pirates emerged as a result of the Somali state's disintegration. In contrast, pirates in other Third World regions operate under established states. Therefore, we argue that piracy is not only a matter of robbery on the high seas, but that political economy and conflict over resources have been fundamental to the rise of piracy in the region. The article offers a more refined assessment of the piracy in the region, as well as a critical appraisal of the moral economy of Somali pirates which yields an alternative method of understanding and curbing the problem. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1377-1394 Issue: 8 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.538238 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.538238 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:8:p:1377-1394 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Uma Kothari Author-X-Name-First: Uma Author-X-Name-Last: Kothari Author-Name: Rorden Wilkinson Author-X-Name-First: Rorden Author-X-Name-Last: Wilkinson Title: Colonial Imaginaries and Postcolonial Transformations: exiles, bases, beaches Abstract: This article draws on Edward Said's notion of ‘imaginary geographies’ to explore how representations of small island states enabled particular colonial interventions to take place in the Indian Ocean region and to show how these representations are currently being reworked to support development strategies. It examines how particular colonial imaginaries justified and legitimised spatially and temporally extended transactions before focusing on two examples of forced population movements: British colonial policy of forcibly exiling anti-colonial nationalists and political ‘undesirables’ from other parts of the empire to Seychelles; and the use of islands in the region as strategic military bases, requiring the compulsory relocation of populations. While a colonising legacy pervades contemporary representations of these societies, such depictions are not immutable but can be, and are being, appropriated and reworked through various forms of situated agency. Thus an ‘island imaginary’ has become an important cultural and economic resource for small island states, most notably in the development of a tourist industry. The key challenge for vulnerable peripheral states is to create new forms of representations that contest and replace tenacious colonialist depictions to provide greater opportunities for sustained development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1395-1412 Issue: 8 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.538239 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.538239 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:8:p:1395-1412 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jewellord Nem Singh Author-X-Name-First: Jewellord Author-X-Name-Last: Nem Singh Title: Reconstituting the Neostructuralist State: the political economy of continuity and change in Chilean mining policy Abstract: The Chilean governance model of resource extraction challenges the view that post-neoliberalism is an opposing development model rejecting the Washington Consensus, which is constitutive of neoliberal governance. Instead, post-neoliberalism is continuity with change, where marketised governance in mining is maintained by the Chilean state yet certain policy agendas are introduced in response to the failures of staunchly private sector-driven development. Neostructuralism follows the logic of productivism, which emphasise the depoliticisation of copper management and the political exclusion of voices critical of the model. However, it breaks away from the typical mode of neoliberalism because there exist political spaces for contestation of copper policy, particularly through the re-regulation of labour practices and the passage of royalty law to address Chile's vulnerabilities to external factors affecting copper production. The article contributes to the understanding of continuities and changes in post-neoliberal Latin America by unpacking the elements of natural resource governance in one of the most widely cited successful cases of a mining-based development model in the developing world. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1413-1433 Issue: 8 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.538240 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.538240 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:8:p:1413-1433 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Barry Munslow Author-X-Name-First: Barry Author-X-Name-Last: Munslow Author-Name: Tim O'Dempsey Author-X-Name-First: Tim Author-X-Name-Last: O'Dempsey Title: Globalisation and Climate Change in Asia: the urban health impact Abstract: Asia's economic development successes will create new policy areas to address, as the advances made through globalisation create greater climate change challenges, particularly the impact on urban health. Poverty eradication and higher standards of living both increase demand on resources. Globalisation increases inequalities and those who are currently the losers will carry the greatest burden of the costs in the form of the negative effects of climate change and the humanitarian crises that will ensue. Of four major climate change challenges affecting the environment and health, two—urban air pollution and waste management—can be mitigated by policy change and technological innovation if sufficient resources are allocated. Because of the urban bias in the development process, these challenges will probably register on policy makers' agenda. The second two major challenges—floods and drought—are less amenable to policy and technological solutions: many humanitarian emergency challenges lie ahead. This article describes the widely varying impact of both globalisation and climate change across Asia. The greatest losers are those who flee one marginal location, the arid inland areas, only to settle in another marginal location in the flood prone coastal slums. Effective preparation is required, and an effective response when subsequent humanitarian crises occur. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1339-1356 Issue: 8 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.541082 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.541082 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:8:p:1339-1356 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen Reyna Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Reyna Title: The Disasters of War in Darfur, 1950–2004 Abstract: This article investigates the conflict that had been developing since the 1950s in Darfur and which in 2003 and 2004 burst into intense warfare. A ‘complex-structuring of violence’ standpoint explains the warfare. The argument is organised in two parts. The first section formulates the position by introducing Darfur, next evaluating the prevailing barbarisation perspective's attempts to explicate Darfur warring and, finally, formally presenting the complex structuring standpoint. The second section offers evidence bearing upon this standpoint. This involves information showing that four interrelated structural realms form a causal complex producing the violence. The article ends with discussion of the US government's role in Darfurian disasters of war. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1297-1320 Issue: 8 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.541083 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.541083 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:8:p:1297-1320 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: KM Bridges Author-X-Name-First: KM Author-X-Name-Last: Bridges Title: Between Aid and Politics: diagnosing the challenge of humanitarian advocacy in politically complex environments—the case of Darfur, Sudan Abstract: Humanitarian advocacy is emblematic of the relief community's desire to move beyond simply treating the symptoms of suffering, and towards tackling the causes. As such, advocacy is at the front line of debates over where the boundaries between aid and politics should now be drawn and the point where dissension on the subject is most evident. In this paper the challenge that advocacy poses for traditional humanitarian operations in Darfur and the effect of such political engagement on humanitarian identity more generally is assessed. Disagreement among humanitarian organisations is exacerbated by the continued tendency of aid agencies to privilege reaction over reflection. Floundering between unachievable traditional humanitarian principles and the failure of human rights to provide an adequate alternative, humanitarianism is swiftly losing both its identity and its legitimacy. To emerge from the fog of confusion humanitarianism must now take on the professionalism of military science and endeavour to better know both itself and its enemies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1251-1269 Issue: 8 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.541084 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.541084 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:8:p:1251-1269 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: PJ Blackwell Author-X-Name-First: PJ Author-X-Name-Last: Blackwell Title: East Africa's Pastoralist Emergency: is climate change the straw that breaks the camel's back? Abstract: The global warming trend of climate change is having severe adverse effects on the livelihoods of the Turkana pastoralists of northwestern Kenya. Care has to be taken in making assertions about the impact of climate change. The biggest effects may come not from lower average rainfall but from a widening of the standard deviation as weather extremes become more frequent. In a region already prone to drought, disease and conflict, climate change, access to modern weapons and new viral livestock diseases are now overwhelming pastoralists' coping capacity and deepening the region's roughly 30-year dependency on famine relief. This article examines the livelihood strategies of the Turkana and several poverty reduction programmes currently established, while addressing the reality that traditional pastoralism may no longer be a viable livelihood option, given the effects of climate change, disease and the ensuing conflict over diminishing resources. The findings conclude that the future for traditional Turkana pastoralists is dismal because they continue to depend on an environment that may no longer support them. Humanitarians are recommended to shift their focus to advocate and invest in alternative livelihood strategies that generate economic independence and help the Turkana adapt to their changing environment. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1321-1338 Issue: 8 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.541085 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.541085 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:8:p:1321-1338 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mary-Laure Martin Author-X-Name-First: Mary-Laure Author-X-Name-Last: Martin Title: Child Participation in Disaster Risk Reduction: the case of flood-affected children in Bangladesh Abstract: Children are particularly vulnerable to the effects of natural disasters. This article aims to gain a deeper understanding of the specific effects of natural disasters on children and how they could better be involved in the disaster risk reduction (DRR) process. The article begins with a review of the literature published on the Child-led Disaster Risk Reduction (CLDRR) approach and describes the key issues. Then it identifies the effects of floods on children in Bangladesh and analyses the traditional coping mechanisms developed by communities, highlighting where they could be improved. Finally, it analyses how DRR stakeholders involve children in the DRR process and identifies the opportunities and gaps for the mainstreaming of a CLDRR approach in Bangladesh. This should contribute to a better understanding of how key DRR stakeholders can protect children during natural disasters. Encouraging the building of long-term, child-sensitive DRR strategies is an essential part of this process. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1357-1375 Issue: 8 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.541086 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.541086 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:8:p:1357-1375 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Barry Munslow Author-X-Name-First: Barry Author-X-Name-Last: Munslow Author-Name: Tim O'Dempsey Author-X-Name-First: Tim Author-X-Name-Last: O'Dempsey Title: From War on Terror to War onWeather? Rethinking humanitarianism in a new era of chronic emergencies Abstract: This special issue of Third World Quarterly makes a case for redirecting attention and resources away from the ‘war on terror’ and focussing as a matter of urgency on the causes and consequences of global climate change. Global climate change must be recognised as an issue of national and international security. Increased competition for scarce resources and migration are key factors in the propagation of many of today's chronic complex humanitarian emergencies. The relentless growth of megacities in natural disaster hotspots places unprecedented numbers of vulnerable people at risk of disease and death. The Earth's fragile ecosystem has reached a critical tipping point. Today's most urgent need is for a collective endeavour on the part of the international community to redirect resources, enterprise and creativity away from the war on terror and to earnestly redeploy these in seeking solutions to the far greater and increasingly imminent threats that confront us as a consequence of global climate change. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1223-1235 Issue: 8 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.542965 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.542965 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:8:p:1223-1235 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jonathan Whittall Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan Author-X-Name-Last: Whittall Title: Humanitarian Early Warning Systems: myth and reality Abstract: The field of humanitarian early warning has emerged as a way to alert governments about countries facing imminent humanitarian crises, based on indicators of potential conflict, food shortages and other related issues. Early warning as a technical field has often failed because intervention in another state is based on national self-interests and the constraints of sovereignty. Governments continue to be unresponsive to areas outside of these considerations. Because this reality is overlooked, all the literature reviewed focuses on the technical fixes required to address the well known failures in early warning. As such, humanitarian early warning is frequently inconsequential at best, and at worst it has become instrumentalised by states to justify their interventions in countries based on their national self-interest, which is increasingly linked to national security in the era of the so-called ‘global war on terror’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1237-1250 Issue: 8 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.542967 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.542967 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:8:p:1237-1250 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mark O'Keefe Author-X-Name-First: Mark Author-X-Name-Last: O'Keefe Title: Chronic Crises in the Arc of Insecurity: a case study of Karamoja Abstract: This aim of this paper is two-fold. The first aim is to expand on a claim that an ‘Arc of Insecurity’ stretches across sub-Saharan Africa. The second is to explore the difficulties of chronic crises within this arc. The paper will contrast countries that have experienced the following three indicators used to highlight the acute phase of a chronic crisis: conflict-related mortality, displacement and climatic disasters. The second part of the paper discusses ‘chronic crisis’ situations by utilising a case study of Karamoja, northeast Uganda. Karamoja is characterised by the worst humanitarian and development indicators in Uganda and its problems are indicative of other chronic situations. While countries, or more specifically, situations within countries, can be insecure, every situation remains unique. Responses to chronic situations need to be based on a solid understanding of the political–economic causation of crisis. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1271-1295 Issue: 8 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.542968 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.542968 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:8:p:1271-1295 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Luke Strongman Author-X-Name-First: Luke Author-X-Name-Last: Strongman Title: Postcolonialism and international development studies: a dialectical exchange? Abstract: ‘Postcolonial studies’ is the term given to the study of diaspora and the ideology of colonialism. Since the 1970s, when postcolonial studies was termed ‘Third World’ literature, and the 1980s, when it became ‘Commonwealth’ literature, the persistence of the framework of centre and margin, coloniser and colonised, has endured as a lens with which to view human identity and cultural expression. However, the relationship of postcolonial studies to international development is less well explored. Much of postcolonial studies is concerned with articulating patterns of gain, loss, inclusion, exclusion, identity formation and change, cultural evolution and human geographical dispersal in the wake of the after-effects of colonial rule. Postcolonial critics examine texts and images in order to make inferences about the significance of cultural identity and expression under these conditions. Often this is with a diachronic view of history. International development studies offers postcolonial critics a synchronic perspective on both the policy and materiality of political ideologies affecting cultural identity and expression. This paper looks at how the relationship between postcolonial and international development studies might be furthered in a dialectical exchange. Postcolonial critics such as Said and Pollard et al offer a critical understanding that informs policy making in international development contexts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1343-1354 Issue: 8 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.946248 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.946248 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:8:p:1343-1354 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jason Hickel Author-X-Name-First: Jason Author-X-Name-Last: Hickel Title: The ‘girl effect’: liberalism, empowerment and the contradictions of development Abstract: The ‘girl effect’ – the idea that investment in the skills and labour of young women is the key to stimulating economic growth and reducing poverty in the global South – has recently become a key development strategy of the World Bank, the imf, usaid and dfid, in partnership with corporations such as Nike and Goldman Sachs. This paper examines the logic of this discourse and its stance towards kinship in the global South, situating it within the broader rise of ‘gender equality’ and ‘women’s empowerment’ as development objectives over the past two decades. Empowerment discourse, and the ‘capability’ approach on which it is based, has become popular because it taps into ideals of individual freedom that are central to the Western liberal tradition. But this project shifts attention away from more substantive drivers of poverty – structural adjustment, debt, tax evasion, labour exploitation, financial crisis, etc – as it casts blame for underdevelopment on local forms of personhood and kinship. As a result, women and girls are made to bear the responsibility for bootstrapping themselves out of poverty that is caused by external institutions – and often the very ones that purport to save them. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1355-1373 Issue: 8 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.946250 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.946250 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:8:p:1355-1373 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Susan Engel Author-X-Name-First: Susan Author-X-Name-Last: Engel Title: The not-so-great aid debate Abstract: The ‘Great Foreign Aid Debate’ raged in the 2000s yet there are few overviews of it. This paper builds on heuristic classifications of the debate not to simply classify it, but rather to explore how it is perhaps not as ‘great’ as claimed and, in fact, is contributing to a narrowing of thinking about development possibilities. The paper explores the debate through the books released in the 10 years from 2001 that made both an academic and a media impact. It analyses what gets discussed and why and, equally importantly, what does not get discussed. In terms of what is missing, the paper posits that ‘left’ has disappeared and the progressive critique and support for aid has been left to scholars like Jeffrey Sachs and Jonathan Glennie. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1374-1389 Issue: 8 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.946251 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.946251 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:8:p:1374-1389 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Salvador Santino F. Regilme Author-X-Name-First: Salvador Santino F. Author-X-Name-Last: Regilme Title: The social science of human rights: the need for a ‘second image reversed’? Abstract: What are the causes of state-initiated human rights violations? Are intra-national factors alone causally responsible for the emergence of human rights crises in the developing world? This article critically examines contemporary social science literature on the causes of human rights compliance and violations, particularly in the fields of international relations and comparative politics. It underscores the finding that the current research agenda on human rights has yet to fully recognise the causal and constitutive links between transnational and domestic factors in generating variations in states’ level of compliance. The main goal of the paper is to analytically explore the possibilities of generating social scientific research that recognises the interactive causal dynamics among extra-national and domestic variables as they jointly produce cross-national variations in the quality of a state’s compliance with human rights norms. Based on a critical analysis of the current scholarship in human rights research, the paper offers several pathways the academy must traverse in order to enhance our understanding of the causal underpinnings of human rights violations in the global South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1390-1405 Issue: 8 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.946255 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.946255 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:8:p:1390-1405 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rachel A.M. Tallon Author-X-Name-First: Rachel A.M. Author-X-Name-Last: Tallon Author-Name: Andrew McGregor Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: McGregor Title: Pitying the Third World: towards more progressive emotional responses to development education in schools Abstract: The development sector appeals to emotions in its marketing and education material to raise awareness and funds for its work. Much of this material is now directed at schools, where young people form long-lasting opinions about development and the developing world. This paper draws upon research with 118 students in five New Zealand/Aotearoa secondary schools to show that young people are not passive receptors of development marketing and education. Instead, they question the activities of international ngos involved in aid work and how they are meant to feel or act in response. We examine these emotional responses of young people and the demoralising feelings of guilt, sadness and scepticism that arise, often alongside an innocent paternalism and a desire to help. We outline possibilities for more socially progressive forms of development education, based on the recognition that young people are questioning old ways of doing aid work and looking for something new. We challenge ngos to be part of new forms of global connectedness that disrupt old ‘us and them’ binaries based on difference, and instead to pursue new linkages based on shared feelings of empathy, friendship and social justice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1406-1422 Issue: 8 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.946259 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.946259 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:8:p:1406-1422 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pamela Blackmon Author-X-Name-First: Pamela Author-X-Name-Last: Blackmon Title: Determinants of developing country debt: the revolving door of debt rescheduling through the Paris Club and export credits Abstract: Programmes designed to alleviate developing country debt have been implemented by bilateral, commercial and multilateral creditors and sovereign debt has been restructured under Paris Club negotiations. These strategies have not been very successful at reducing the debt levels of developing countries, in part because they continue to receive export credit insurance facilities through export credit agencies (ecas). The purpose of this paper is to examine the high percentages of developing country debt owed to governmental ecas. Analysis of the external debt of low-income and lower middle-income economies at five year intervals from 1980 to 2010 finds a substantial part of the indebtedness of these economies is held by ecas. Analysis of specific sub-Saharan African countries undergoing debt rescheduling and forgiveness through Paris Club negotiations was done for Ghana and Kenya. These results show that, following debt restructuring, new export credit guarantees and/or loans were forthcoming to these countries from the ecas of the creditor countries that rescheduled their old debt in Paris Club negotiations during 2000–12. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1423-1440 Issue: 8 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.946260 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.946260 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:8:p:1423-1440 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christopher Hobson Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Author-X-Name-Last: Hobson Title: Privatising the war on drugs Abstract: A defining feature of the ‘9/11 wars’ has been the prominent role played by private military and security companies (pmsc). The growth of this market for military and security services has not gone unnoticed. Yet the role pmsc have played in supporting the US-led war on drugs has largely gone under the radar, both literally and figuratively. The aim of this article is to look at the activities of pmsc funded by the USA in Latin America, and to consider the specific consequences that arise from employing them in the field of counter-narcotics. It is argued that the use of pmsc further entrenches a costly and unsuccessful way of dealing with drugs. There is a need to move from a strict prohibitionist stance and consider alternatives to the war on drugs approach, but the use of pmsc creates another strong vested interest in maintaining an increasingly problematic and costly status quo. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1441-1456 Issue: 8 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.946261 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.946261 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:8:p:1441-1456 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Horace Campbell Author-X-Name-First: Horace Author-X-Name-Last: Campbell Author-Name: Amber Murrey Author-X-Name-First: Amber Author-X-Name-Last: Murrey Title: Culture-centric pre-emptive counterinsurgency and US Africa Command: assessing the role of the US social sciences in US military engagements in Africa Abstract: The twenty-first century has seen a continued evolution of the US military’s strategic interest in socio-cultural knowledge of (potential) adversaries for counterinsurgency strategies. This paper explores the implications of the reinvigorated and expanding (post-9/11) relationship between social science research and US military strategy, assessing the implications of US Africa Command strategies for preventive counterinsurgency. Preventative counterinsurgency measures are ‘Phase Zero’ or ‘contingency’ operations that seek to prevent possible outcomes, namely threats to ‘security’ in Africa. The research initiatives of US Africa Command illustrate a culture-centric approach to this strategy, which seeks to draw from detailed socio-cultural knowledge in the prevention of possible populist or popular uprisings. Recent such uprisings, resistance actions and strikes in the continent illustrate a problematic tendency to interpret various forms of populist resistance as ‘terrorist’ actions, thereby condoning the bolstering of African national military capacity. The article considers the implications of these culture-centric counterinsurgency strategies as a means of anticipating and repressing the variety of mobilisations encapsulated within the ‘terrorism’ catchall. We conclude by urging social scientists to reject and disconnect from US Africa Command’s missions and knowledge acquisition efforts in Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1457-1475 Issue: 8 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.946262 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.946262 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:8:p:1457-1475 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Glenn Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Glenn Title: Imperial governance, sovereignty and the management of chronic instability in Africa Abstract: An important political consequence of the crisis of capital in the 1970s has been an increasing intensification of informal imperialism within Africa. This paper argues that the advanced capitalist countries again confronted the endemic problem of overcapacity alongside a decline in the rate of profit and that the major neoliberal reforms foisted upon the African continent were part of the spatio-temporal fix that followed. The quotidian management of many African states was not an intended consequence of structural adjustment, but the subsequent perturbations that beset many developing countries after following such policies has led to such a degree of institutional instability that a new form of imperial governance has come into being. Juridical sovereignty has been maintained, but political sovereignty has been severely compromised through the emergence of this neo-imperial governance. Today an array of external actors is embedded in the sinews of these states, setting the general parameters of state policy to such an extent that one can no longer speak of these countries as possessing de facto independence. The rise of these so-called ‘governance states’ and the new emphasis on ‘governance with government’ constitute a new non-territorial, political form of imperialism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1476-1495 Issue: 8 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.946270 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.946270 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:8:p:1476-1495 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Priya Naik Author-X-Name-First: Priya Author-X-Name-Last: Naik Title: The case of the ‘other India’ and Indian scholarship Abstract: ir scholarship in India has focused on the borders, territory and sovereignty of the Indian state, overlooking the rich complexity of interior border formation between colonial and independent India. The paper argues that the study of the princely states under the British paramountcy (1858–1947), neglected so far, is valuable to ir scholarship on three grounds. First, in mapping colonial India’s engagement with the outside world, the focus has been solely on British India. The princes were equally participative and perceptive of the outside world. Second, the princely states represent yet another challenge to the Westphalian notion of sovereignty, demonstrating the limited capacity of European categories to understand the ‘non-West’. Third, incorporating the paramountcy system in the genealogy of sovereignty of the Indian subcontinent offers a fresh account of border construction inside the state. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1496-1508 Issue: 8 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.946271 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.946271 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:8:p:1496-1508 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Claire Q. Smith Author-X-Name-First: Claire Q. Author-X-Name-Last: Smith Title: Illiberal peace-building in hybrid political orders: managing violence during Indonesia’s contested political transition Abstract: The paper presents a new interpretation of peace-building in contested transitional states. The peace-building literature is dominated by analysis of international liberal processes and policies, their costs and benefits. To understand non-liberal processes of peace-building, especially those conducted by national governments, new concepts have emerged. The paper employs the concept of ‘hybrid political orders’ to analyse the logic of illiberal peace-building processes in transitional states. In contrast to a normative liberal analysis, this approach interprets violent democratising states as they are, rather than as they ought to be. It also assesses the role that illiberal political institutions, such as those of neo-patrimonialism, can play in reducing violence. In the light of overall government policy and two comparative sub-national cases taken from the Indonesian transition, the paper discusses how illiberal peace-building reduced violence during political transition, and when and why it failed. The discussion has relevance for wider understanding of the comparative politics of democratisation and peace-building in contested states. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1509-1528 Issue: 8 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.946277 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.946277 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:8:p:1509-1528 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rebecka Villanueva Ulfgard Author-X-Name-First: Rebecka Author-X-Name-Last: Villanueva Ulfgard Author-Name: Antonio Alejo Jaime Author-X-Name-First: Antonio Author-X-Name-Last: Alejo Jaime Title: New multilateralism and governmental mechanisms for including civil society during Mexico’s presidency of the G20 in 2012 Abstract: This article analyses Mexico’s presidency of the G20 in 2012 as seen through the lens of new multilateralism, with a particular focus on civil society’s growing demand for participation in the shaping of the global agenda. On one hand, we examine the mechanisms for inclusion and participation provided by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for that specific purpose. On the other, we reflect on the real results of these mechanisms in practice during the Los Cabos Summit. Drawing on our empirical observations, we argue that G20 summits are still very much ‘protocol as usual’, with echoes of traditional multilateralism, thus leaving very little room for civil society to have a noticeable effect on the summit’s conclusions. On a more positive note, the very existence of such mechanisms suggests that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has at least given symbolic recognition to the importance of having spaces and dialogues available to civil society as part of the presidency’s agenda. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1529-1546 Issue: 8 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.946662 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.946662 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:8:p:1529-1546 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sally Matthews Author-X-Name-First: Sally Author-X-Name-Last: Matthews Title: The Role of the Privileged in Responding to Poverty: perspectives emerging from the post-development debate Abstract: The debate between post-development theorists and their critics has raised several important questions, one of them being the question of how relatively privileged people may respond meaningfully to poverty while not perpetuating the flaws of past development practice. In this article I build upon the ideas of several contributors to the post-development debate in order to suggest three ways in which we who are relatively privileged may play a role in struggles against poverty. I argue that we can work to rethink the concepts informing development practice; that we may find ways to give our support to popular initiatives, and that there are aspects of our own societies which we may change in solidarity with the struggles of distant others. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1035-1049 Issue: 6 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802201022 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802201022 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:6:p:1035-1049 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anita Wenden Author-X-Name-First: Anita Author-X-Name-Last: Wenden Title: Discourses on Poverty: emerging perspectives on a caring economy Abstract: In The Real Wealth of Nations, Eisler proposes a holistic view of the economy, which would include the caring sectors—the household, unpaid community work and the environment—as an alternative to market-oriented economic models that have proven ineffective in dealing with the problems facing our local and global communities. Her inclusion of language change as part of a strategy for economic transformation implicitly recognises the socially constitutive function of discourse, a notion put forth by critical linguists. Based on these economic and linguistic perspectives, this article reports on a study that examined the social knowledge about poverty constructed through selected discourses to determine whether they communicate a narrow or holistic view of the economy. It proposes that economic planning for poverty reduction build upon the process of language change towards a caring economy as revealed by the study. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1051-1067 Issue: 6 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802201030 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802201030 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:6:p:1051-1067 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Steven Robins Author-X-Name-First: Steven Author-X-Name-Last: Robins Author-Name: Andrea Cornwall Author-X-Name-First: Andrea Author-X-Name-Last: Cornwall Author-Name: Bettina von Lieres Author-X-Name-First: Bettina Author-X-Name-Last: von Lieres Title: Rethinking ‘Citizenship’ in the Postcolony Abstract: This paper argues for an approach to researching citizenship and democracy that begins not from normative convictions but from everyday experiences in particular social, cultural and historical contexts. The paper starts with a consideration of the ways in which the terms ‘democracy’ and ‘citizenship’ have been used in the discourses and approaches taken within mainstream studies of citizenship and democracy, drawing attention to some of the conceptual blind spots that arise. We call for more attention to be paid to contextual understandings of the politics of everyday life, and to locating state, ngo and donor rhetorics and programmes promoting ‘active citizenship’ and ‘participatory governance’ within that politics. It is this kind of understanding, we suggest, that, by revealing the limits of the normativities embedded in these discourses, can provide a more substantive basis for rethinking citizenship from the perspectives of citizens themselves. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1069-1086 Issue: 6 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802201048 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802201048 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:6:p:1069-1086 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ioannis Glinavos Author-X-Name-First: Ioannis Author-X-Name-Last: Glinavos Title: Neoliberal Law: unintended consequences of market-friendly law reforms Abstract: This paper offers a critical evaluation of the interrelation of law and economics in the context of development. The paper describes the current promotion of law reform by international institutions like the World Bank as the product of neoliberal economic theory. The analysis examines the role of law historically as an expression of economic orthodoxy, arguing that the Washington Consensus has determined the shape of law reforms, pointing them to the definition and protection of private property rights, aiming to separate politics from economics. The relative failure of these policies in their application to countries emerging from communism led to the expansion of the reform agenda to include market-supporting institutions, among them the rule of law. The paper assesses the extent to which this expansion means that the role of the law and the relationship of regulation to market have changed sufficiently to denote a Post-Washington Consensus. It concludes that the use of law reform to impose what neoliberalism considers ‘rational’ solutions undermines the legitimacy of democratic institutions in developing and transitional countries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1087-1099 Issue: 6 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802201055 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802201055 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:6:p:1087-1099 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David MacDonald Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: MacDonald Title: Bush's America and the New Exceptionalism: anti-Americanism, the Holocaust and the transatlantic rift Abstract: This article examines how the USA's growing ‘Holocaust consciousness’ has impacted on conservative interpretations of the transatlantic rift. Presenting the Holocaust as an antipode to US national identity has helped signal a moral divergence between the USA and Europe. The instrumentalisation of the Holocaust and anti-Semitism has allowed US conservatives to reframe norms of self-defence, victimisation, and liberation in justifying the invasion and occupation of Iraq. In the wake of Iraq claiming anti-Semitism as a ‘European disease’, and anti-Americanism and anti-Semitism as ‘twin brothers’, helps delegitimate European criticism of the war on terror. A new form of exceptionalism portrays the USA not only as the liberator of death camps and the protector of the Jewish people but, after 11 September, as a victim itself. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1101-1118 Issue: 6 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802201063 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802201063 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:6:p:1101-1118 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: J Dickovick Author-X-Name-First: J Author-X-Name-Last: Dickovick Title: Legacies of Leftism: ideology, ethnicity and democracy in Benin, Ghana and Mali Abstract: Africanists must increasingly account for disparities in the success of the continent's democratic experiments. This paper addresses why three countries—Benin, Ghana and Mali—have become surprisingly successful democracies. The argument begins with the leftist (African socialist) regimes in each case, which set the countries on a path with unintended consequences that supported democratisation over the long run. Several key steps emerge. The leftist regimes were led by minority presidents who attempted ideological incorporation in ways that attenuated the political salience of ethnic identity. Results differed from other African regimes in the ways that neo-patrimonialism interacted with ethnicity. At Africa's critical juncture (1989–92), the lack of a dominant ethno-patrimonial coalition opened political space for more programmatic contestation. Opposition became likelier to coalesce and cohere on non-ethnic bases, and combined with constitutional militaries to make these cases among the likeliest to consolidate democracy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1119-1137 Issue: 6 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802201089 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802201089 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:6:p:1119-1137 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jyoti Saraswati Author-X-Name-First: Jyoti Author-X-Name-Last: Saraswati Title: The Indian Industry and Neoliberalism: the irony of a mythology Abstract: Over the past decade, literature on the development of the Indian it industry has proliferated. Yet, paradoxically, an understanding of the dynamics behind this process of ‘industrial catch-up’ has remained limited. This can in part be attributed to the ideological flavour of the majority of studies, supported by a conventional wisdom that has attempted to draw links between the 1991 liberalisation of the Indian economy and the emergence and growth of the sector. Such works have both misrepresented the state as an obstacle to growth and overlooked its interventionist, facilitating role which, contrary to neoliberal postures, has increased substantially from the 1990s. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate this literature, taking as point of departure a more rounded empirical account, bringing out the integral role of the state in promoting and determining the character of the Indian it industry's development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1139-1152 Issue: 6 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802201105 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802201105 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:6:p:1139-1152 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hugo Radice Author-X-Name-First: Hugo Author-X-Name-Last: Radice Title: The Developmental State under Global Neoliberalism Abstract: The developmental state remains one of the chief points of reference, both analytical and political, for those who reject the current neoliberal global order. In this paper the validity of this approach is examined theoretically and historically. After a preliminary description of the developmental state, the paper investigates in turn the four terms contained in the title—neoliberalism, globality, the state and development—from a historical materialist standpoint. It is then argued that any approach that aims to provide an effective roadmap for a progressive alternative to neoliberalism needs to centre its analysis on the Marxian concept of class. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1153-1174 Issue: 6 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802201121 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802201121 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:6:p:1153-1174 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Robbert Maseland Author-X-Name-First: Robbert Author-X-Name-Last: Maseland Author-Name: Jan Peil Author-X-Name-First: Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Peil Title: Assessing the New Washington Pluralism from the Perspective of the Malaysian Model Abstract: This paper discusses the post-Washington Consensus development paradigm, questioning whether the changes it embodies are sufficient to open up the development debate. We show that the new paradigm, which might be called ‘Washington Pluralism’, harbours three pluralist principles. It maintains that development is 1) contingent on culture; 2) contingent on history; and 3) requiring a multidisciplinary perspective. We assess these principles on the basis of an analogy with the Malaysian Model, which embodied the same three principles. We show that, in Malaysia, the first two evolved into cultural determinism and historicism, respectively, while the third created a discourse in which institutions, politics and culture were reduced to instruments for development. Consequentially the proliferation of the idea of a Malaysian Model has been associated with increasing authoritarianism in Malaysia rather than with increased openness. On the basis of this analogy we conclude that the three pluralist principles are not sufficient to create an open development debate. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1175-1188 Issue: 6 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802201154 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802201154 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:6:p:1175-1188 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alexius Pereira Author-X-Name-First: Alexius Author-X-Name-Last: Pereira Title: Whither the Developmental State? Explaining Singapore's continued Developmentalism Abstract: This paper examines why the Singapore developmental state, unlike the other East Asian developmental states, has shown no signs of devolving but instead appears to be strengthening its position within society by embarking upon several ‘post-industrial’ economic programmes. By utilising a class relations perspective, the paper argues that the resilience of the Singapore developmental state results from the continued weakness of the domestic capitalist class as well as from the state's collaboration with transnational capital and government-linked corporations. At the same time the working class has continuously been ‘incorporated’ by the state. To illustrate these processes, the paper examines Singapore's Biomedical Sciences Initiative, and the Work Restructuring Scheme, which have reinforced the supremacy of the Singapore developmental state, particularly in the economic sphere. The paper concludes that developmental states need not necessarily devolve, if they can continue to provide economic growth as well as to carefully ‘manage’ class relations in society. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1189-1203 Issue: 6 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802201162 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802201162 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:6:p:1189-1203 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Joel Lazarus Author-X-Name-First: Joel Author-X-Name-Last: Lazarus Title: Participation in Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers: reviewing the past, assessing the present and predicting the future Abstract: This article assesses the various accounts put forward to explain the disappointing outcomes thus far of ‘civil society participation’ in the design and implementation of Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (prsps) in aid-receiving countries throughout the world. While donors' technical and depoliticised explanations prove particularly unhelpful, other more radical perspectives, though insightful, often lack sufficient subtlety in their analyses. The article goes on to consider and critique commentators' various visions and prescriptions for prsp participation. Finding within participation aid's classic paradox—where it can work it is not needed and where it might be needed it cannot work—the article predicts a bleak future for prsp participation and argues that the project's failure may exacerbate the crisis of legitimacy faced by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, a crisis that led these organisations to launch the prsp initiative in the first place. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1205-1221 Issue: 6 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802201188 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802201188 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:6:p:1205-1221 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Notes on Contributors Journal: Pages: 1033-1034 Issue: 6 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802305195 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802305195 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:6:p:1033-1034 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Carl Death Author-X-Name-First: Carl Author-X-Name-Last: Death Title: Four discourses of the green economy in the global South Abstract: This article identifies four contrasting global discourses of the green economy in contemporary usage: green resilience, green growth, green transformation and green revolution. These four discourses are manifested in recent green economy national strategies across the global South, including in Ethiopia, India, South Korea and Brazil. Disaggregating these discourses is politically important, and shows their different implications for broader political economies of the green state in the global South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2207-2224 Issue: 12 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1068110 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1068110 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:12:p:2207-2224 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michela Marcatelli Author-X-Name-First: Michela Author-X-Name-Last: Marcatelli Title: Suspended redistribution: ‘green economy’ and water inequality in the Waterberg, South Africa Abstract: In this article I show how ideas and practices of ‘green economy’ can reproduce and even naturalise inequality in water access for local users. Evidence to support my argument is drawn from the Waterberg region in the Limpopo Province of South Africa. Following the demise of apartheid and the appeal of the green economy, the Waterberg has been ‘reinvented’ as a wildlife destination. Whereas game farms enjoy secure water supply, the rural poor relocated to the small town of Vaalwater suffer severe water shortages. The article questions the mainstream view according to which game farms have no relationship to the water problems in town. Rather, I suggest that by conceiving and managing water as a private commodity deriving from land ownership and largely unregulated by the state, green economy initiatives contribute both materially and discursively to hampering more equality in water redistribution. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2244-2258 Issue: 12 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1068111 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1068111 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:12:p:2244-2258 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maano Ramutsindela Author-X-Name-First: Maano Author-X-Name-Last: Ramutsindela Title: Extractive philanthropy: securing labour and land claim settlements in private nature reserves Abstract: At the centre of the conservation enterprise are the interactions of various actors who display a great deal of environmental ethic. Private landowners have embraced this ethic to protect their property rights and increase land value while contributing to the conservation of nature and to rural development. In this paper I draw examples from the lowveld in South Africa to argue that there is a seamless connection between philanthropy, labour and land claims in private nature reserves, and that post-apartheid conditions have enabled such a connection to emerge. Philanthropy allows private owners to structure and control labour, while directly or indirectly affecting the trajectory of land claims in the area. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2259-2272 Issue: 12 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1068112 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1068112 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:12:p:2259-2272 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Melanie Stroebel Author-X-Name-First: Melanie Author-X-Name-Last: Stroebel Title: Tourism and the green economy: inspiring or averting change? Abstract: This paper investigates how tourism stakeholders conceptualise tourism in a green economy and how they foresee the transition to progress. With the meaning of a green economy remaining contested, the political agenda that the concept entails in a particular context can be far from clear. The paper provides a qualitative analysis of Towards a Green Economy and the publication Green Growth and Travelism to explore the implementation strategies and political agendas of tourism stakeholders. It outlines how stakeholders argue in line with international organisations that tourism can contribute to growth, development and poverty alleviation, while reducing environmental impacts. However, some researchers challenge the foundations of the green growth discourse. An exploration of these contradictions and of the political and economic implications of climate change leads the paper to argue that the particular framing of the green economy presents tourism in a way that sets the industry up for continued growth, while marginalising a much-needed radical transformation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2225-2243 Issue: 12 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1071658 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1071658 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:12:p:2225-2243 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: M.F. Olwig Author-X-Name-First: M.F. Author-X-Name-Last: Olwig Author-Name: C. Noe Author-X-Name-First: C. Author-X-Name-Last: Noe Author-Name: R. Kangalawe Author-X-Name-First: R. Author-X-Name-Last: Kangalawe Author-Name: E. Luoga Author-X-Name-First: E. Author-X-Name-Last: Luoga Title: Inverting the moral economy: the case of land acquisitions for forest plantations in Tanzania Abstract: Governments, donors and investors often promote land acquisitions for forest plantations as global climate change mitigation via carbon sequestration. Investors’ forestry thereby becomes part of a global moral economy imaginary. Using examples from Tanzania we critically examine the global moral economy’s narrative foundation, which presents trees as axiomatically ‘green’, ‘idle’ land as waste and economic investments as benefiting the relevant communities. In this way the traditional supposition of the moral economy as invoked by the economic underclass to maintain the basis of their subsistence is inverted and subverted, at a potentially serious cost to the subjects of such land acquisition. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2316-2336 Issue: 12 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1078231 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1078231 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:12:p:2316-2336 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rini Astuti Author-X-Name-First: Rini Author-X-Name-Last: Astuti Author-Name: Andrew McGregor Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: McGregor Title: Responding to the green economy: how REDD+ and the One Map Initiative are transforming forest governance in Indonesia Abstract: This paper analyses the technologies of government that proponents of the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation (REDD+) mechanism are adopting to influence forest governance in Indonesia. It analyses the aspects of forest governance being problematised; the solutions being constructed; and who is influencing the production and content of these solutions. The research focuses on three aspects of the One Map Initiative: the forest moratorium; forest licensing; and new standards in participative mapping. Our findings show that the initiative has created new opportunities and constraints for forest reform. New disciplinary and participatory technologies have emerged that have created political spaces for activists to actively promote social and environmental justice concerns. However, our analysis also shows tensions for forest stakeholders between engaging in the new opportunities of the green economy and the risk of having political issues rendered technical. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2273-2293 Issue: 12 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1082422 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1082422 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:12:p:2273-2293 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adrian Nel Author-X-Name-First: Adrian Author-X-Name-Last: Nel Title: The neoliberalisation of forestry governance, market environmentalism and re-territorialisation in Uganda Abstract: There is often a disjuncture between idealised forestry governance models which posit a ‘win-win for community and environment’ through participatory, multi-stakeholder international development discourses and interventions – and the actually existing processes and structures of natural resource government through which they are articulated. By applying, first, established theorisations of the initial territorialisation of state forestry territory, then conceptualisations of re- and de-territorialisation, derived from Deleuzo-Guattarian formulations, this paper expands on post-structuralist lines of inquiry on the political ecology of forestry to explore substantive transformations in forestry governance in Uganda. It specifically details the role that market environmentalism – the extension of market mechanisms, including carbon forestry, to natural resource governance – plays in reorienting assemblages of actors engaged in forestry governance and in changing configurations of state forestry territory. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2294-2315 Issue: 12 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1086262 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1086262 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:12:p:2294-2315 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sarah Bracking Author-X-Name-First: Sarah Author-X-Name-Last: Bracking Title: Performativity in the Green Economy: how far does climate finance create a fictive economy? Abstract: This paper asks how far performativity in the Green Economy generates material or virtual assets. It examines the relationship between assets and their financial derivatives, asking how far the value of ‘carbon’ or ‘green’ can be directly attributed to its social and narrative construction. The paper draws on two case studies – one of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) in South Africa, the other of the global private green bonds market – to show that both public and private climate finance can generate virtual economic activity co-produced by processes of social valuation and accumulation proper. How reliant is the Green Economy on actual economic activity? Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2337-2357 Issue: 12 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1086263 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1086263 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:12:p:2337-2357 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dan Brockington Author-X-Name-First: Dan Author-X-Name-Last: Brockington Author-Name: Stefano Ponte Author-X-Name-First: Stefano Author-X-Name-Last: Ponte Title: The Green Economy in the global South: experiences, redistributions and resistance Abstract: As multiple visions for a Green Economy seek to become real, so are green economic initiatives in the global South multiplying. These can offer integration into wealth-generating markets – as well as displacement, alienation, conflict and opportunities for ‘green washing’. The articles included in this collection bring together a multidisciplinary team of scholars and a range of case studies, from forestry governance to tourism to carbon finance, to provide nuanced analyses of Green Economy experiences in the global South – examining the opportunities they provide, the redistributions they entail and the kinds of resistance they face. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2197-2206 Issue: 12 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1086639 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1086639 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:12:p:2197-2206 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Cory Blad Author-X-Name-First: Cory Author-X-Name-Last: Blad Author-Name: Samuel Oloruntoba Author-X-Name-First: Samuel Author-X-Name-Last: Oloruntoba Author-Name: Jon Shefner Author-X-Name-First: Jon Author-X-Name-Last: Shefner Title: Course corrections and failed rationales: how comparative advantage and debt are used to legitimise austerity in Africa and Latin America Abstract: This article examines the role of ideological mechanisms in support of long-term economic liberalisation. Specifically we examine the ideological roles of comparative advantage and debt reduction as precursors to austerity policy imposition. Austerity policies, as episodic mechanisms designed to deepen neoliberalisation, are examined in the comparative historical context of Africa and Latin America. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 822-843 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1145047 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1145047 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:4:p:822-843 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jonas Wolff Author-X-Name-First: Jonas Author-X-Name-Last: Wolff Title: Negotiating interference: US democracy promotion, Bolivia and the tale of a failed agreement Abstract: Since 2009 the USA and the Bolivian government have been trying to fix their broken diplomatic relations. These negotiations culminated in 2011 in the signing of a bilateral agreement but, ultimately, failed to establish a basis for mutually acceptable development aid relations. This article analyses these negotiations and suggests a partial explanation that accounts for their dynamics and results. Specifically it shows how the negotiations have pitted Bolivian demands for state sovereignty and mutual respect, based on an egalitarian understanding of inter-state relations, against the US emphasis on common obligations and universal rights, informed by a non-egalitarian notion of liberal hegemony. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 882-899 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1153418 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1153418 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:4:p:882-899 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas F. Purcell Author-X-Name-First: Thomas F. Author-X-Name-Last: Purcell Author-Name: Nora Fernandez Author-X-Name-First: Nora Author-X-Name-Last: Fernandez Author-Name: Estefania Martinez Author-X-Name-First: Estefania Author-X-Name-Last: Martinez Title: Rents, knowledge and neo-structuralism: transforming the productive matrix in Ecuador Abstract: This paper explores the relationship between ground rent, production and knowledge in Ecuador’s neo-structuralist, state-led project to transform the productive matrix. Based upon insights from the Marxian approach to the critique of political economy, we interrogate how neo-structuralism has conceptualised the relationship between ‘natural resource income’ and ‘knowledge-based’ economic development. The paper argues that a rent-theoretical perspective, which takes seriously the regional unfolding of uneven geographical development in Latin America, can highlight the limits of a national development plan conceived according to the logic of Schumpeterian efficiency. In doing so, the paper identifies the contradictory relationship between natural resource exports, state-led ‘knowledge’-based development and capital accumulation. On this basis the paper offers a historically and empirically informed critical analysis of selective import substitution industrialisation and vanguard science and technology strategies designed to transition Ecuador away from primary resource dependence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 918-938 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1166942 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1166942 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:4:p:918-938 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Hirschmann Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Hirschmann Title: Framing a fiscal/cultural micro-encounter: value added tax meets calypso in Dominica Abstract: This article focuses on the performance of the calypso song ‘VAT on You’, as a response to the introduction into Dominica of the value added tax (VAT). The article applies a set of concepts to frame and so enhance our understanding of the event in terms of global history. Both calypso and VAT have extended histories and this performance represents an unusual meeting of earlier and current forces of globalisation. The conclusion assesses the helpfulness of the framing concepts ‘longue durée,’ continuities, centring, class divisions and micro-resistance, and assesses the song’s contribution to such resistance Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 900-917 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1166943 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1166943 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:4:p:900-917 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stein Sundstøl Eriksen Author-X-Name-First: Stein Sundstøl Author-X-Name-Last: Eriksen Title: State effects and the effects of state building: institution building and the formation of state-centred societies Abstract: This article discusses the assumptions underlying state-building efforts and the effects of these efforts. It addresses two main questions: why has state building not led to the establishment of effective states? And what are the effects of statebuilding? It is argued that these efforts have been based on an institutionalist model of the state derived from a Weberian framework, and that the basic reason why state building has failed is that the creation of effective states requires the creation of state-centred societies, where both material and symbolic resources are concentrated in the state. This is very difficult to achieve for external actors. But, although state building has not achieved the kinds of effects associated with effective states, it has nevertheless had significant effects. These include, first, accentuating the patrimonialism which has led to state weakness in the first place; second, reductions in national sovereignty as external actors’ substantial influence on policy agendas renders the state itself subject to control and regulation by actors external to it; and, third, perpetuating the idea of the state, while undermining the possibility of creating actual states which conform to this idea. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 771-786 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1176854 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1176854 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:4:p:771-786 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Simon Philpott Author-X-Name-First: Simon Author-X-Name-Last: Philpott Title: Planet of the Australians: Indigenous athletes and Australian Football’s sports diplomacy Abstract: This article examines the Australian Football League’s (AFL) diplomatic efforts to bring about recognition and reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous players, and to make a broader contribution to inter-communal relations. The AFL’s primary diplomacy has focused on classical racism, dealing with instances of on-field abuse of players by other players and with spectator education about racism and Indigenous culture in Australia. Despite successes in these areas, the AFL has notably failed to acknowledge structural, institutionalised modes of discrimination and exclusion, with the result that the sport remains deeply influenced by colonial thought and discourse concerning Indigenous Australians. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 862-881 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1176857 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1176857 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:4:p:862-881 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Matthew Sabbi Author-X-Name-First: Matthew Author-X-Name-Last: Sabbi Title: Strategic bureaucracies: transnational funding and mundane practices of Ghanaian local governments Abstract: The influence wielded by international development actors in Global South bureaucracies remains enormous. These actors actively shape the policy-making practices and funding of local state bureaucracies. Nevertheless, local bureaucracies have become adept at strategically appropriating that influence to their own benefit and to appear legitimate in order to exact development funds for their everyday tasks. Empirical data from two local self-governing areas in Ghana show that attempts towards gaining legitimacy are not only influenced by self-interest but also by external development funds seeking to promote the performance of the local state. Despite numerous institutional changes to enhance participation, the daily tasks of the local political structures tend rather to focus on assessments and qualification for development funds. Although these funds add to the local resource pool, at the same time they inhibit the realisation of the local state’s grandiose promise of reforms promoting participatory development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 939-955 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1176858 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1176858 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:4:p:939-955 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Childs Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Childs Author-Name: Julie Hearn Author-X-Name-First: Julie Author-X-Name-Last: Hearn Title: ‘New’ nations: resource-based development imaginaries in Ghana and Ecuador Abstract: Recently there have been increasing instances of the return of the state as the central agent of development in resource-rich nations globally. Characterised by both a rhetorical and substantive commitment to increasing control over national resource revenues, this so-called new/neo-extractivism has attracted a debate concerning the extent to which it offers a viable alternative to the imperatives of neoliberal resource extraction. Using two examples, this paper analyses the ways in which the Ghanaian and Ecuadorean states discursively imagine such structural transformations. It highlights the value in analysing the politics of language for strengthening studies of neo-extractivism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 844-861 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1176859 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1176859 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:4:p:844-861 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Danyel Reiche Author-X-Name-First: Danyel Author-X-Name-Last: Reiche Title: Why developing countries are just spectators in the ‘Gold War’: the case of Lebanon at the Olympic Games Abstract: At the Olympic Games, there is an increasing gap between developed countries that are investing more and more government resources into sporting success, and developing countries that cannot afford the “Gold War”, and are just spectators in the medal race. Based on studying a representative case, Lebanon, I investigate issues and interests of developing countries in the Olympics. On the political level, the main motivation for participation is global recognition. On the sporting level, developing countries seek to use Olympic participation as preparation for regional Games where success is more likely, serving as a soft power tool for regional influence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 996-1011 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1177455 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1177455 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:4:p:996-1011 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Charlotte Mertens Author-X-Name-First: Charlotte Author-X-Name-Last: Mertens Author-Name: Maree Pardy Author-X-Name-First: Maree Author-X-Name-Last: Pardy Title: ‘Sexurity’ and its effects in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo Abstract: Newly recognised as a threat to global peace and security, sexual violence in conflict is now a fixed item on international security agendas. This marks significant progress for women, gender equality and the integrity of peace programmes. Our aim here, however, is to reflect upon the risks that inhere in this accomplishment. Through the concept of ‘sexurity’, a tripartite amalgam of the securitisation of sexual violence, the sexualisation of security, and the language of crisis, we outline the adverse effects of tethering sexual violence to security. This article concerns itself with the material and symbolic effects of ‘sexurity’ for eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It first outlines ‘sexurity’ and the context of its emergence before, drawing on fieldwork in eastern DRC, the second part underlines the effects of ‘sexurity’ for the country. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 956-979 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1191341 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1191341 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:4:p:956-979 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Beth A. Bee Author-X-Name-First: Beth A. Author-X-Name-Last: Bee Author-Name: Bimbika Sijapati Basnett Author-X-Name-First: Bimbika Author-X-Name-Last: Sijapati Basnett Title: Engendering social and environmental safeguards in REDD+: lessons from feminist and development research Abstract: Drawing on feminist and development literature, this paper suggests several important lessons and considerations for building equitable approaches to REDD+. Specifically, we illustrate the conceptual and practical significance of women’s participation for achieving the goals of REDD+as well as the limits and opportunities for gendering participation in REDD+. We argue that the standing debates over how and in what context gender becomes instrumentalised, technicalised or institutionalised in development provide important cautionary tales for the implementation and reporting of REDD+safeguards. By doing so, this paper contributes to the growing literature on gender, development, natural resource management and REDD+. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 787-804 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1191342 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1191342 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:4:p:787-804 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Enika Abazi Author-X-Name-First: Enika Author-X-Name-Last: Abazi Author-Name: Albert Doja Author-X-Name-First: Albert Author-X-Name-Last: Doja Title: The past in the present: time and narrative of Balkan wars in media industry and international politics Abstract: In this article, we explore various forms of travel writing, media reporting, diplomatic record, policy-making, truth claims and expert accounts in which different narrative perspectives on the Balkan wars, both old (1912–1913) and new (1991–1999), have been most evident. We argue that the ways in which these perspectives are rooted in different temporalities and historicisations and have resulted in the construction of commonplace and time-worn representations. In practical terms, we take issue with several patterns of narratives that have led to the sensationalism of media industry and the essentialisation of collective memory. Taken together as a common feature of contemporary policy and analysis in the dominant international opinion, politics and scholarship, these narrative patterns show that historical knowledge is conveyed in ways that make present and represent the accounts of another past, and the ways in which beliefs collectively held by actors in international society are constructed as media events and public hegemonic representations. The aim is to show how certain moments of rupture are historicised, and subsequently used and misused to construct an anachronistic representation of Southeast Europe. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1012-1042 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1191345 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1191345 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:4:p:1012-1042 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marcin Wojciech Solarz Author-X-Name-First: Marcin Wojciech Author-X-Name-Last: Solarz Author-Name: Małgorzata Wojtaszczyk Author-X-Name-First: Małgorzata Author-X-Name-Last: Wojtaszczyk Title: Are the LDCs really the world’s least developed countries? Abstract: The term ‘the least developed countries’ (LDCs) is widely understood to designate, exactly as stated, the world’s least developed countries. In conjunction with the 2015 United Nations (UN) triennial review of the LDC category, this article attempts to critically evaluate the UN’s list of LDC countries in the light of various indicators – economic, social, political, military and security related, and psychological. It concludes that the official and actual lists of LDCs, despite important similarities, are not completely identical. The term ‘the LDCs’ as used by the UN is therefore not fully consistent with the reality it attempts to designate and describe. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 805-821 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1241138 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1241138 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:4:p:805-821 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shahram Akbarzadeh Author-X-Name-First: Shahram Author-X-Name-Last: Akbarzadeh Author-Name: James Barry Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Barry Title: Iran and Turkey: not quite enemies but less than friends Abstract: The rise and subsequent erosion of friendly relations between Iran and Turkey was a result of their regional ambitions. While Turkey had long seen its secular system as presenting an alternative to Iran’s Islamic ideology, the alignment of their regional interests facilitated a rapport between the two states in the first decade of the twenty-first century. However, the Arab Spring proved divisive for this relationship as each state sought to advocate its model of government and secure a leadership role in the Arab world. The war in Syria widened the divide, as Iran’s long-standing support for the Bashar al-Assad regime could not be reconciled with Turkey’s desire to see President Assad out of office. Using a close reading of Persian and Turkish sources, the authors will analyse the Iran–Turkey divide, focusing specifically on how the Iranians have portrayed it as a clash of civilisations, citing Turkey’s so-called ‘neo-Ottoman’ ambitions as the primary cause. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 980-995 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1241139 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1241139 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:4:p:980-995 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nilima Gulrajani Author-X-Name-First: Nilima Author-X-Name-Last: Gulrajani Title: Transcending the Great Foreign Aid Debate: managerialism, radicalism and the search for aid effectiveness Abstract: The great aid debate pits those who are radically opposed to foreign aid against those who champion its managerial reform to achieve greater aid effectiveness. This article offers an analysis of the debate by introducing a heuristic distinction between aid ‘radicals’ and aid ‘reformers’. The radical position is notable as it uncharacteristically unites neoliberals and neo-Marxists against foreign aid, while reformers espouse the tenets of managerialism as an ideological and practical vehicle for aid's improvement. Radicals remain sceptical and suspicious of reformist managerial utopias, while aid reformers see little value in radical nihilism. The paper calls for an end to the great aid debate by moving to a discussion of foreign aid that intertwines both radical and reformist perspectives. The ‘radical reform’ of foreign aid is both desirable and achievable so long as aid is re-theorised as a contested, commonsensical, contingent and civically oriented endeavour. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 199-216 Issue: 2 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.560465 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.560465 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:2:p:199-216 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Janet Conway Author-X-Name-First: Janet Author-X-Name-Last: Conway Title: Cosmopolitan or Colonial? The World Social Forum as ‘contact zone’ Abstract: Although the impressive diversity of the World Social Forum (WSF) is regularly noted, there has been little analytical work done on the degree to which the praxis of the WSF is enabling communicability across previously unbridged difference and how relations of power, particularly the coloniality of power, shape these interactions. Based on extensive participant observation at the WSF, this article analyses the ‘open space’ of the WSF as a ‘contact zone’ that, in different facets of this complex praxis, is both cosmopolitan and colonial. The author employs the differing conceptions of the contact zone, drawing on the work of Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Mary Louise Pratt, in dialogue with notions of coloniality and colonial difference arising from Latin American studies to illumine the analysis. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 217-236 Issue: 2 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.560466 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.560466 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:2:p:217-236 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Danyel Reiche Author-X-Name-First: Danyel Author-X-Name-Last: Reiche Title: War Minus the Shooting? The politics of sport in Lebanon as a unique case in comparative politics Abstract: In the literature on sport and politics the potential of sport to unite fragmented societies is emphasised. Lebanon is a counter example. Sport does not unite but further divides people. Confessionalism, the political system of this ‘mosaic state’ with 18 state-registered sects, produces conditions that only allow for competition within sects. The sport sector, especially the professional men's teams in football and basketball, serves as a tool for competition within and between sects. In a middle-income country with only four million inhabitants, club revenues from ticketing and broadcasting are almost non-existent. Therefore professional sport teams are completely dependent on sponsors. Within a patron–client relationship system, political leaders finance the clubs but expect complete loyalty from the teams, implemented through such practices as choosing their party colours as team colours or posting large pictures of themselves in the arenas. While national sports teams often have the potential to unite societies, in Lebanon this can only happen if first steps from a sectarian to a secular state are taken. Then a common national identity (including general support for the national sports teams) might gradually develop and later transform the confessional subsystems such as the media, schools and sports clubs towards non-sectarian entities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 261-277 Issue: 2 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.560468 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.560468 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:2:p:261-277 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni Author-X-Name-First: Sabelo Author-X-Name-Last: Ndlovu-Gatsheni Title: The World Cup, Vuvuzelas, Flag-Waving Patriots and the Burden of Building South Africa Abstract: The recent hosting of the World Cup by South Africa invoked what Michael Billig has termed ‘banal nationalism’, manifesting itself through blowing of ‘Vuvuzelas’, waving and displaying of the national flag on vehicles, as well as the wearing of sports regalia (Football Friday) by the people across racial, ethnic and class divisions. The support for the national team—‘Bafana Bafana’ occupied the national centre stage and became the main symbol around which national pride and unity crystallised. How long will this national unity survive the event? Is South Africa experiencing one month of fake nationhood? Is this national unity a sign of triumphalism over divisive nationalisms of the past? This article deploys a combination of Billig's concept of banal nationalism, Foucaldian discourse analysis and a historical approach to examine how South African nationalists used the World Cup to enhance the project of nation building. The article analyses the various debates about the nation provoked by the hosting of the World Cup, particularly how the mega-event spawned a strong spirit of national unity on the one hand, while simultaneously bringing into sharp focus glaring class divisions and threats of xenophobia, on the other. It brings together the views of left-leaning dissenters, Afro-pessimists and nationalist optimists on the impact and meaning of the World Cup for South Africa. Its key hypothesis is that these competing perspectives cannot be understood without acknowledging the local context of a society emerging from apartheid oppression and racism, existing within a global terrain that is provoking contradictory notions of belonging and being an aspirant nation with a weak sense of nationhood. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 279-293 Issue: 2 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.560469 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.560469 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:2:p:279-293 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Mario Matsinhe Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Mario Matsinhe Title: Africa's Fear of Itself: the ideology of in South Africa Abstract: Since the collapse of apartheid, the figure of Makwerekwere has been constructed and deployed in South Africa to render Africans from outside the borders orderable as the nation's bogeyman. Waves of violence against Makwerekwere have characterised South Africa since then, the largest of which broke out in May 2008 in the Johannesburg shantytown of Alexander. It quickly spread throughout the country. The militants were black citizens who exclusively targeted African foreign nationals, with some witnesses reporting grotesque scenes of sadistic behaviour. So far these violent spurts have been described as xenophobia, overlooking the history of colonial group relations in South Africa. From the perspective of this article, the history of colonial group relations cannot be overlooked, for the relations between citizens and non-citizens are extended shadows of this history. I argue that, rather than rushing to characterise these relations as xenophobia, we should factor in the history of colonial group relations and the extent to which the post-apartheid ideology of Makwerekwere and South Africa's ‘we-image’ vis-à-vis the rest of Africa may bear the imprints of this history. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 295-313 Issue: 2 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.560470 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.560470 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:2:p:295-313 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kalpana Wilson Author-X-Name-First: Kalpana Author-X-Name-Last: Wilson Title: ‘Race’, Gender and Neoliberalism: changing visual representations in development Abstract: This article examines the increasing use of ‘positive’, active images of ‘poor women in developing countries’ by development institutions, in relation to several interlinked factors: critiques of earlier representations of ‘Third World women’ as an essentialised category of ‘passive victims’; the appropriation—and transformation—within neoliberal discourses of development from the 1990s onwards of concepts of agency and empowerment; and changes in the role of development NGOs in the same period. Through a discussion of recent publicity campaigns by Oxfam Unwrapped, the Nike Foundation and Divine chocolate, the article examines the specific and gendered ways in which these more recent visual productions are racialised, exploring, in particular, parallels and continuities between colonial representations of women workers and today's images of micro-entrepreneurship within the framework of neoliberal globalisation. The article concludes that, like their colonial predecessors, contemporary representations obscure relations of oppression and exploitation, and work to render collective challenges to the neoliberal model invisible. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 315-331 Issue: 2 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.560471 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.560471 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:2:p:315-331 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nandita Dogra Author-X-Name-First: Nandita Author-X-Name-Last: Dogra Title: The Mixed Metaphor of ‘Third World Woman’: gendered representations by international development s Abstract: Reviewing a recent annual cycle of public fundraising and advocacy messages of international development NGOs (INGOs), this paper examines how gendered representations are used to portray specific notions of global poverty, development, gendered identities, the majority world and its relation to the developed world. The gendering of global poverty and development is realised though many contradictory discursive strategies, including feminisation which, inter alia, naturalises the majority world, distinctive characterisations of people and issues, and binary oppositions of women from the developed and majority worlds. Through both her instrumental and symbolic value, the ‘Third World woman’ serves INGOs by simultaneously projecting ‘universal’ values of motherhood and womanhood and special values of ‘Third World difference’. These representations have significance across Northern audiences' understandings of gender and global inequalities and INGOs' objectives of poverty alleviation, women's empowerment and rights-based development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 333-348 Issue: 2 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.560472 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.560472 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:2:p:333-348 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jawad Syed Author-X-Name-First: Jawad Author-X-Name-Last: Syed Author-Name: Faiza Ali Author-X-Name-First: Faiza Author-X-Name-Last: Ali Title: The White Woman's Burden: from colonial to Third World Abstract: Gender discourse and scholarship continues to be dominated by Western paradigms, generally leading to an abstract mapping of gender stratification instead of a critical reflection on the very institutions that shape such lines of inquiry. Not unlike Kipling's illustration of the white man's burden, which treats other cultures as ‘childlike’ and ‘demonic’, mainstream theories and studies on gender continue to reflect the white woman's burden, which seems to disparage the identity, voice and contexts of women of colour. This article reviews the historical and current roles of white women in white colonial and postcolonial projects. The review is intended to explore and understand reasons which may be currently contributing to doubts about the white woman's burden in the Third World. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 349-365 Issue: 2 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.560473 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.560473 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:2:p:349-365 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kristin Bergtora Sandvik Author-X-Name-First: Kristin Bergtora Author-X-Name-Last: Sandvik Title: The humanitarian cyberspace: shrinking space or an expanding frontier? Abstract: In an effort to contribute to a more critical understanding of the role of information and communication technology (ICT) in humanitarian action, this article explores the topography of the ‘humanitarian cyberspace’ – a composite of ‘cyberspace’ and ‘humanitarian space’ – as it has emerged since the mid-1990s. The goals are to offer some observations about the conditions of the humanitarian cyberspace and to reflect on the relationship between the persistent features of humanitarian action and new developments brought on by ICT. The prism through which the role of ICT in humanitarian action is explored is that of the ‘shrinking humanitarian space’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 17-32 Issue: 1 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1043992 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1043992 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:1:p:17-32 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Courtney J. Fung Author-X-Name-First: Courtney J. Author-X-Name-Last: Fung Title: Global South solidarity? China, regional organisations and intervention in the Libyan and Syrian civil wars Abstract: Why was China responsive to regional organisations’ call for intervention in the case of the Libya crisis, where it supported sanctions and an International Criminal Court referral, and acquiesced to a no-fly zone, but unresponsive to pressure from regional organisations for intervention in the Syria crisis, issuing repeated vetoes instead? Using interviews and other primary data, this article explains the variation by highlighting that China is most responsive to regional organisations when these groups remain cohesive, congregate around the same policy position and when they publicly criticise or isolate China. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 33-50 Issue: 1 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1078230 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1078230 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:1:p:33-50 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sebastian Biba Author-X-Name-First: Sebastian Author-X-Name-Last: Biba Title: The goals and reality of the water–food–energy security nexus: the case of China and its southern neighbours Abstract: The so-called ‘nexus’ approach has recently been promoted as addressing externalities across the water, food and energy sectors, thus helping to achieve ‘water/energy/food security for all’, ‘equitable and sustainable growth’ and a ‘resilient and productive environment’. While these are noble goals, this article argues that the reality on the ground appears to be taking a different direction, at least when it comes to China and its neighbours in South and Southeast Asia. There, a new era of large-scale water infrastructure development is creating several security-related problems, which represent serious challenges to the nexus goals. These challenges include food–energy tensions, human security threats and ecological risks. These challenges can also be linked to rising friction surrounding the management of water, food and energy resources in the region. The article argues that, in order for the nexus goals to be achieved in China and the countries on its southern periphery, there must first be increased awareness of this nexus among policy-making elites. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 51-70 Issue: 1 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1086634 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1086634 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:1:p:51-70 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pablo Yanguas Author-X-Name-First: Pablo Author-X-Name-Last: Yanguas Author-Name: Badru Bukenya Author-X-Name-First: Badru Author-X-Name-Last: Bukenya Title: ‘New’ approaches confront ‘old’ challenges in African public sector reform Abstract: The disappointing performance of conventional public sector reforms in developing countries has led to the rise of ‘new’ approaches seeking to overcome traditional bureaucratic barriers to change: leadership-focused interventions like the Africa Governance Initiative (AGI); accountability-focused initiatives like the Open Government Partnership (OGP); and adaptation-focused models like those of Africa Power and Politics (APP). While these approaches are appealing to aid donors in their promise to move beyond the limitations of purely formal institution building, they fail to provide new answers to the ‘old’ analytical and practical challenges of public sector reform, in particular administrative patrimonialism, public corruption and political capture. The evidence is yet inchoate, but all points to the need for these approaches to work together with conventional ones. Beyond novel implementation tactics, however, there is a need for new strategies of sustained political support for embattled reformers who face powerful incentives against institutional change. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 136-152 Issue: 1 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1086635 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1086635 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:1:p:136-152 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sylvia Bawa Author-X-Name-First: Sylvia Author-X-Name-Last: Bawa Title: Paradoxes of (dis)empowerment in the postcolony: women, culture and social capital in Ghana Abstract: Women’s empowerment discourses in Africa involve contradictory desires from women on one hand and society at large on the other. This article argues that the traditional validation mechanisms for women’s identities are crucial avenues for analysing both the conceptions and experiences of empowerment. Drawing on primary ethnographic data, I analyse paradoxes in women’s empowerment discourses in postcolonial Ghanaian societies, where neoliberal discourses thrive side-by-side with collectivist–socialist cultural ideals. Using an example of social capital, gained largely through mothering, I suggest that, because women’s relationships with capital are structured by local socio-cultural and global economic structures and relations, the theorisation and application of the concept of empowerment need to recognise the complicated relationships (with capital) that women negotiate on a daily basis. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 119-135 Issue: 1 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1086636 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1086636 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:1:p:119-135 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jan Pospisil Author-X-Name-First: Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Pospisil Author-Name: Florian P. Kühn Author-X-Name-First: Florian P. Author-X-Name-Last: Kühn Title: The resilient state: new regulatory modes in international approaches to state building? Abstract: ‘Resilience’ has quickly risen to prominence in international security and development circles. In recent years it has found its way into political discourse on state building and state fragility, triggering a vast but often conceptually indistinct examination of the subject. Given its meaning in policy publications and guidelines, ‘resilience’ tends to eschew a static conceptualisation of statehood, turning instead to a more dynamic, complex and process-oriented rendering of state–society relations. This illustrates a conceptual shift from ‘failed states’ to ‘fragile states and situations’. It also transforms the concept of ‘failed state’ as a mere threat perception – with ‘stability’ as its logical other – into ‘fragility’ as a particular form of social and political risk. This paper analyses the concepts in 43 policy papers, focusing on the nexus of ‘resilience’ and ‘fragility’ in international state building, and assesses potential consequences. What does ‘resilience’ – as the opposite vision to ‘fragility’ – in fact mean? What is the practice derived from this chimerical state of states? Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-16 Issue: 1 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1086637 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1086637 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:1:p:1-16 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ziya Öniş Author-X-Name-First: Ziya Author-X-Name-Last: Öniş Author-Name: Şuhnaz Yılmaz Author-X-Name-First: Şuhnaz Author-X-Name-Last: Yılmaz Title: Turkey and Russia in a shifting global order: cooperation, conflict and asymmetric interdependence in a turbulent region Abstract: The current global political economy is characterised by the intensifying economic interaction of BRICS and ‘near BRICS’ economies, with emerging powers increasing their influence in neighbouring regions. The growing partnership between Turkey and Russia constitutes a useful case study for examining this transformation, in which Western supremacy and US hegemony are under increasing challenge. Turkish–Russian relations shed light on broader themes in global political economy. First, significant economic interdependence may be generated among states with different political outlooks, in the form of loose regional integration schemes driven by bilateral relations between key states and supporting private actors or interests. Second, growing economic interdependence may coexist with continued political conflict and geopolitical rivalry, as indicated by the Syrian and Ukrainian crises. An important strategy that emerges is the tendency to compartmentalise economic issues and geopolitical rivalries in order to avoid negative spill-over effects. This facilitates the coexistence of extensive competition with deepening cooperation, as reflected in relations in the field of energy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 71-95 Issue: 1 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1086638 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1086638 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:1:p:71-95 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jason Tockman Author-X-Name-First: Jason Author-X-Name-Last: Tockman Title: Decentralisation, socio-territoriality and the exercise of indigenous self-governance in Bolivia Abstract: This article analyses the ‘indigenous autonomy’ being constructed in two dozen Bolivian municipalities and territories, in accordance with the 2009 Constitution. It finds that Bolivia’s 1994 decentralisation reforms, which created the country’s system of municipalities, are central to understanding the contemporary implementation of indigenous autonomy. Some indigenous people view as favourable the representative and material gains achieved by municipalisation, which helps explain why more majority-indigenous communities have not yet chosen the new option of indigenous autonomy. However, the new legal framework also limits indigenous self-governance, because territorial delimitations of the country’s municipalities are generally inconsistent with indigenous peoples’ ancestral territories. The new institutions of self-governance are legally obligated to include discrete legislative, executive and administrative functions, reflecting not indigenous norms but a municipal structure of liberal design. This study illustrates the way that indigenous self-determination may encounter obstacles where indigenous territorial jurisdictions must coincide with contemporary boundaries of colonial origins, rather than with pre-colonial territories. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 153-171 Issue: 1 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1089163 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1089163 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:1:p:153-171 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ben Reid Author-X-Name-First: Ben Author-X-Name-Last: Reid Title: The geopolitical economy of social policy in the Philippines: securitisation, emerging powers and multilateral policies Abstract: Recent geopolitical and economic changes have altered global social policy formation. The Bretton Woods multilateral development agencies (MDAs) have selectively incorporated ideas emerging from developing country states and decision makers, with a recent increased acceptance of social transfers as part of renewed efforts at poverty alleviation based on social risk management. There has been an instance in the use and promotion of conditional cash transfer (CCT) policies by MDAs. CCTs were a product of the emergence of a neo-structuralist welfare regime (understood as an ideal type) in Latin America – an attempt to reconcile neoliberal strategies of development with aspirations for guaranteed minimum incomes. The Bretton Woods and regional development bank MDAs have facilitated the adoption of CCTs in other developing countries, including the Phillipines. Here, a combination of actions by national political actors and MDAs has resulted in the implementation of a securitised and compliance-focused version of CCTs derived from the Colombian security state. Although poor Philippine households welcome income assistance, CCTs have acted to enforce further state monitoring without altering the national-based political and economic processes that replicate poverty. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 96-118 Issue: 1 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1089165 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1089165 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:1:p:96-118 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Riccarda Flemmer Author-X-Name-First: Riccarda Author-X-Name-Last: Flemmer Author-Name: Almut Schilling‐Vacaflor Author-X-Name-First: Almut Author-X-Name-Last: Schilling‐Vacaflor Title: Unfulfilled promises of the consultation approach: the limits to effective indigenous participation in Bolivia’s and Peru’s extractive industries Abstract: Indigenous peoples’ right to prior consultation and to informed consent represents the basis of the new global model shaping state–indigenous relations. Consultation processes promise to enable indigenous people to determine their own development and are especially promoted when extraction projects with significant socio-environmental impacts are planned on indigenous lands. In this article we draw on debates on participatory development in order to analyse the first state-led consultations in Bolivia’s and Peru’s hydrocarbon sectors (2007–14). The analysis shows that effective participation has been limited by (1) an absence of indigenous ownership of the processes; (2) indigenous groups’ difficulties defending or even articulating their own visions and demands; and (3) limited or very general outcomes. The study identifies real-life challenges, such as power asymmetries, a ‘communication hurdle’ and appropriate timing – as well as simplistic assumptions underlying the consultation approach – that account for the unfulfilled promises of this new model. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 172-188 Issue: 1 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1092867 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1092867 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:1:p:172-188 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: TWQ’s reviewers Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 189-190 Issue: 1 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1152089 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1152089 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:1:p:189-190 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Caroline Hughes Author-X-Name-First: Caroline Author-X-Name-Last: Hughes Author-Name: Jane Hutchison Author-X-Name-First: Jane Author-X-Name-Last: Hutchison Title: Development Effectiveness and the Politics of Commitment Abstract: International aid agencies have experienced a ‘political turn’ over the past decade, with political economy analyses becoming increasingly numerous as a means to drive development effectiveness. Yet aid agencies have so far failed to shift their aid modalities in response. The problem lies in an inadequate conceptualisation of ‘politics’. Most donors continue to see development as a public good, rather than as the focus of contestation in a context of societal struggle, and consequently fail to take oppositional forces sufficiently seriously. This facilitates the misapplication of terms such as ‘partnership’ and ‘ownership’, contributing to failures in efforts to promote reform. A more truly political analysis of aid intervention entails two innovations: the use of structural analysis to distinguish between interests in reform; and the use of this distinction, in turn, to inform the practice of taking sides in political struggles. Case studies of international aid programmes in Cambodia and the Philippines illustrate how the failure of donors to take sides with particular reformers has resulted in lost opportunities to achieve concrete outcomes from development projects. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 17-36 Issue: 1 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.627229 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.627229 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:1:p:17-36 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Trevor Parfitt Author-X-Name-First: Trevor Author-X-Name-Last: Parfitt Author-Name: Jay Wysocki Author-X-Name-First: Jay Author-X-Name-Last: Wysocki Title: The Meaning of Work in Neoliberal Globalisation: the Asian exception? Abstract: This article argues that a central element of capitalist development, especially in its neo-liberal form, has been the configuration of a rationalised and individuated conception of work that helps to maximise capitalist efficiency. As the capitalist system has become globalised there has been an attempt to export this conception of work to the Global South by means of liberalisation programmes, many of them sponsored by the World Bank. These have entailed repression of organised labour in the attempt to force workers to adopt the role allocated to them by neo-liberalism, that of individual rational maximisers of utilities. It is argued that this attempt to globalise a neo-liberal conception of work must confront an Asia wherein local values (notably a preference for communitarian rather than individualistic values) and conditions have led both state and civil society to frame the concept of work as having collective rather than just individual significance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 37-53 Issue: 1 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.627233 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.627233 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:1:p:37-53 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni Author-X-Name-First: Sabelo Author-X-Name-Last: Ndlovu-Gatsheni Title: Fiftieth Anniversary of Decolonisation in Africa: a moment of celebration or critical reflection? Abstract: This article deploys the concept of coloniality of power to critically reflect on the decolonisation process, using a ‘colonial difference’ perspective which enables a critical reflection on the limits of decolonisation from the side of the ex-colonised ordinary citizens of Africa. Three principal arguments are advanced. First, celebration of the decolonisation process as the proudest moment in African history obscures the continuing operation of the colonial matrices of power in maintaining Africa's subaltern position in global politics. Second, decolonisation resulted only in politico-juridical freedom, which is often conflated with freedom for the ordinary peoples of Africa. Third, celebrations of decolonisation are belied by the fact that ordinary African citizens engaged in new struggles for freedom soon after decolonisation aimed at liberating themselves from oppression by the inherited and imposed postcolonial African state. The article delves into the genealogical, ideological and ethical elements of decolonisation, alongside its political assumptions and implications. This facilitates the decoupling of ideas of liberation from notions of emancipation, which are often considered the same thing. It also enables critical engagement with the character of the postcolonial African state imposed on Africans without being fully reconstituted and decolonized institutionally. The article provides a fresh appreciation of ordinary citizens' ongoing struggles for liberation from the postcolonial state exemplified by the current North African popular uprisings against dictatorial regimes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 71-89 Issue: 1 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.627236 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.627236 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:1:p:71-89 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rebecca Davies Author-X-Name-First: Rebecca Author-X-Name-Last: Davies Title: African diasporas, development and the politics of context Abstract: This article seeks to add to the debate on the role of diasporas in development outcomes in sub-Saharan Africa by considering why diasporas are not apparently as effective as development agents in an African setting as they have proven thus far in other regions. It argues that changing diasporic engagement and activities on the continent should be examined against the backdrop of the emergence of a ‘liberalisation from below’ which emphasises local ownership of development outcomes, the historical variety of African state forms and the continuities in the exercise of power and the nature of these states. In so doing, it brings into focus the ongoing transformation in state–society relations whereby the dependence—of elites and ordinary citizens alike—on external resources continues to deepen, and the importance of this context in drawing any conclusions about the role of diasporas as agents of transformation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 91-108 Issue: 1 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.627237 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.627237 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:1:p:91-108 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Fiona McCallum Author-X-Name-First: Fiona Author-X-Name-Last: McCallum Title: Religious Institutions and Authoritarian States: church–state relations in the Middle East Abstract: The churches in the Middle East are generally perceived to be supportive of the authoritarian states in the region. The motivations for this strategy and its successes and limitations in the context of the authoritarian environment and the religious heritage of the region are explored. The article argues that the approaches pursued are determined by the structure of the community in relation to the majority and other Christian communities as well as by state policies towards the community. The overriding aim of church leaders of protecting their communities has led to a modern variation of the historical millet system, which provides them public status in exchange for their acquiescence in regime policies. This security guarantee, combined with wariness towards other potential political actors and the desire to protect their privileged position from communal challengers, has resulted in the hierarchies' preference for the authoritarian status quo rather than encouraging democracy promotion. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 109-124 Issue: 1 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.627238 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.627238 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:1:p:109-124 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Florent Bédécarrats Author-X-Name-First: Florent Author-X-Name-Last: Bédécarrats Author-Name: Johan Bastiaensen Author-X-Name-First: Johan Author-X-Name-Last: Bastiaensen Author-Name: François Doligez Author-X-Name-First: François Author-X-Name-Last: Doligez Title: Co-optation, Cooperation or Competition? Microfinance and the new left in Bolivia, Ecuador and Nicaragua Abstract: The past decade has been marked by the resurgence of leftist political movements across Latin America. The rise of the ‘new left’ masks the ambivalent relationships these movements have with broader society, and their struggle to find an alternative to the prevailing development model. Filling the void left by failed public banks, the microfinance sector has grown significantly across the continent in an increasingly commercial form. Analysis of Nicaragua, Ecuador and Bolivia reveals that their new governments share a common distrust of microfinance. Yet, in the absence of viable alternatives for financial service provision, governments and microfinance stakeholders are forced to coexist. The environment in which they do so varies greatly, depending on local political and institutional factors. Some common trends can nevertheless be discerned. Paradoxically, the sector seems to be polarised into two competing approaches which reinforce the most commercially oriented institutions on the one hand, and the most subsidised on the other, gradually eliminating the economically viable microfinance institutions which have tried to strike a balance between social objectives and the market. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 143-160 Issue: 1 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.627245 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.627245 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:1:p:143-160 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Daniel Domeher Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Domeher Author-Name: Raymond Abdulai Author-X-Name-First: Raymond Author-X-Name-Last: Abdulai Title: Access to Credit in the Developing World: does land registration matter? Abstract: Many households and businesses in developing countries are said to face credit constraints which limit their ability to undertake investments in various production-enhancing economic activities required to reduce poverty. This limited access to formal credit is often attributed to the lack of ‘acceptable’ collateral, resulting from the absence of formally registered land titles. Despite the fact that this assertion is fast gaining ground, land registration has not been found empirically to positively influence access to credit. This article seeks to critically examine the above argument and provide credible theoretical explanations as to why previous studies in the developing world have failed to establish any significant positive link between land registration and access to credit. It is argued that formalising property titles alone will not be enough solve the problem of limited access to credit in the developing world. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 161-175 Issue: 1 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.627254 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.627254 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:1:p:161-175 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rashmi Arora Author-X-Name-First: Rashmi Author-X-Name-Last: Arora Title: Financial Inclusion and Human Capital in Developing Asia: the Australian connection Abstract: The Australian government as part of its aid programme allocates large funds to improve financial inclusion in developing countries. However, this does not take into account low educational levels in these countries. The existing literature on financial inclusion also treats the issue as mainly supply-centric and does not take cognisance of the fact that poor human development and high illiteracy levels in developing economies may prevent a large section of the population from benefitting from financial inclusion efforts, because of low awareness and comprehension of the financial services available. This study uses a detailed three-stage methodological approach to examine the relationship between financial development and human capital in 21 countries of developing Asia. The results show that a significant negative relationship exists between financial development proxied by M2/gdp and pupil:teacher ratios and a strong positive relationship exists between physical access to banks and expected years of schooling. Further, our financial development and educational development indices also show no clear pattern in the selected countries' financial and educational development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 177-197 Issue: 1 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.627256 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.627256 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:1:p:177-197 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jack Barry Author-X-Name-First: Jack Author-X-Name-Last: Barry Title: Microfinance, the Market and Political Development in the Internet Age Abstract: This article steps outside traditional economic analysis of microfinance, and instead investigates the political ramifications of microfinance in developing countries. In particular, I argue that microfinance affects social capital, political empowerment and democratisation. I examine three emerging trends in microfinance: new technology; the rise of for-profit microfinance institutions; and the increase in individual, rather than group microfinance lending. In exploring these trends, I analyse seven prominent institutions: non-profits Kiva, Global Giving, Calvert Organization and MicroCredit Enterprises; and for-profits MicroPlace, MicroVest, and Oikocredit. My findings indicate that different types of microfinance institutions have unique characteristics that influence political development in a variety of ways, including but not limited to: democratisation, social capital, and economic and political empowerment. The article attempts to fill a gap in the literature and open up a conversation as to how differing approaches to microfinance lending influence political development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 125-141 Issue: 1 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.628107 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.628107 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:1:p:125-141 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Paul Cammack Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Cammack Title: The G20, the Crisis, and the Rise of Global Developmental Liberalism Abstract: The emergence of the G20 leaders' meeting during the recent global financial crisis as the ‘premier forum for international economic cooperation’ reflects a significant shift of hegemony over global governance towards the emerging economies but does not challenge the authority or objectives of the international financial institutions. On the contrary, successive G20 initiatives, culminating in the adoption of the Seoul Development Consensus for Shared Growth in November 2010, reveal both a further strengthening of the already close institutional relationship between the G20 and the Bretton Woods institutions and a strong shared commitment to a developmental form of global liberalism. This article charts the ascendancy of emerging economy perspectives through the lens of the G20, maps their ties to the imf and other international organisations, sets out the content of the new global developmental liberalism, and assesses the implications of emerging economy hegemony for the advanced and the emerging economies, respectively. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-16 Issue: 1 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.628110 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.628110 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:1:p:1-16 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Mares Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Mares Author-Name: Jeremy Martin Author-X-Name-First: Jeremy Author-X-Name-Last: Martin Title: Regional Energy Integration in Latin America: lessons from Chile's experience with natural gas Abstract: In the 1990s regional economic integration regained popularity as a means for promoting sustainable economic development in the developing world. Latin America, where market liberalisation and pro-market presidents proliferated in that decade, emblemised this belief. Even today, when pro-state intervention governments are on the upswing, the rhetoric of economic integration continues. Yet integration schemes are faltering. This article presents a case study to demonstrate that neither markets nor political will of leaders can produce successful economic integration unless the politics of integration have been favourably resolved. Chile best exemplifies this situation. Chile's lessons learned through their natural gas and energy development model serve as an excellent prism for analysing the political economy of regional economic integration and speculating on what types of regional energy integration schemes can work best. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 55-70 Issue: 1 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.642224 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.642224 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:1:p:55-70 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bülent Aras Author-X-Name-First: Bülent Author-X-Name-Last: Aras Author-Name: Richard Falk Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Falk Title: Authoritarian ‘geopolitics’ of survival in the Arab Spring Abstract: The Arab Spring has shaken not only the state and society dimension in the countries of the MENA region but also the power of authoritarian leaders that had been ensured for a long period of time. This paper takes a critical look at the issue of how authoritarian regimes reacted to the new political atmosphere produced by the Arab Spring. More specifically it attempts to identify how geopolitical reasoning influenced the formulation of new strategies designed to promote the survival of authoritarian regimes. It focuses upon the geopolitical reasoning relied upon by Iran and Saudi Arabia, which included creating threat-enemy chains in domestic politics, shifting alliances in regional policy and taking advantage of relations with external actors to gain support for authoritarian rule at home. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 322-336 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1013307 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1013307 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:2:p:322-336 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni Author-X-Name-First: Sabelo J. Author-X-Name-Last: Ndlovu-Gatsheni Title: Ali A Mazrui on the invention of Africa and postcolonial predicaments: ‘My life is one long debate’ Abstract: Ali A Mazrui’s academic and intellectual fame provoked both deep admiration and severe criticism, causing his intellectual legacy to be caught up between what the South Sudanese scholar Dustan M Wai depicted as ‘Mazruiphilia’ (hagiographical celebration) and ‘Mazruiphobia’ (critical bashing). Mazrui died on 12 October 2014, leaving behind a ‘supermarket of ideas’ and a rich archive that easily immortalises him. This article aims to transcend both Mazruiphilia and Mazruiphobia through the adoption of an approach which avoids a sententious orientation while critically engaging with Mazrui’s contributions to the topical questions of the invention of Africa, Africanity and the African condition. From Mazrui’s ‘supermarket of ideas’ the article takes one of the debates in his expansive work – that of Africanity – as its departure point to engage with his contribution to African Studies and pay tribute to this African intellectual giant. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 205-222 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1013317 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1013317 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:2:p:205-222 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jeffrey D. Wilson Author-X-Name-First: Jeffrey D. Author-X-Name-Last: Wilson Title: Resource powers? Minerals, energy and the rise of the BRICS Abstract: The rise of new economic powers has seen increasing attention focused on the international role of the BRICS countries. Importantly, a common feature uniting the BRICS is that they are all resource-rich, and many analysts (and some BRICS governments) have argued that natural resources are one of the key factors propelling the rise of the group. This article explores the BRICS’ emerging status as ‘resource powers’, examining how resource wealth underpins their economic development and foreign policy strategies, and thus contributes to their growing influence in international affairs. It is argued that through the use of nationalistic mining and energy policies, the BRICS governments have exploited natural resources for both domestic economic and international diplomatic objectives. However, there are several challenges and emerging risks facing the BRICS’ resource strategies, which mean that resource wealth is making a positive – though inherently limited – contribution to the growing international status of the group. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 223-239 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1013318 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1013318 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:2:p:223-239 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Liam Swiss Author-X-Name-First: Liam Author-X-Name-Last: Swiss Author-Name: Stephen Brown Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Brown Title: The aid orphan myth Abstract: The term ‘aid orphan’ refers to a developing country forgotten or abandoned by the development community. This metaphor has featured prominently in the development assistance policy and research literature over the past decade. Development practitioners, policy makers and researchers have defined aid orphans in manifold ways and often expressed concern over the potential fate or impact of such countries. In this paper we first examine the many definitions of aid orphans and then review the main concerns raised about them. Next we empirically examine more than 40 years of bilateral aid data to identify aid orphan countries and their common characteristics. Our findings suggest that very few countries meet the definition of aid orphan and fewer still raise the concerns collectively expressed about the orphan phenomenon. We conclude by suggesting researchers and practitioners abandon the orphan metaphor and instead focus on issues of equitable aid allocation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 240-256 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1013319 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1013319 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:2:p:240-256 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John D. Cameron Author-X-Name-First: John D. Author-X-Name-Last: Cameron Title: Can poverty be funny? The serious use of humour as a strategy of public engagement for global justice Abstract: This article examines the use of humour as a strategy to promote increased public engagement in the countries of the global North with issues of global justice. The central argument of the article is that humour can be both an ethical and an effective way of attracting and sustaining public engagement in struggles for global justice. There are risks and limits to the use of humour to represent issues of poverty and injustice but, given low levels of public engagement in these issues in the countries of the global North, humour is a risk worth taking. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 274-290 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1013320 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1013320 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:2:p:274-290 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anke Schwittay Author-X-Name-First: Anke Author-X-Name-Last: Schwittay Author-Name: Kate Boocock Author-X-Name-First: Kate Author-X-Name-Last: Boocock Title: Experiential and empathetic engagements with global poverty: ‘Live below the line so that others can rise above it’ Abstract: In recent years events that physically challenge Northern publics have emerged as a new form of engagement with global poverty. In this article we examine the ‘Live Below the Line’ (LBTL) campaign, which asks participants to live on a small amount of money equivalent to the international poverty line for five days, as an example of experiential exercises that complement physical challenges with the simulation of some aspect of poor people’s lives. Drawing on interviews with participants in the 2013 New Zealand campaign, we argue that LBTL creates a limited understanding of poverty focused on poor food consumption caused by low income. While participants were able to have a more embodied and empathetic engagement with poverty, they projected their own physical and emotional sensations onto imagined poor others. As a result, stereotypes about those living in poverty were reinforced rather than challenged. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 291-305 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1013327 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1013327 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:2:p:291-305 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Germán Esteban Alburquerque Fuschini Author-X-Name-First: Germán Esteban Author-X-Name-Last: Alburquerque Fuschini Title: Third-worldism: sensibility and ideology in Uruguay – from Third Position to the thought of Carlos Real de Azúa Abstract: This article examines the trajectory of the concepts ‘Third World’ and ‘Third-worldism’ in Uruguay, and attempts to prove that, although Third-worldism developed thoroughly as sensibility, it did not have the same success as ideology. The article examines authors and intellectual groups who reflected on the Third World, and especially on ‘tercerismo’ (Third Position) – understood as a set of ideas related to Third-worldism but not part of Third-worldism as such. It next explains the importance of the thought of Carlos Real de Azúa, identified as the main ideologist of Third-worldism in Uruguay. The research shows as a result that there was great concern about the Third World, especially in the 1960s and the 1970s, expressed in articles, reports and speeches, among others. Nevertheless, a full conceptualisation was never realised, except in the contribution made by Real de Azúa. The article concludes that, paradoxically, ‘tercerismo’ blocked the development of more elaborated third-worldist thought in Uruguay. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 306-321 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1013331 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1013331 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:2:p:306-321 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrea Cornwall Author-X-Name-First: Andrea Author-X-Name-Last: Cornwall Author-Name: Althea-Maria Rivas Author-X-Name-First: Althea-Maria Author-X-Name-Last: Rivas Title: From ‘gender equality and ‘women’s empowerment’ to global justice: reclaiming a transformative agenda for gender and development Abstract: The language of ‘gender equality’ and ‘women’s empowerment’ was mobilised by feminists in the 1980s and 1990s as a way of getting women’s rights onto the international development agenda. Their efforts can be declared a resounding success. The international development industry has fully embraced these terms. From international NGOs to donor governments to multilateral agencies the language of gender equality and women’s empowerment is a pervasive presence and takes pride of place among their major development priorities. And yet, this article argues, the fact that these terms have been eviscerated of conceptual and political bite compromises their use as the primary frame through which to demand rights and justice. Critically examining the trajectories of these terms in development, the article suggests that if the promise of the post-2015 agenda is to deliver on gender justice, new frames are needed, which can connect with and contribute to a broader movement for global justice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 396-415 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1013341 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1013341 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:2:p:396-415 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sina Salessi Author-X-Name-First: Sina Author-X-Name-Last: Salessi Title: Revolution, power and the Third World: a review of Michael Mann’s Abstract: The fourth volume of Michael Mann’s The Sources of Social Power is the last in his historical sociological series, which has centred on an analysis of ideological, economic, military and political power in human societies from the start of civilisation. Mann’s final volume provides an important overview of the period of American hegemony and its worldwide effects, the rise and crisis of neoliberalism, the contrasting fates of the USSR and Maoist China, the vagaries of American empire, and modern revolutions. The implications of his study, particularly regarding the history and theory of revolutions, are of the utmost value to anyone on the Revolutionary Left today, especially in the Third World. While Mann’s study is primarily focused on the West, it provides important lessons to be drawn for the Third World. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 416-430 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1013344 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1013344 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:2:p:416-430 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marianna Charountaki Author-X-Name-First: Marianna Author-X-Name-Last: Charountaki Title: Kurdish policies in Syria under the Arab Uprisings: a revisiting of IR in the new Middle Eastern order Abstract: The effect of the Arab Uprisings on the interplay of state and non-state entities is revealed as influencing the emergence of multiple players of non-state status pursuing democratic rights, and as attempting to dismiss regional despotism as an intrinsic element of ongoing transition in the Middle East. This article focuses on the positive overall effect on the Kurdish movement of unity and cooperation between KRG and PKK-PYD actors to achieve Kurdish harmony, and as interconnected paradigms vis-à-vis their influence and interaction with regional players. Given the rise of the Kurds in Syria and the KRG’s regional importance as the first actual Kurdish de facto state entity, the PKK’s role appears key for unifying and institutionalising the relatedness of the Kurdish movements in Iraq and Syria. An empirical understanding of the Kurdish case, explained through a conceptual model of ‘multi-dimensional interrelations’, may further clarify how the theoretical framework can be applied to International Relations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 337-356 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1015786 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1015786 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:2:p:337-356 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Joshua K. Leon Author-X-Name-First: Joshua K. Author-X-Name-Last: Leon Title: The role of global cities in land grabs Abstract: Key trends link a globally connected urban archipelago and its hinterlands, warranting new studies of power in its most contemporary forms. This article locates land power and where that power is exercised – looking at the burgeoning global land rush from the perspective of cities. Urbanisation continues to drive vast political transitions, uprooting longstanding agrarian modes of living while creating myriad inequalities within cities. Are the world’s most powerful agglomerations active agents in this transformation? Answering affirmatively, the article reframes urbanisation as a vast, global geopolitical transfer of power from rural to urban. Leading global cities like New York, London, Hong Kong, Chicago and Singapore are not merely impressive collections of factor endowments. They are also sites of concentrated power with coercive influences beyond municipal boundaries. The article asks how cities project power in the contemporary global system. Juxtaposing data on global connectivity with the location strategies of private firms, we learn that the world’s most successful global cities are also sources of exploitative accumulations of land. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 257-273 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1015787 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1015787 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:2:p:257-273 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christopher Phillips Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Author-X-Name-Last: Phillips Title: Sectarianism and conflict in Syria Abstract: This article challenges the sectarian narrative of Syria’s current civil war, which relies on several false assumptions about the nature of political identity. It first questions how sectarian the uprising and civil war actually are, suggesting that the conflict is ‘semi-sectarian’, given the multiple other fault lines of contention, notably class, ideology and other non-sect, sub-state ties. It then draws on the theoretical debates between primordialists, ethno-symbolists and modernists to historicise political identity development in Syria. In doing so, it reasserts the modernist case, emphasising how political identities in Syria, both national and sectarian, have developed in a complex interrelated manner in the modern era and how the recent violent mobilisation of sectarian identity is the result of long- and short-term structural, economic, socio-cultural and political factors rather than unchanging ancient animosities. Of these, the most vital remain structural changes and elite reactions to them, with the prospect of state collapse in Syria’s future the most likely cause of a descent into further sectarian chaos. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 357-376 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1015788 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1015788 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:2:p:357-376 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Naila Kabeer Author-X-Name-First: Naila Author-X-Name-Last: Kabeer Title: Tracking the gender politics of the Millennium Development Goals: struggles for interpretive power in the international development agenda Abstract: This article tracks the gender politics of the processes that led to the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals and that continued to feature in subsequent policy debates. It suggests that this politics is rooted in tensions between conceptualisations of rights and capabilities that characterised the preceding decade. While feminist organisations made major gains on women’s rights during 1990s, it was a narrow version of human capabilities that defined the MDGs. Feminist efforts since then have focused on defending sexual and reproductive rights in the face of the attacks mounted by an ‘unholy alliance’ led by the Vatican and supported by a shifting group of countries and religious groups. This has led to the relative neglect of the economic injustices associated with the dominant market-led model of development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 377-395 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1016656 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1016656 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:2:p:377-395 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Susanne Soederberg Author-X-Name-First: Susanne Author-X-Name-Last: Soederberg Title: The Politics of Debt and Development in the New Millennium: an introduction Abstract: This article serves as an introduction to this special issue of twq on ‘Debt and Development in the New Millennium’. It highlights the gaps in our knowledge about debt that the following contributions seek to fill and why this is important, both analytically and politically. In doing so, it discusses two core objectives of the special issue: first, to examine the role(s) that debt plays in mediating the underlying tensions of neoliberal-led development and its emphasis on market-led growth and poverty reduction schemes; and, second, to interrupt, contest and deconstruct the dominant economic representations and meanings of debt. Although the contributions draw on different theoretical frames to explore different features of debt across a variety of social spaces, a core hypothesis running through each article is that that there are additional complex and paradoxical dimensions to debt beyond what is represented by its common-sense economic meaning as an amount of money borrowed, voluntarily, by one party from another. This introductory article concludes by providing the reader with an overview of each contribution comprising the special issue. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 535-546 Issue: 4 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.786281 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.786281 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:4:p:535-546 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Katharine Rankin Author-X-Name-First: Katharine Author-X-Name-Last: Rankin Title: A critical geography of poverty finance Abstract: This paper builds a critical geography of poverty finance with recourse to a relational comparison of the microfinance and subprime mortgage markets. It probes paradoxical claims about the nature of poverty, the poor, states and markets that have surfaced in the aftermath of the financial crisis. In doing so it aims to generate new understandings of neoliberal global finance with specific emphasis on 1) the social constitution of risk through racialised and gendered forms of difference; 2) the exercise of dispossession and imperialism by financial means; and 3) articulations of poverty finance with the social relations of debt in specific conjunctures. Each of these terrains of inquiry forms a subsection of the paper, following a preliminary section that poses the animating paradox in more detail. The paper concludes with some reflections on the conditions of possibility for democratising finance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 547-568 Issue: 4 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.786282 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.786282 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:4:p:547-568 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Patrick Bond Author-X-Name-First: Patrick Author-X-Name-Last: Bond Title: Debt, Uneven Development and Capitalist Crisis in South Africa: from Moody’s macroeconomic monitoring to Marikana microfinance Abstract: The power, vulnerability and destructiveness of financial markets are out of control in South Africa, now among the most unequal, economically volatile and protest-intensive countries worldwide. While debt made itself felt in many sites, of interest in both criticising and promoting solutions is the ‘scale jumping’ required from South Africa’s national insertion into the world financial system, entailing the Reserve Bank setting very high interest rates, in turn leading to unpayable levels of consumer debt, and at a time when microfinance is suddenly discredited as a development strategy. Macro- and micro-financial problems fused in the course of the Marikana Massacre of August 2012, reflecting the local and global powers of the Moody’s rating agency and ‘mashonisa’ loan sharks. The over-indebted Marikana mineworkers, who led a strike which catalysed many wildcat strikes elsewhere, confronted the local crisis by displacing it into the national economy. This only heightened the contradictions that Moody’s punished with its September 2012 credit-rating downgrade. Without a genuine ‘debt relief’ solution at both scales, society will continue to unravel, as financialisation reaches its limits within one of the world’s most extreme cases of uneven and combined development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 569-592 Issue: 4 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.786283 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.786283 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:4:p:569-592 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Susanne Soederberg Author-X-Name-First: Susanne Author-X-Name-Last: Soederberg Title: Universalising Financial Inclusion and the Securitisation of Development Abstract: In the wake of the 2008 financial crisis the G20 leaders have attempted to universalise financial inclusion as a key development strategy Financial inclusion, which has long been championed by official development institutions as a sound and effective market-based solution to combat poverty, is also now promoted by the G20, not only as a way out of the ongoing global recessionary environment but also as an important scheme to stabilise the world economy. To this end the G20 Financial Inclusion Experts Group forged the G20 Principles for Innovative Financial Inclusion in 2010 (the G20 Principles). Drawing on a historical materialist lens, I argue that the G20 Principles— which represent extensions of, as opposed to a departure from, the neoliberal development project—serve to legitimate, normalise, and consolidate the claims of powerful, transnational capital interests that benefit from finance-led capitalism. The primary way this is achieved is through obscuring and concealing the exploitative relations and speculative tendencies involved in financial inclusion strategies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 593-612 Issue: 4 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.786285 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.786285 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:4:p:593-612 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gavin Fridell Author-X-Name-First: Gavin Author-X-Name-Last: Fridell Title: Debt Politics and the Free Trade ‘Package’: the case of the Caribbean Abstract: While much has been written on how powerful institutions have used debt crises to foist free trade agreements on poorer states, this paper explores how the foisting of free trade agreements on poorer states has resulted in debt crises. Part one critiques the common-sense understanding of ‘free trade’ as a mere technical or policy issue, arguing that it is an intricate political, economic and ideological ‘package’ rooted in complex social, historical and cultural forces. Part two explores the role of debt in the free trade package by examining the impact of free trade agreements on the Caribbean over the past decade, during which time the region has experienced growing public and personal debt crises, further fuelled by an aid packages that included millions of dollars of concessional loans. It is argued that the contradictions of ‘free trade’ are mitigated through a ‘debt for trade’ paradigm, which Caribbean states are beginning to subvert through new preferential South–South partnerships. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 613-629 Issue: 4 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.786286 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.786286 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:4:p:613-629 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: SHEILA NAIR Author-X-Name-First: SHEILA Author-X-Name-Last: NAIR Title: Governance, Representation and International Aid Abstract: The growth of the postwar 20th century international aid architecture has generated much debate over the successes and failures of aid, its changing forms and its challenges. This article uses this aid landscape to explore the representational or discursive power and authority of the aid donor over the aid recipient. It suggests that representations about what aid does, its modalities and dispensations reproduce a hegemonic discourse and that representational authority in diagnosing aid’s problems and prescribing solutions resides generally on one side of the aid binary. It thus focuses on the hierarchical or asymmetric relations of power implied by such a binary, on the way development aid in particular has come to shape self-understandings of donors in relation to recipients, and on the discursive labour that enables such a construction. It also explores how the post-Washington consensus on poverty eradication has embedded neoliberal solutions to development. The reproduction of the hegemonic aid discourse is examined in reference to NGOs involved in the dispensing of aid in Southeast Asia by drawing on scholarly literature and field research in Southeast Asia and Washington DC. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 630-652 Issue: 4 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.786287 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.786287 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:4:p:630-652 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kate Ervine Author-X-Name-First: Kate Author-X-Name-Last: Ervine Title: Carbon Markets, Debt and Uneven Development Abstract: The United Nations Clean Development Mechanism (cdm) has been envisaged as a powerful tool for reconciling the global South’s environment and development problematic. By allowing Southern states to produce and sell carbon credits into the Kyoto Protocol’s compliance market, many predicted a growing North–South transfer of carbon finance, technology and profit. Confronted by deep crisis in global carbon markets, however, the cdm, rather than spurring development, is furnishing the conditions for rising debt and insecurity since project costs must be financed upfront, with the expectation that future project revenue will subsequently fulfil these obligations. This paper analyses the dialectic entanglements between the cdm’s ex post and market-dependent financing structure, the carbon market crisis and uneven development, based on the contention that cdm-related debt reveals the deeply unequal power relations that underpin contemporary approaches to climate change mitigation, whereby the North’s ecological debt is displaced, both materially and financially, onto Southern actors. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 653-670 Issue: 4 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.786288 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.786288 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:4:p:653-670 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Philip Mcmichael Author-X-Name-First: Philip Author-X-Name-Last: Mcmichael Title: Value-chain Agriculture and Debt Relations: contradictory outcomes Abstract: In the context of the world food crisis ‘value-chain agriculture’ is emerging as a new frontier of publicly subsidised corporate investment, incorporating smallholding farmers into commercial relations to redress apparent food shortages. This paper conceptualises value-chains as technologies of economic and ecological power, using cross-regional case studies to explore the impact of debt relations in extant value-chain relations. While the value-chain project envisioned by the development industry in partnership with the private sector is geared to ‘feeding the world’ the likely outcome is (differentiating) smallholders serving corporate markets at the expense of local food security. I argue that developmentalists seek to resolve the crisis through a ‘spatio-temporal fix’, enclosing smallholders in value-chain technologies financed through debt relations that appropriate value from smallholder communities. At the same time some farmers are seeking to avoid the debt trap by developing strategies to decommodify farming practices to preserve and revitalise their farms as creators of ecological values, rather than simply converters of economic value. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 671-690 Issue: 4 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.786290 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.786290 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:4:p:671-690 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marcus Taylor Author-X-Name-First: Marcus Author-X-Name-Last: Taylor Title: Liquid Debts: credit, groundwater and the social ecology of agrarian distress in Andhra Pradesh, India Abstract: This paper uses an approach grounded in political ecology and political economy to explain the social and ecological foundations of groundwater overexploitation and agrarian distress within semi-arid Andhra Pradesh It emphasises how relations of credit/debt have become intertwined with the tenuous social and ecological foundations of smallholder production to create a new dynamic of vulnerability across the agrarian environment. It thereby links cycles of groundwater depletion to the debt-driven survival strategies of India’s small and marginal farmers within a context of dramatic changes in Indian agrarian social relations over the past three decades. In so doing, it critiques established perspectives that portray the trend towards acute groundwater overexploitation as stemming from inadequate regulation or information deficits among rural producers. Ultimately it argues that groundwater overexploitation represents a common tragedy of debt-driven livelihoods within an austere agrarian environment. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 691-709 Issue: 4 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.786291 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.786291 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:4:p:691-709 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jesse Hembruff Author-X-Name-First: Jesse Author-X-Name-Last: Hembruff Title: Critical Review: the politics of sovereign debt Abstract: In this article, I interrogate what is meant by ‘the politics of sovereign debt’, and examine how various authors, especially David Graeber, have addressed this question. More specifically, I seek to extend my contribution to the goals of the ‘Repoliticizing Debt’ workshop, which inspired this special issue, by proposing a theoretical framework for understanding the role of sovereign debt in mediating the contradictions of neoliberal capitalism, and by challenging dominant treatments of the sovereign debt crisis currently underway in Greece. I argue that the existing literature fails to help grasp the complexity of sovereign debt as a social relation, and that debt must be understood as what Marx refers to as ‘fictitious capital’, that is, capital backed not by a commodity transaction, but by a claim on future value. The management of confidence in the value of fictitious capital through the use of the ‘golden noose’ of debt is the key process to be understood in order to grasp the complexity of sovereign debt crises. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 710-725 Issue: 4 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.786293 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.786293 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:4:p:710-725 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gavin Fridell Author-X-Name-First: Gavin Author-X-Name-Last: Fridell Title: Politicising Debt and Development: activist voices on social justice in the new millennium Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 726-745 Issue: 4 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.786294 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.786294 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:4:p:726-745 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mohammad Samiei Author-X-Name-First: Mohammad Author-X-Name-Last: Samiei Title: Neo-Orientalism? The relationship between the West and Islam in our globalised world Abstract: Orientalism, as Edward Said used the term, can be defined as an ideology which promotes the ‘West-and-Islam’ dualism and the idea that ‘Others are less human’. Since Said first published his ideas in 1978, however, the world seems to have become much more interdependent and political interrelations between the West and Islam have changed dramatically. Consequently this dualism, though more or less in place, has been influenced by escalating waves of globalisation and redistributed and reshaped in a different form. Some promising changes, as well as some additional dualistic tendencies, that can define neo-Orientalism are found in this new era. This paper attempts to analyse elements of change in traditional Orientalism. To portray a better future for our interdependent world some new approaches to identity, global ethics and global civil society are suggested. Eradicating the roots of Orientalism and Occidentalism alike and accepting, protecting and even promoting diversity are first steps towards countering the devastating threats that endanger humankind as a whole. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1145-1160 Issue: 7 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.518749 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.518749 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:7:p:1145-1160 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Donna Lee Author-X-Name-First: Donna Author-X-Name-Last: Lee Author-Name: Nicola Smith Author-X-Name-First: Nicola Author-X-Name-Last: Smith Title: Small State Discourses in the International Political Economy Abstract: This article supports growing calls to ‘take small states seriously’ in the international political economy but questions prevailing interpretations that ‘smallness’ entails inherent qualities that create unique constraints on, and opportunities for, small states. Instead, we argue that discourses surrounding the ‘inherent vulnerability’ of small states, especially developing and less-developed states, may produce the very outcomes that are attributed to state size itself. By presenting small states as a problem to be solved, vulnerability discourses divert attention away from the existence of unequal power structures that, far from being the natural result of smallness, are in fact contingent and politically contested. The article then explores these themes empirically through discussion of small developing and less-developed states in the Commonwealth and the World Trade Organization (WTO), considering in particular how smallness has variously been articulated in terms of what small states either cannot or will not do. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1091-1105 Issue: 7 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.518750 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.518750 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:7:p:1091-1105 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: JNC Hill Author-X-Name-First: JNC Author-X-Name-Last: Hill Title: Corruption in the Courts: the Achilles' heel of Nigeria's regulatory framework? Abstract: The exponential growth in the size of the private security sector (PSS) in Africa has helped give the issue of its regulation new importance. Yet the ongoing debates over what laws should be passed and by whom tend to ignore the more basic and arguably urgent question of whether African states' justice systems are sufficiently robust to give this legislation meaning. The aim of this paper is to cast some much needed light on this topic by drawing lessons from Nigeria's current experiences. By tracing the development of its PSS code and examining instances of malpractice in its justice system, the article argues that its regulatory framework is fundamentally compromised by corruption. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1161-1179 Issue: 7 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.518751 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.518751 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:7:p:1161-1179 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nir Kshetri Author-X-Name-First: Nir Author-X-Name-Last: Kshetri Title: Diffusion and Effects of Cyber-Crime in Developing Economies Abstract: Cyber-crime's footprints across the developing world are getting bigger. The aim of this article is to examine the structure of cyber-crimes in developing economies. Its central idea is that economic and institutional factors facing cyber-criminals and potential victims in the developing world are different from those in the developed world. In economies characterised by low internet penetration rates and few resources devoted to fighting cyber-crimes, formal institutions related to such crimes tend to be thin and dysfunctional. A cyber-criminal is less likely to be stigmatised in such economies. Moreover, organisations' and individuals' technological and behavioural defence mechanisms are likely to be weaker. Many people in developing economies are also attracted into cyber-crime because of high unemployment and low wages. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1057-1079 Issue: 7 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.518752 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.518752 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:7:p:1057-1079 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gregor Campbell Author-X-Name-First: Gregor Author-X-Name-Last: Campbell Title: Microfinancing the Developing World: how small loans empower local economies and catalyse neoliberalism's endgame Abstract: Co-finance has steadily grown to provide credit to hundreds of thousands of individuals living in third world countries. The spreading of and innovation within the microfinance sector demonstrates a successful neoliberal initiative that is both socially conscious and economically beneficial. By connecting groups of poor individuals to lending institutions or affluent individuals in developed countries, microloans have been able to foster the strengthening of local economies, necessary for consuming life-improving technology, while incurring minimal risk to the lending party. Criticisms of microfinance—both non-profit and for-profit models—appear misguided as there are clear data demonstrating both a low incidence of default and modest interest rates. Moreover, credit has been the foundation for modern economic growth. Ethical lending to the Third World should therefore not be denied, but rather intensified through the faculty of microfinance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1081-1090 Issue: 7 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.518785 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.518785 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:7:p:1081-1090 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Joanne Sharp Author-X-Name-First: Joanne Author-X-Name-Last: Sharp Author-Name: Patricia Campbell Author-X-Name-First: Patricia Author-X-Name-Last: Campbell Author-Name: Emma Laurie Author-X-Name-First: Emma Author-X-Name-Last: Laurie Title: The Violence of Aid? Giving, power and active subjects in One World Conservatism Abstract: Using Žižek's theorisation of power, we analyse the UK Conservative Party's Green Paper on international development, ‘One World Conservatism’ (OWC). We argue that by placing the West's giving of development aid as something beyond politics, on the moral high-ground of self-evident certainty, it acts to deflect attention from critical engagement with the nature of globalisation, power and aid itself, hiding both economic and epistemological violences behind the apparently benevolent act of giving. An analysis of the nature of the green paper demonstrates the ways in which it draws in UK citizens as active subjects complicit with this vision of the world. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1125-1143 Issue: 7 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.518789 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.518789 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:7:p:1125-1143 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Patricia Owens Author-X-Name-First: Patricia Author-X-Name-Last: Owens Title: Torture, Sex and Military Orientalism Abstract: This article revisits the debate about recent American torture practices, particularly the use of discredited anthropological texts to validate long-held Orientalist assumptions about the sexual vulnerability of Muslim males. Such practices are placed in an historical context of older imperial constructions of sexually deviant Muslims as well as of more general forms of gendered and sexual subordination required for war. American torturers intended to produce very particular objects of torture—ones willing and able to confess their ‘true’ orientation in terms of a binary hetero/homo sexual code established in 19th-century Europe. The torturers had the power to confirm through confession and re-enactment their crude assumptions, irrespective of the actual sexualities of those being tortured, with consequences for the transnational and reactionary politics of sexual identity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1041-1056 Issue: 7 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.518790 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.518790 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:7:p:1041-1056 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kent Eaton Author-X-Name-First: Kent Author-X-Name-Last: Eaton Title: Subnational Economic Nationalism? The contradictory effects of decentralization in Peru Abstract: Across the third world, transnational corporations (TNCs) and subnational governments (SNGs) are coming into new forms of contact as a result of liberalization and decentralization. Despite scholarly expectations that subnational governments will respond by seeking out foreign direct investment, in much of Latin America these governments are confronting rather than courting transnational corporations. Conceptualizing this phenomenon as ‘subnational economic nationalism’, the article explores both how subnational governments are challenging neoliberalism and why these challenges often fail to subvert neoliberal outcomes. By examining two struggles against transnational capital that had different outcomes but that took place within a single subnational jurisdiction (Arequipa, Peru), the article argues that decentralization can work at cross purposes. While voters are increasingly demanding that elected subnational officials adopt nationalist positions vis-à-vis TNCs, these same officials often seek financial support from TNCs so that they can compete successfully in the subnational elections that have been introduced by political decentralization. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1205-1222 Issue: 7 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.532612 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.532612 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:7:p:1205-1222 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Paul Haslam Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Haslam Title: The Evolution of the Foreign Direct Investment Regime in the Americas Abstract: The purpose of this article is to describe the international regime governing foreign direct investment in the Americas and assess its implications for regional economic governance. The article develops a novel methodology to map the multi-layered patchwork of investment agreements according to the level of investment protection offered by each agreement. The mapping exercise demonstrates the existence of two distinct legalization projects in the Americas, one which broadly corresponds to the investment protection concerns of the United States, and a second, overlapping regime, which better reflects the interest of many Latin American governments in maintaining their policy autonomy. The article argues that these distinct visions are anchored in a common dispute settlement system based on binding international arbitration, which tends to harmonize the governance effects of the regime. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1181-1203 Issue: 7 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.532614 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.532614 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:7:p:1181-1203 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dorothea Hilhorst Author-X-Name-First: Dorothea Author-X-Name-Last: Hilhorst Author-Name: Ian Christoplos Author-X-Name-First: Ian Author-X-Name-Last: Christoplos Author-Name: Gemma Van Der Haar Author-X-Name-First: Gemma Author-X-Name-Last: Van Der Haar Title: Reconstruction ‘From Below’: a new magic bullet or shooting from the hip? Abstract: This article examines an emerging approach, called ‘reconstruction from below’, and its growing body of practice. The article argues that interventions for post-war reconstruction increasingly espouse a commitment to be bottom-up and contextually relevant, to look beyond state institutions, and to provide space for local ownership. The article traces the emergence of this approach to six factors present in international policy. It then examines the growing body of practice in the domains of livelihoods, institution building and basic service provision. It concludes that this approach is not the magic bullet that agencies seem to expect. Reconstruction from below rests on many untested assumptions. Programmes formed pursuant to these notions are often poorly adapted to the challenges encountered and hampered by mistrust of the local institutions to which this approach rhetorically entrusts reconstruction. The large and growing body of evolving experience suggests that it is time to take stock and learn lessons about how reconstruction from below functions in practice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1107-1124 Issue: 7 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.532616 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.532616 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:7:p:1107-1124 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Corrigendum Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1341-1341 Issue: 7 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.812548 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.812548 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:7:p:1341-1341 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen Browne Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Browne Author-Name: Thomas G. Weiss Author-X-Name-First: Thomas G. Author-X-Name-Last: Weiss Title: The future UN development agenda: contrasting visions, contrasting operations Abstract: ‘Sustainable development’ – as currently and politically correctly formulated – provides an inappropriate basis on which to frame a future-oriented UN agenda, and risks perpetuating patterns of assistance in which most UN organisations perform poorly and in the shadow of alternative and more able multilateral and bilateral sources. UN operations should take as their point of departure the comprehensive agenda outlined by the two world summits of 2000 and 2005. This agenda recognises the value-based UN as the only universal-membership organisation, which combines the concerns of satisfying human needs while ensuring security, human rights, justice and sound governance. The post-2015 agenda should not look only at development and environment but aspire to what a million global voices canvassed by the UN in ‘the world we want’ campaign are clamouring for. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1326-1340 Issue: 7 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.915160 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.915160 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:7:p:1326-1340 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ilan Kapoor Author-X-Name-First: Ilan Author-X-Name-Last: Kapoor Title: Psychoanalysis and development: an introduction Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1117-1119 Issue: 7 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.926099 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.926099 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:7:p:1117-1119 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ilan Kapoor Author-X-Name-First: Ilan Author-X-Name-Last: Kapoor Title: Psychoanalysis and development: contributions, examples, limits Abstract: This article examines the contributions of psychoanalysis to international development, illustrating ways in which thinking and practice in this field are psychoanalytically structured. Drawing on the work of Lacan and Žižek, the article will emphasise three key points: (1) psychoanalysis can help uncover the unconscious of development – its gaps, dislocations, blind spots – thereby elucidating the latter’s contradictory and seemingly ‘irrational’ practices; (2) the important psychoanalytic notion of jouissance (enjoyment) can help explain why development discourse endures, that is, why it has such sustained appeal, and why we continue to invest in it despite its many problems; and (3) psychoanalysis can serve as an important tool for ideology critique, helping to expose the socioeconomic contradictions and antagonisms that development persistently disavows (eg inequality, domination, sweatshop labour). But while partial to Lacan and Žižek, the article will also reflect on the limits of psychoanalysis – the extent to which it is gendered and, given its Western origins, universalisable. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1120-1143 Issue: 7 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.926101 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.926101 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:7:p:1120-1143 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Japhy Wilson Author-X-Name-First: Japhy Author-X-Name-Last: Wilson Title: Fantasy machine: philanthrocapitalism as an ideological formation Abstract: Philanthrocapitalism is promoted as a form of development funding that infuses philanthropy with the dynamism and innovation of capitalist enterprise. Millennium Promise is a philanthrocapitalist organisation based in New York, which finances the Millennium Villages Project (mvp) across 10 countries in sub-Saharan Africa. At the level of its discursive articulation Millennium Promise appears as a Foucauldian ‘anti-politics machine’: a mechanism of transnational governmentality devoted to the biopolitical production of entrepreneurial subjects organised in self-disciplining communities. Drawing on psychoanalytic theory and field research conducted in Uganda, I argue that philanthrocapitalism is better understood as an ideological formation, which mobilises a disavowed enjoyment of global inequality. In the case of Millennium Promise this enjoyment is structured by specific social fantasies: cause-related marketing campaigns invite Western consumers to enjoy their imagined distance from ‘African’ suffering; the mvp functions as a narcissistic mirror, which offers a reflection of capitalist society cleansed of its class antagonism; and, through the staging of messianic rituals, the mvp mobilises a shared enjoyment of pseudo-colonial relations of domination. I conclude that philanthrocapitalism is not an anti-politics machine but a fantasy machine, which demonstrates the limitations of Foucauldian critique, and forces us to confront our own relations to enjoyment. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1144-1161 Issue: 7 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.926102 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.926102 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:7:p:1144-1161 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maureen Sioh Author-X-Name-First: Maureen Author-X-Name-Last: Sioh Title: Manicheism delirium: desire and disavowal in the libidinal economy of an emerging economy Abstract: This paper explores the motivations behind the outward foreign direct investment (ofdi) decisions in the past decade of an East Asian government-linked corporation (glc), the largest company of its kind in the world in terms of sectoral specialisation. This glc has travelled far from its origins as an agent of European imperialism to its current controversial role spearheading postcolonial extra-territorialisation strategies. I argue that financial predation is the synechdoche for territorialisation in the new imperialism. Consequently emerging economies pre-empt the financial siege by embarking on ofdi strategies themselves to create economic buffer territory. I construct a psychoanalytical framework for examining how anxiety is acted out in the global economy. I apply concepts of the traumatic moment, anxiety and the defence mechanisms of disavowal, splitting, introjection and projection to analyse the glc’s investments as territorial displacements of the libidinal economy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1162-1178 Issue: 7 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.926106 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.926106 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:7:p:1162-1178 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gavin Fridell Author-X-Name-First: Gavin Author-X-Name-Last: Fridell Title: Fair trade slippages and Vietnam gaps: the ideological fantasies of fair trade coffee Abstract: Fair trade coffee sales have boomed since the late 1980s, making it one of the most recognised forms of ‘ethical consumerism’ in the world. Around the same time exports of lower quality coffee beans from Vietnam also boomed, launching Vietnam from an insignificant coffee exporter to the world’s second largest with historically unprecedented speed. These disparate projects have had significant impacts on thousands of farmers – with Vietnam’s new class of coffee producers representing three and a half times the number of coffee families certified by fair trade. Northern actors, however, have given far more public and positive attention to fair trade. This article will argue that this difference does not stem from a strictly objective appraisal of the relative merits and shortcomings of each project, but from the compatibility of fair trade with ‘free trade’ and its emotionally charged ideological fantasies. This includes unconscious beliefs and desires around individualism, voluntarism, democracy and the affirmation of the exaggerated power of Northern consumers – as opposed to the Southern agency and complicated collective action implied by Vietnamese coffee statecraft. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1179-1194 Issue: 7 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.926108 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.926108 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:7:p:1179-1194 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Robert Fletcher Author-X-Name-First: Robert Author-X-Name-Last: Fletcher Author-Name: Jan Breitling Author-X-Name-First: Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Breitling Author-Name: Valerie Puleo Author-X-Name-First: Valerie Author-X-Name-Last: Puleo Title: Barbarian hordes: the overpopulation scapegoat in international development discourse Abstract: Despite sustained critique of a neo-Malthusian focus on ‘overpopulation’, the issue continues to resurface regularly within international development discourse, particularly with respect to ‘sustainable’ development in relation to growing environmental security concerns. This suggests that the issue defies purely rational evaluation, operating on a deeper psychodynamic register. In this paper we therefore analyse the population question as a ‘scapegoat’, in the psychoanalytic sense of a fantasmatic construction concealing the gap between the symbolic order of international development and its persistent failure in practice. By conjuring the age-old image of animalistic barbarian hordes breeding inexorably and therefore overflowing their Third World confines to threaten the security – and enjoyment – of wealthier nations, the overpopulation bogeyman helps to displace attention from systemic issues within the political economy of development, namely, the futility of pursuing sustainable development within the context of a neoliberal capitalism that characteristically exacerbates both economic inequality and environmental degradation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1195-1215 Issue: 7 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.926110 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.926110 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:7:p:1195-1215 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter Burnell Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Burnell Title: International support for action on climate change and democracy: exploring complementarities Abstract: International support for democracy and climate action (mitigation; adaptation; addressing climate loss and restoring damage) are two distinct spheres: motivations, purposes, activities and the relevant literatures exist independently of one another. This article challenges this separation by investigating the scope for policy complementarities that potentially could further both democracy support’s objectives and climate action. Findings that address possible future scenarios where global warming exceeds safe limits or where democracy and democratisation are threatened by climate change impacts are worth exploring. The article’s provisional findings are mixed but provide grounds for believing that democracy support and democratisation potentially could gain from taking support for climate action into consideration and that climate action might benefit too. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1216-1238 Issue: 7 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.926111 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.926111 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:7:p:1216-1238 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elisabeth King Author-X-Name-First: Elisabeth Author-X-Name-Last: King Author-Name: John C. Mutter Author-X-Name-First: John C. Author-X-Name-Last: Mutter Title: Violent conflicts and natural disasters: the growing case for cross-disciplinary dialogue Abstract: Comparisons between disasters and violent conflicts are often noted by political figures and in the news media, and those responding to conflicts and disasters witness similarities on the ground. In contrast, the academic fields studying violent conflicts and so-called natural disasters have developed separately and practitioners usually separate the two phenomena as soon as the emergency response is over. This paper, based on interviews with practitioners and a review of scholarly literature, makes a case for increased cross-disciplinary dialogue. We identify common consequences, responses and even causes of conflicts and disasters. We argue that more and better partnerships between those who work on conflicts and those who work on disasters can lead to advances in understanding and responding to conflicts and disasters.  Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1239-1255 Issue: 7 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.926113 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.926113 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:7:p:1239-1255 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maike J. Drebes Author-X-Name-First: Maike J. Author-X-Name-Last: Drebes Title: Impediments to the implementation of voluntary codes of conduct in production factories of the Global South: so much to do, so little done Abstract: A common consequence of the fragmented supply practices of multinational corporations are unfair and exploitative working conditions in the global South. Many corporations face this, and the resulting reputational damage, by installing voluntary codes of conduct in their supplier factories, leading to a vast range of implementation practices by the factory managers. Despite this effort, the literature shows that the positive impact of these codes on labour conditions in such factories remains insufficient. This article argues that this insufficiency is rooted in the exclusiveness and eurocentrism of codes of conduct and elaborates on why corporations tend to prefer influencing certain labour conditions over others. It concludes by briefly discussing multi-stakeholder organisations as a possible solution to these predicaments, and points the way to further research on the topic. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1256-1272 Issue: 7 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.926115 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.926115 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:7:p:1256-1272 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bronwen Magrath Author-X-Name-First: Bronwen Author-X-Name-Last: Magrath Title: Global norms, organisational change: framing the rights-based approach at ActionAid Abstract: This article examines the adoption of the rights-based approach (rba) to development at ActionAid International, focusing in particular on its Education Theme. Although there has been a considerable volume of work that examines the rise of rba, including in the pages of Third World Quarterly, the power dynamics and conflict involved in shifting to rba have largely gone unnoticed and explored. Using the methodological tools of discourse analysis and social movement theory on strategic issue framing, I examine how ActionAid leadership worked to ‘sell’ rba to somewhat resistant staff and partners. I argue that ActionAid struggled to reconcile its commitment to global rights norms with the ongoing needs-based programming at country level. This raises important questions about the power dynamics involved when an ngo undergoes a process of organisational change, even when, as is the case with rba, this is widely seen as a progressive and desirable transition. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1273-1289 Issue: 7 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.926117 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.926117 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:7:p:1273-1289 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Katerina Dalacoura Author-X-Name-First: Katerina Author-X-Name-Last: Dalacoura Title: Homosexuality as cultural battleground in the Middle East: culture and postcolonial international theory Abstract: The culture wars over homosexuality in the Middle East are studied here in the context of the theoretical debate on culture in International Relations and, more specifically, through a critical examination of postcolonial international theory. The paper argues that, although postcolonialism can offer a useful framework, it also has, in its poststructuralist variants, significant limitations in addressing the controversial issues surrounding homosexuality as cultural battleground in the Middle East. These limitations derive from an unconvincing interpretation of the relationship between the Middle East and modernity; and a problematic approach towards moral agency. The paper serves a dual purpose. Through the use of the empirical material, it furthers the debate within postcolonial international theory by bringing evidence to bear in support of its humanist or materialist strands. The theoretical discussion, in turn, by highlighting the intertwining of culture and power in the debates on homosexuality, strengthens the case for respecting homosexual rights in the Middle East region. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1290-1306 Issue: 7 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.926119 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.926119 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:7:p:1290-1306 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nele Noesselt Author-X-Name-First: Nele Author-X-Name-Last: Noesselt Title: China’s contradictory role(s) in world politics: decrypting China’s North Korea strategy Abstract: This paper starts from the assumption that geostrategic and security interests alone are not sufficient to explain China’s foreign policy choices. It argues that ideas about what China’s role as an actor in the increasingly globalised international system should be, and about world order in general, have a deep influence on China’s foreign policy decision-making process. Taking the North Korean issue as a case study, the paper postulates that China is currently engaged in a search for a ‘new’ identity as a global player. China’s actor identity is composed of various partly contradictory role conceptions. National roles derived from China’s internal system structures and its historical past lead to continuity in foreign policy, while the ‘new’ roles resultant from China’s rise to global power require an adaptation of its foreign policy principles. In the case of its relationship with North Korea, China’s foreign policy is oscillating between the two roles of ‘socialist power’ – as thus comrade-in-arms with its socialist neighbour – and ‘responsible great power’, which leads to it being expected to comply with international norms, and thus to condemn North Korea’s nuclear provocations and related actions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1307-1325 Issue: 7 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.926120 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.926120 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:7:p:1307-1325 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Trevor Parfitt Author-X-Name-First: Trevor Author-X-Name-Last: Parfitt Title: Countdown to Ecstasy: development as eschatology Abstract: This paper examines the antinomies posed by a consideration of development as eschatology. Development is generally conceived as a grand narrative with humanity progressing inevitably to a redemptive goal, whether this be revolution or Rostovian consumerism. It is eschatological in structure. This opens development theory up to critique. Grand narratives premised on an end of history are open to criticism as utopian and exclusory through setting a limit—they conceive of a redemptive ending of time, but repress those excluded from the vision. However, this eschatological structure may also have a function in the shape of the Derridian conception of ‘the promise’. This concept refers to a need to posit a closure that incorporates a redemptive, Messianic moment, which impels us to pursue the promise of that moment of development. Thus, the eschatological structure of development incorporates a risk of utopianism/exclusory violence—but we need the Messianic moment in order to conceptualise the goal that drives us to strive for progress. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 635-648 Issue: 4 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902866823 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902866823 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:4:p:635-648 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Owen Worth Author-X-Name-First: Owen Author-X-Name-Last: Worth Author-Name: Karen Buckley Author-X-Name-First: Karen Author-X-Name-Last: Buckley Title: The World Social Forum: postmodern prince or court jester? Abstract: Since its inauguration in 2001 the World Social Forum (wsf) has been heralded as an ‘open space’ for civil society in which the disparate groups that make up the anti-globalisation movement can gather and ‘articulate’ possible alternative worlds. This article regards as unconvincing the strategic aspirations of the wsf to contest neoliberal hegemony and propel a multilayered counter-hegemonic project of the form (to quote Machiavelli and Gramsci) of a ‘postmodern prince’. It is argued that the wsf is more exclusive than inclusive in its nature. Rather than being the expression of the anti-globalisation movement, the Forum has become a funfair for the expression of ideas from academics and ngo/government workers, which has led to a form of elitism that the wsf attempted to avoid at its inception. Thus, rather than creating any form of inclusive participatory ‘open space’, the article will conclude that the wsf serves to entertain rather than to counter any form of transformation within global civil society. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 649-661 Issue: 4 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902867003 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902867003 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:4:p:649-661 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bruno De Cordier Author-X-Name-First: Bruno Author-X-Name-Last: De Cordier Title: The ‘Humanitarian Frontline’, Development and Relief, and Religion: what context, which threats and which opportunities? Abstract: This paper examines the emergence of a humanitarian frontline in several operational contexts. Over the past 15 years, and since 2001 in particular, the international aid sector has been confronted by a climate of polarisation. With the traditional aid and donor landscape dominated by Western or Western-aligned parties who are sometimes involved in armed conflict too, aid organisations face the impact of the supposed or real instrumentalisation of development and relief in a wider security and geopolitical control agenda. At the same time Western or Western-associated secular development models that are often promoted by traditional aid have either encountered their limits or failed in several parts of the global periphery. The expanded space for religion resulting from globalisation and the social changes that it causes have also expanded the space for faith-based development and relief actors, especially in operational situations that have a large cultural and ideological dimension. The paper focuses on the Islamic world and Islamic faith-based aid, but several factors and trends discussed in it bear relevance for Christian faith-based aid and majority Christian parts of the global periphery as well. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 663-684 Issue: 4 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902867086 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902867086 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:4:p:663-684 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Preeti Patel Author-X-Name-First: Preeti Author-X-Name-Last: Patel Author-Name: Cassandra Okechukwu Author-X-Name-First: Cassandra Author-X-Name-Last: Okechukwu Author-Name: Jeff Collin Author-X-Name-First: Jeff Author-X-Name-Last: Collin Author-Name: Belinda Hughes Author-X-Name-First: Belinda Author-X-Name-Last: Hughes Title: Bringing ‘Light, Life and Happiness’: British American Tobacco and music sponsorship in sub-Saharan Africa Abstract: This article aims to provide a review of music sponsorship to market cigarettes in sub-Saharan Africa. Using analysis of previously secret corporate documents from British American Tobacco (bat) and focusing on two separate case studies of sponsorship in Africa, Nigeria and South Africa, the paper illustrates how tobacco companies have sought to undermine health legislation from 1990 to 2001. Both case studies suggest that music is an important marketing tool in Africa because it can effectively target young consumers; has a universal appeal; transcends barriers to communication imposed by limited literacy and language barriers; has a long-term appeal and can be successful in undermining tobacco control measures. The case studies highlight the limitations of national regulatory efforts and reinforce the significance of the implementation of the who's Framework Convention on Tobacco Control in Africa, a critical region for the convention's success. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 685-700 Issue: 4 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902867110 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902867110 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:4:p:685-700 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Richard Gibb Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Gibb Title: Regional Integration and Africa's Development Trajectory: meta-theories, expectations and reality Abstract: Regional integration remains an integral part of Africa's development strategy and has underpinned most pan-African development policies for the past 50 years. This paper explores the issue of regional integration in the context of ‘development’ theory and the neo-patrimonial state system in Africa. A central contention of the paper is that Western, Euro-centric conceptions of regionalism, particularly those centred on the market integration approach, have promoted a very biased understanding of regional integration in many parts of the developing world. Using southern Africa as an exemplar case study, the paper argues that the various meta-theories focused on explaining the political economy of regionalism, often closely allied to a development theory paradigm, fail to account for the nature, character and evolution of regional integration. Regional integration in sub-Saharan Africa has been conceived and analysed in the light of the market-led approach, modernity and development. Thus far, it is has failed. This paper therefore explores why market-led regional integration has failed and why, for the foreseeable future, it will continue to do so. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 701-721 Issue: 4 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902867136 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902867136 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:4:p:701-721 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Cheryl McEwan Author-X-Name-First: Cheryl Author-X-Name-Last: McEwan Author-Name: David Bek Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Bek Title: Placing Ethical Trade in Context: and the South African wine industry Abstract: How ethical trade develops in specific ways in particular national-institutional and historical contexts remains largely unexamined. This paper analyses approaches to ethical trade in the South African wine industry through a case study of the Wine and Agricultural Ethical Trade Association (wieta). It examines factors influencing wieta, including the legacies of colonialism and apartheid, its relationship with post-apartheid restructuring and legislation, and the role of international retailers. wieta's impact within the wine industry, stakeholder perceptions, and improvements in on-farm standards are explored. The paper illustrates how these impacts are mediated by political and economic factors operating at various scales, and by the contradictions of improving working conditions within free market globalisation. Within these broader contexts, it argues that expectations of wieta are unrealistic and its role in transformation widely misunderstood. Instead, ethical trade initiatives need to be understood within their spatial, institutional, and historical contexts so as not to overestimate and undervalue their contribution to socioeconomic transformation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 723-742 Issue: 4 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902867144 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902867144 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:4:p:723-742 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Carruthers Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Carruthers Author-Name: Patricia Rodriguez Author-X-Name-First: Patricia Author-X-Name-Last: Rodriguez Title: Mapuche Protest, Environmental Conflict and Social Movement Linkage in Chile Abstract: This article chronicles the promise and limitations of social movement networks as mechanisms of political voice in Mapuche Chile. Although protest has largely fallen from favour in post-authoritarian Chile, environmental conflicts have shaken the southern territories of the Mapuche Indians since redemocratisation. State promises of indigenous recognition and state access have clashed headlong with ambitious regional development priorities in hydropower and forestry. To resolve claims of injustice over ancestral land and resource rights, Mapuche leaders have forged sophisticated links with environmental organisations, human rights activists, scholars and other indigenous groups. Linkage politics in Chile presents a vital test of civil society development and Latin American democratic consolidation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 743-760 Issue: 4 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902867193 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902867193 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:4:p:743-760 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nicolas Grinberg Author-X-Name-First: Nicolas Author-X-Name-Last: Grinberg Author-Name: Guido Starosta Author-X-Name-First: Guido Author-X-Name-Last: Starosta Title: The Limits of Studies in Comparative Development of East Asia and Latin America: the case of land reform and agrarian policies Abstract: This paper critically examines the widespread belief that the early implementation of comprehensive land reforms prior to the industrialisation process, coupled with subsequent agrarian state policies channelling the intersectoral transfer of resources, has been a central determinant of East Asia's (mainly Taiwan's and South Korea's) outperformance of Latin America. We argue that, although those agrarian policies should certainly be part of any comparative investigation of the course of capitalist development in each of these two regions, they cannot explain their divergence. The paper contends that the respective scope and timing of agrarian policies has been an expression of the specific contradictions of the early industrialisation process in each region, rather than an autonomous determinant of the course of the latter. Based on insights derived from the Marxian critique of political economy, the paper shows that each region's respective agrarian policies have expressed the differential resolution of the opposition between the rate of profit (industrial capital) and ground-rent (landed property) in the import substituting industrialisation process. In so doing, the paper takes issue with the claim that timely land reforms in Taiwan and Korea have facilitated the subsequent successful turn to an export-oriented industrialisation strategy. An alternative account of the different developmental paths in East Asia and Latin America based on the unfolding of the Marxian ‘law of value’ on a world scale is also provided. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 761-777 Issue: 4 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902867243 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902867243 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:4:p:761-777 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shogo Suzuki Author-X-Name-First: Shogo Author-X-Name-Last: Suzuki Title: Chinese Soft Power, Insecurity Studies, Myopia and Fantasy Abstract: This article is critical of a series of works on Chinese soft power which have garnered much attention in recent years. These works typically portray Chinese soft power, characterised by its disregard for Western models of development that propagate ‘democratic governance’, as a latent threat to global order. The article argues that such claims are premature, and to date there is little evidence of a systematic attempt by the Chinese to propagate a ‘Beijing model’ of autocratic development. These claims are substantiated by analysing China's participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations in Africa, which are characterised by mandates aimed at transforming war-torn states into liberal democracies. I suggest that China's participation in these operations is a crucial component of its ‘charm offensive’ aimed at the West, and designed to allay fears of a ‘China Threat’. The article argues that Chinese understandings of soft power are diverse and directed at multiple audiences. The tendency to ‘look for potential threats’ in many Western policy-informed works, however, ignores the multifaceted nature and diverse views on Chinese soft power, and clouds our ability to understand this new phenomenon in Chinese foreign policy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 779-793 Issue: 4 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902867300 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902867300 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:4:p:779-793 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ayla Göl Author-X-Name-First: Ayla Author-X-Name-Last: Göl Title: The Identity of Turkey: Muslim and secular Abstract: This article analyses the rise of political Islam in Turkey in the context of the akp's tenure in power with reference to complex social, economic, historical and ideational factors. It aims to answer one of the key questions, which has wider implications for the West and Islamic world: ‘having experienced the bad and good of the West in secularism and democracy’, as claimed by Samuel Huntington's ‘clash of civilisations’ thesis, is Turkey in transition from a secular to an Islamic state? The article first questions Turkey's ‘bridge’ or ‘torn-country’ status and then explains the akp's ambivalent policies towards religious and identity issues in relation to the increased public visibility of Islam and a ‘performative reflexivity’ of ‘Muslim-selves’. It concludes that the real issue at stake is not the assumed clash of secular and Muslim identities but the complex of interdependence between Islam, secularism and democratisation in Turkey. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 795-811 Issue: 4 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902867383 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902867383 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:4:p:795-811 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tariq Amin-Khan Author-X-Name-First: Tariq Author-X-Name-Last: Amin-Khan Title: The Rise of Militant Islam and the Security State in the Era of the ‘Long War’ Abstract: This paper distinguishes between political and militant Islam and analyses the latter's current ability to confront empire and to become a social force in Muslim-majority states. This analysis is within the dialectic of collaboration and resistance, starting with client postcolonial states' pivotal role in bringing to fruition the collaboration between political Islam and US imperialism during the cold war era. The post-cold war period signals the imperialist putsch to confront militant Islam in the ‘Long War’ by employing the cold war strategy of ‘permanent war’ and universalising the idea of the security state. Militant Islam's resistance to the Long War and the security state makes this two-pronged imperial strategy a losing proposition for the USA. Paradoxically this strategy has also become the prime mover for militant Islam's ascendancy. The paper addresses the paradox of the USA's continuation with its losing Long War strategy and securitisation agenda which, although providing succour to militant Islam, is also achieving its larger objectives to buttress capitalist globalism; fuel the military–industrial and security–industrial complexes; and support ‘big oil’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 813-828 Issue: 4 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902867524 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902867524 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:4:p:813-828 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Morgan Brigg Author-X-Name-First: Morgan Author-X-Name-Last: Brigg Title: The Developer's Self: a non-deterministic Foucauldian frame Abstract: Recent development studies literature has begun to consider the developer's self. This welcome enlargement of the field deserves to be deepened and extended by moving beyond opposition to post-development critics, and by articulating an explicit theoretical frame for examining developers' selves. By exploring Foucault's suggestion that modern approaches to knowledge and selfhood may be entwined through developmentalism, this paper proposes a flexible and non-deterministic cultural–historical framework for considering developers' selves. Foucault's analyses of relations of power and subjectivity provide strategies for examining developers' selves, but this does not suggest that such selves can be read off the proposed framework. Examining developers' selves is necessarily a reflective ethical task, and one which requires engaging the external relations that constitute the self. Foucault provides valuable resources for this task, but there is also a need to extend upon and complement a Foucauldian approach. Pursuing our new-found interest in developers' selves by working through and beyond Foucault promises to open new professional futures and possibilities for development practice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1411-1426 Issue: 8 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903279208 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903279208 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:8:p:1411-1426 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dhammika Herath Author-X-Name-First: Dhammika Author-X-Name-Last: Herath Title: The Discourse of Development: has it reached maturity? Abstract: Like most other concepts in the social sciences, ‘development’ does not entail a commonly agreed upon meaning, context or programme of action. It is defined in different ways depending on the time, space, context, professional and organisational interests of the one who does the business of defining. The meaning of development has also undergone a remarkable transformation over the course of history from the Enlightenment concept of ‘Progress’ to encompass a great variety of human needs. This paper analyses how the contemporary discourse of development has reached a mature state and how it enables us to understand development in context- and culture-sensitive ways. It is now possible to determine what development means in different settings, and how to bring in material and non-material prosperity to people living in different contexts and cultures. After a theoretical discussion an empirical study in Sri Lanka is presented which attempts to arrive at a more refined context- and culture-sensitive definition of development. The paper argues that, in order to understand development at micro-settings, it is better to construct our own indexes of development rather than using global measures. It shows how the current state of the discourse of development can lend insights into construction of a development index. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1449-1464 Issue: 8 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903279216 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903279216 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:8:p:1449-1464 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: William Vlcek Author-X-Name-First: William Author-X-Name-Last: Vlcek Title: Behind an Offshore Mask: sovereignty games in the global political economy Abstract: This study of global financial flows and offshore financial centres (OFCs) draws on the concept of nomadology as developed by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari to argue that OFCs not only facilitate the circulation of global capital, but also serve to create the means for identity arbitrage. This concept highlights the use of the offshore in order to benefit from the variety of preferential measures offered to foreign firms and investment capital. State sovereignty authorises legislation by regimes to attract and regulate foreign investment. International banking statistics are examined for indications of the use of and impact from exploiting the offshore to establish a different national identity in pursuit of the greatest available return on investment. The paper concludes that the design of legislation by onshore states is just as complicit in the positive and negative effects of the offshore economy as are the small sovereign economies that host an OFC. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1465-1481 Issue: 8 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903279224 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903279224 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:8:p:1465-1481 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hazel McFerson Author-X-Name-First: Hazel Author-X-Name-Last: McFerson Title: Governance and Hyper-corruption in Resource-rich African Countries Abstract: Official corruption is frequently associated with the abundance of valuable extractive resources. This article reviews the worst cases of ‘resource curse’ in Africa—Angola, Republic of Congo, Democratic Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and Nigeria—in light of the most recent developments. Despite its systematic association with public corruption, however, mineral wealth is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition. Corruption is widespread in resource-poor countries as well—in Africa and elsewhere—and some resource-rich African countries such as Botswana have a record of good economic performance and high public integrity, suggesting specific ways in which transparency and accountability for the use of mineral resources can be encouraged and corruption correspondingly reduced. Because corruption in resource-rich African countries is heavily influenced by external interests, particularly the multinational extractive industries, recent initiatives by the United States and the international community to foster transparency carry a significant potential for reducing corruption and improving governance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1529-1547 Issue: 8 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903279257 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903279257 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:8:p:1529-1547 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrew Robinson Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Robinson Author-Name: Simon Tormey Author-X-Name-First: Simon Author-X-Name-Last: Tormey Title: Resisting ‘Global Justice’: disrupting the colonial ‘emancipatory’ logic of the West Abstract: This paper takes issue with global justice theory, seeing it as a ‘global–local’ in which the perspectives and demands of post-Kantian Western liberalism silence ways of being in the world that move beyond a narrowly circumscribed definition of ‘reasonableness’. Taking its cue from critics of dominant liberal conceptions of the self, such as Spivak, Deleuze and Freire, the paper examines the impact of epistemological diversity and the radical ‘otherness’ of indigenous, peasant and marginal epistemologies on how Western intellectuals might think about global justice. We look at a number of examples of indigenous and marginal resistance to injustice in the global system, including the West Papuan and Zapatista movements, and conclude that the goals of such movements cannot be encapsulated in distributive or juridical terms. An alternative theorisation of global justice might, contra global justice theory, insist on a dialogical, contingent basis for discussing justice, whether local or global. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1395-1409 Issue: 8 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903321836 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903321836 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:8:p:1395-1409 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alan Freeman Author-X-Name-First: Alan Author-X-Name-Last: Freeman Title: The Poverty of Statistics and the Statistics of Poverty Abstract: This paper offers a critique of the picture of world growth and world inequality generally disseminated by international agencies. The positive view commonly presented depends on the widespread consensus that economic performance should be measured using ‘Purchasing Power Parity’ (PPP) statistics, instead of market exchange rates. Although originally conceived narrowly as a basis for comparing living standards, PPP indicators are now indiscriminately promoted as an unexceptionable standard for comparing and aggregating national income statistics. This article highlights the flaws in the PPP approach by accepting the claims made on their behalf at face value. It shows that, even on the basis of these claims, the wrong conclusions have been drawn. By comparing PPP and market exchange rate measures of inequality it shows that what really took place, at the end of the last century, was a systematic reduction in the prices of consumption goods in the Third World. PPP statistics have concealed this underlying and unsustainable trend, allowing it to be packaged as a stable reduction in poverty. Neither genuine growth, nor lasting poverty reduction was achieved over this period. The fall in the price of consumer goods masked a systematic failure to overcome the central problem of development—the high price of capital goods, which PPP statistics understate, and of intermediate goods, which they completely omit. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1427-1448 Issue: 8 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903321844 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903321844 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:8:p:1427-1448 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sven Simonsen Author-X-Name-First: Sven Author-X-Name-Last: Simonsen Title: Leaving Security in Safe Hands: identity, legitimacy and cohesion in the new Afghan and Iraqi armies Abstract: Built by outside powers and targeted against local insurgents, the new national armies of Afghanistan and Iraq are fragile institutions. The legitimacy of these forces is limited in the deeply divided societies in which they exist. Whereas low levels of legitimacy exert a disintegrative pressure upon an army, cohesion counterweighs such pressure. This article engages the theory of military unit cohesion for the purpose of increasing understanding of the challenges to cohesion faced by the new armies of Afghanistan and Iraq. Two main sources of legitimacy for the new armies are discussed: the (ethnic/sectarian) composition of the forces, and their respective missions. Challenges to cohesion are found to depend on how soldiers are recruited and units composed: ethnically/sectarian mixed units may disintegrate because of weak horizontal cohesion; homogeneous units (particularly when recruited as groups and not individually) may splinter off because of weak vertical cohesion. The article also argues that promoting an image of the army as ‘national’ within a society may reduce disintegrative pressures. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1483-1501 Issue: 8 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903321851 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903321851 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:8:p:1483-1501 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Moeed Yusuf Author-X-Name-First: Moeed Author-X-Name-Last: Yusuf Author-Name: Adil Najam Author-X-Name-First: Adil Author-X-Name-Last: Najam Title: Kashmir: ripe for resolution? Abstract: This paper documents and analyses 46 proposals made between 1947 and 2008 for resolving the India–Pakistan dispute over Jammu and Kashmir. We conduct a content analysis to recognise the patterns that emerge from these formulations and identify the key elements that recur over time. Our analysis suggests that the dispute may be more ‘ripe’ for resolution today than it has ever been in the past. For the first time in the dispute's history, there is growing convergence over a core element of the solution, ie granting autonomy to Kashmiris. This is matched by a virtual consensus on the ‘catalysts’, namely soft borders to allow relatively free human and economic exchange within Jammu and Kashmir, the notion of Kashmiri involvement in any negotiations on the issue and demilitarisation of the state. Ripeness alone, however, does not lead to resolution. Over the years various dynamic proposals have been made, which means that this particular convergence could also dissipate, as some of the prior ones have. There is a potential window of opportunity today, but it will not last indefinitely. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1503-1528 Issue: 8 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903321869 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903321869 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:8:p:1503-1528 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: William Avilés Author-X-Name-First: William Author-X-Name-Last: Avilés Title: Policy Coalitions, Economic Reform and Military Power in Ecuador and Venezuela Abstract: Military coups and coup attempts, as well as the establishment, or continuation, of economic/social development roles for the military far outside traditional security missions have been a part of civil–military relations in Ecuador and Venezuela since 1990. The military's greater role in Ecuador and Venezuela has in part been a consequence of the failure of neoliberal and globalist policy coalitions to establish and maintain a hegemonic consensus over political power and national policy. This failure has undermined progress in orienting the military in a ‘democratic’ direction that prioritises traditional security roles under the ultimate command of civilian authorities. It has also allowed for competing models of civil–military relations to emerge that draw upon nationalist or socialist models of military power and democracy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1549-1564 Issue: 8 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903321877 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903321877 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:8:p:1549-1564 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Barbara Elias Author-X-Name-First: Barbara Author-X-Name-Last: Elias Title: America’s Missing Leverage in Afghanistan and Pakistan: a structural analysis Abstract: Despite strong shared interests and their dependence on US assistance, Kabul and Islamabad frequently fail to cooperate with the USA’s post-9/11 security agenda. Why doesn’t the USA have more leverage in these alliances and what can it change to be more influential? This article identifies four structural factors in Washington’s alliances in Afghanistan and Pakistan (‘Af-Pak’) contributing to Washington’s lack of coercive power: 1) the USA’s interest makes coercion difficult; 2) Kabul and Islamabad have more invested and will bargain to protect their interests; 3) the form of US commitment (an intense but explicitly temporary military commitment) produces incentives for Kabul and Islamabad to adopt short-term solutions, frequently running against US interests; and 4) the tenets of counterinsurgency policy cause Washington to be politically dependent on Kabul and Islamabad, effectively reducing its influence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1392-1408 Issue: 8 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.831533 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.831533 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:8:p:1392-1408 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Paul Gready Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Gready Title: Organisational Theories of Change in the Era of Organisational Cosmopolitanism: lessons from ActionAid’s human rights-based approach Abstract: This article argues that organisational cosmopolitanism is an increasingly common characteristic of international ngos. Cosmopolitanism goes beyond international staffing, to include multi-sectoral mandates, multiple skill sets and multiple levels of working. It also challenges the orthodoxies of its parent discourses. Change within such international ngos represents a new frontier in organisational change, as its ambit and ambition extends beyond the demands of more conventional intra-sectoral change. Using ActionAid as a case study, the article explores what might be gained by rendering explicit previously implicit theories of change within such a context. It focuses on inward looking, organisational change but also explores connections to outward looking, operational change. The article highlights two change-related concepts that are of relevance to cosmopolitan organisations: organisational archaeologies (implying layered, hybrid, evolutionary change) and cycles of misalignment followed by realignment. Lessons learned for cosmopolitan organisations from the ActionAid case study suggest that cycles of internal reflection and planning are an effective way of managing other aspects of change. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1339-1360 Issue: 8 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.831535 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.831535 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:8:p:1339-1360 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jen Iris Allan Author-X-Name-First: Jen Iris Author-X-Name-Last: Allan Author-Name: Peter Dauvergne Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Dauvergne Title: The Global South in Environmental Negotiations: the politics of coalitions in + Abstract: During international environmental negotiations developing countries have commonly employed a unified strategy through the G-77 and China (G-77/China). Compared with other negotiations, such as those on trade and security, this strategy has been relatively successful in securing financial and technical benefits. Unity among developing states is not, however, a characteristic of all environmental negotiations. This paper analyses the case of Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation plus conservation (redd+), where unity has been absent. It argues that the negotiation positions, strategies and coalition politics from 2005 to 2013 have been a result of identifiable power asymmetries among developing states (shifting over time). Some states with vast forest resources have held an effective veto, while others have had considerable moral influence and expert authority. Coalitions have courted such relevant and reputational leaders. At the same time some developing states have had enough diplomatic capacity and economic power to stand alone in negotiations. Taking a broad, historical view of the diverse forest interests and power asymmetries among developing states helps to explain the recent stagnation in negotiations to establish an international redd+ mechanism to mitigate climate change. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1307-1322 Issue: 8 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.831536 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.831536 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:8:p:1307-1322 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Antulio Rosales Author-X-Name-First: Antulio Author-X-Name-Last: Rosales Title: Going Underground: the political economy of the ‘left turn’ in South America Abstract: This article argues that South America’s ‘revolutionary’ left turn can be best explained by its assertion of state property over natural resource extraction. The recent history of the leftist movements in Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador relates to the failures of the neoliberal reforms applied in the region decades before, hence the dismantling of core orthodox policies has been critical for them once in power. This has been possible through the expansion of state action in the economy, but mainly through the governance of hydrocarbon extraction and the control of subsoil rents. Resource extraction has been central to the political economy of Andean left-wing revolutionaries, responsible for many of their successes but also their impending challenges. This rearticulation of underground governance is linked to global transformations that give prominence to emerging economies and reinforces these countries’ position in the world economy as providers of primary commodities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1443-1457 Issue: 8 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.831538 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.831538 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:8:p:1443-1457 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: James Scott Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Scott Author-Name: Sophie Harman Author-X-Name-First: Sophie Author-X-Name-Last: Harman Title: Beyond s: Why the ‘s Doha Round is unhealthy Abstract: The current round of World Trade Organization (wto) negotiations—the Doha Round—has significant implications for global health which have received insufficient attention from the global health community. All too often the health implications of global trade agreements are examined only after their conclusion, and are concerned only with intellectual property rights. This paper seeks to move beyond this narrow focus and elucidate the wider health implications of the Doha Round. It explores the negative effect of the Round on state capacity to provide and regulate health services in low-income countries, and the impact it will have on livelihoods among the poor and their ability to access health services. Overall the paper makes the case for greater engagement from the health community with the wto and the Doha Round negotiations beyond the customary focus on intellectual property rights. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1361-1376 Issue: 8 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.831539 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.831539 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:8:p:1361-1376 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julien Mercille Author-X-Name-First: Julien Author-X-Name-Last: Mercille Title: European Media Coverage of Argentina’s Debt Default and Recovery: distorting the lessons for Europe Abstract: In 2001 Argentina defaulted on its debts and then devalued its currency by abandoning the peso–dollar peg. The economy rebounded and has grown relatively strongly since then. This paper uses a critical political economy approach to first show that the Argentinian strategy finds support in the literature examining the effects of sovereign debt default, currency devaluation and fiscal consolidation on economic growth. Argentina is thus relevant to Europe’s ongoing crisis. The article then investigates European media coverage of the Argentinian experience through an examination of major newspapers’ stories between 2008 and 2013. It argues that the media have distorted the lessons of the Argentinian recovery by focusing on the negative consequences of default rather than its benefits; by emphasising the role of rising commodity export prices over domestic policy decisions in stimulating the economy; by opposing some aspects of government intervention in the economy even if the latter played a beneficial role; and by exaggerating the negative consequences of inflation. This distorted coverage is explained through reference to the media’s ideological role in the implementation of austerity policies in Europe. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1377-1391 Issue: 8 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.831540 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.831540 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:8:p:1377-1391 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ziya ÖNİŞ Author-X-Name-First: Ziya Author-X-Name-Last: ÖNİŞ Author-Name: Mustafa Kutlay Author-X-Name-First: Mustafa Author-X-Name-Last: Kutlay Title: Rising Powers in a Changing Global Order: the political economy of Turkey in the age of s Abstract: The rise of brics presents a major challenge to the existing global order. A second category of emerging powers, which may be labelled near-brics, have also displayed increasing pro-activism in recent years in terms of influencing the regional balance of power politics, in addition to their growing presence in international organisations and global affairs. It is in this context that we aim to examine Turkey as a striking example of a ‘near-bric’ power, a country that has adopted an increasingly assertive and independent style of foreign policy with aspirations to establish itself as a major regional actor. Using the Turkish experience as a reference point, this paper aims to understand the extent to which near-bric countries possess the economic capacity, sustainable growth performance and soft-power capabilities needed to establish themselves as significant regional and global actors. The recent Turkish experience clearly highlights both the potential and the limits of regional power activism on the part of emerging powers from the ‘global South’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1409-1426 Issue: 8 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.831541 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.831541 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:8:p:1409-1426 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Antonio Sianes Author-X-Name-First: Antonio Author-X-Name-Last: Sianes Title: Shaping the Future of Mid-range Northern s: ten challenges, ten proposals Abstract: In recent years the financial crisis in traditional donor countries, the aid effectiveness debate and the approaching end of the Millennium Development Goals agenda have opened the door to new goals, instruments and actors in development. This is shaping a new and more complex global aid system. As a consequence, traditional actors like mid-range Northern ngdos (nngdos), born and raised in an oda-based development system, face a challenging scenario. This paper has two aims. First, it aims to summarise the 10 most important challenges nngdos face today. As will be shown, such a complex landscape calls for adaptation, especially if nngdos want to keep playing a key role in the development aid system. The second aim therefore is to present 10 proposals which could help nngdos to overcome these threats, shaping the future this relevant actor could play in the new global aid system. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1458-1474 Issue: 8 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.831556 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.831556 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:8:p:1458-1474 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adriana Erthal Abdenur Author-X-Name-First: Adriana Erthal Author-X-Name-Last: Abdenur Author-Name: João Moura Estevão Marques Da Fonseca Author-X-Name-First: João Moura Estevão Marques Author-X-Name-Last: Da Fonseca Title: The North’s Growing Role in South–South Cooperation: keeping the foothold Abstract: Over the past 10 years Northern aid agencies have made a concerted effort to participate in South–South cooperation. This article analyses the key modes and motivations behind this growing engagement, looking specifically at three areas: multilateral platforms, triangular cooperation and knowledge production about South–South cooperation. Across all these efforts we perceive a concerted attempt to gain legitimacy by emphasising horizontality in the co-construction of knowledge about development. We argue that, within a context of shrinking Northern aid, this engagement is a way to harness South–South cooperation in order to preserve and expand Northern influence, both within and outside the field of development cooperation. This interpretation suggests the need to further examine the ‘bridging’ initiatives and mutual impact of intersection points between Northern aid and South–South cooperation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1475-1491 Issue: 8 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.831579 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.831579 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:8:p:1475-1491 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Unai Villalba Author-X-Name-First: Unai Author-X-Name-Last: Villalba Title: vs Development: a paradigm shift in the Andes? Abstract: The concept of development and the ways of achieving it have been widely criticised from various viewpoints. In the face of the apparent obsolescence of long-standing models, the novel Buen Vivir approach (roughly translated as ‘living well’ or ‘good living’), which has arisen in different parts of Latin America, may offer an alternative paradigm. However, the implementation of policies that could lead to this Buen Vivir model requires profound changes that follow a range of complex transitions, which may often even seem contradictory in countries like Ecuador, where this approach has already been enacted in the new constitution and laws but where old development practices still continue. Accepting the plurality of visions on Buen Vivir (from the indigenous ontology to the ‘Western–modern’ approach), while at the same time positing common ground in which to define a new development strategy able to overcome a natural resource extraction-based economic pattern, is one of the immediate challenges. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1427-1442 Issue: 8 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.831594 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.831594 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:8:p:1427-1442 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Natasha Ezrow Author-X-Name-First: Natasha Author-X-Name-Last: Ezrow Author-Name: Erica Frantz Author-X-Name-First: Erica Author-X-Name-Last: Frantz Title: Revisiting the Concept of the Failed State: bringing the state back in Abstract: The policy and donor communities have placed great importance on fixing ‘failed states’. World leaders have cited failed states as one of the greatest threats to the global community. Nevertheless the concept of the failed state is currently subject to a backlash from the academic community. Scholars have criticised the failed states literature on theoretical, normative, empirical and practical grounds. We provide a brief overview of these main concerns and offer a more systematic method for measuring ‘state failure’. Coming up with better ways of assessing how states underperform will enhance our understanding of how institutional decay affects stability and development and, most importantly, will provide an improved system of early warning for practitioners. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1323-1338 Issue: 8 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.831596 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.831596 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:8:p:1323-1338 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gavin Fridell Author-X-Name-First: Gavin Author-X-Name-Last: Fridell Title: Introduction—Politicising Debt and Development: activist voices on social justice in the new millennium Abstract: In contrast to mainstream development economists’ and policy makers’ insistence that relatively straightforward, technical and apolitical solutions exist to the problems of debt and development, debt is inscribed in powerful, unequal and contested structures and relations. This is vividly depicted in the articles in this special section, written by activists and researchers with years of experience mobilising and supporting grassroots struggles, which reveal the often obscure or unspoken relations of power that underpin the highly unequal dynamics of debt on a global scale, while promoting and offering fresh insights from a diverse array of new initiatives and subversive tactics that confront the dominant debt and development paradigm. They offer sober reflection on what organisations need to do to get things done in continuing and future battles for debt justice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1492-1496 Issue: 8 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.841389 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.841389 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:8:p:1492-1496 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tim Jones Author-X-Name-First: Tim Author-X-Name-Last: Jones Title: Debt and Power: global injustices and grassroots alternatives Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1497-1498 Issue: 8 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.841390 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.841390 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:8:p:1497-1498 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dan Beeton Author-X-Name-First: Dan Author-X-Name-Last: Beeton Title: ‘Give me Liberty or Give me Debt!’ Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1499-1501 Issue: 8 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.841391 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.841391 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:8:p:1499-1501 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter Gillespie Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Gillespie Title: Lethal Liabilities: the human costs of debt and capital flight Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1502-1504 Issue: 8 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.841392 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.841392 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:8:p:1502-1504 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Molly Kane Author-X-Name-First: Molly Author-X-Name-Last: Kane Title: International NGOs and the Aid Industry: constraints on international solidarity Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1505-1515 Issue: 8 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.841393 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.841393 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:8:p:1505-1515 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: E. Fouksman Author-X-Name-First: E. Author-X-Name-Last: Fouksman Title: Civil society knowledge networks: how international development institutions reshape the geography of knowledge Abstract: What role have the processes and institutions of international development played in creating and propagating ideas around the world? This paper demonstrates that networks of development-focused civil society institutions can form global epistemic bridges even where communication technology, global markets, infrastructure, or state services do not reach. Given the penetration of these ‘civil society knowledge networks’ throughout the world, it is crucial to understand how these networks form, and how they create and spread ideas, mediating between global discourses and local needs. This paper builds on a multi-sited case study of one such civil society knowledge network, which includes an international foundation, its partner non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Kenya, and one village where these NGOs run a forest conservation project. The case study provides a closely textured analysis of the mechanisms of knowledge production and consumption in the network, including personality politics, language, technology, political connections and the power dynamics of knowledge flows. It demonstrates the ways remoteness and disconnection are overcome through the epistemic reach of institutional networks involved in development interventions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1847-1872 Issue: 8 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1233490 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1233490 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:8:p:1847-1872 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michael Stevenson Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Stevenson Title: PATH: pioneering innovation for global health at the public–private interface Abstract: Seattle-based PATH is one of the world’s largest not-for profit organisations focused on improving health in low-income countries. This article argues the history of this understudied organisation is critical to understanding how collective action focused on facilitating developing countries’ access to essential health technologies is structured. Since its establishment almost 40 years ago, the organisation has been a catalyst for multidisciplinary public–private collaboration that has produced affordable, culturally appropriate health technologies. From its origins in reproductive health, enabling contraceptive technology transfers and advising on regulatory standards, to its more recent managerial roles in the development of inexpensive vaccines produced in developing countries, PATH has repeatedly illustrated how public–private collaboration in product research and development can increase poor populations’ access to essential health technologies. This in turn has provided substance to the contested narrative that engaging business is critical to reducing global health disparities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1873-1893 Issue: 8 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1233491 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1233491 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:8:p:1873-1893 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Markus Holdo Author-X-Name-First: Markus Author-X-Name-Last: Holdo Title: Post-Islamism and fields of contention after the Arab Spring: feminism, Salafism and the revolutionary youth Abstract: In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, conflicts in Egypt and Tunisia over the authority to rule and the role of religion in society raised questions about these societies’ capacity for reconciling differences. In retrospect, the conflicts also raise questions about the theoretical tools used to analyse regional developments. In particular, the ‘post-Islamism’ thesis has significantly changed the debates on ‘Islam and democracy’ by bringing to light the changing opportunity structures, and changed goals, of Islamist movements. However, this paper argues that the theory underestimates differences within post-Islamist societies. Drawing on field theory, the paper shows how the actual content of post-Islamism is contingent on political struggle. It focuses on three fields whose political roles have been underestimated or misrepresented by post-Islamist theorists: Islamic feminism, Salafist-jihadism and the revolutionary youth. Their respective forms of capital – sources of legitimacy and social recognition – give important clues for understanding the stakes of the conflicts after the Arab Spring. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1800-1815 Issue: 8 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1233492 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1233492 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:8:p:1800-1815 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shantanu Chakrabarti Author-X-Name-First: Shantanu Author-X-Name-Last: Chakrabarti Title: Global South rhetoric in India’s policy projection Abstract: While an on-going statist project tries to portray India as a ‘rising power’ in world politics, the fact remains that India’s global projection continues to be heavily fashioned by the Global South rhetoric. Such rhetoric is inclusive of irredentism and contestation with western norms and ideals along with cooperation leading to a complex process of interactions shaping up the global order. For countries like India being claimant to the status of ‘civilisational state’, the strong urge for autonomy along with the self-perception of national and cultural greatness is shared by the elite along with a sense of strategic importance. Such identity formation, however, reduces and sometimes obliterates the gaps between ‘internal’ and ‘external’, bringing into academic scrutiny the whole range of policymaking and to what extent it matches the state rhetoric. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1909-1920 Issue: 8 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1248931 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1248931 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:8:p:1909-1920 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Malin Hasselskog Author-X-Name-First: Malin Author-X-Name-Last: Hasselskog Author-Name: Peter J. Mugume Author-X-Name-First: Peter J. Author-X-Name-Last: Mugume Author-Name: Eric Ndushabandi Author-X-Name-First: Eric Author-X-Name-Last: Ndushabandi Author-Name: Isabell Schierenbeck Author-X-Name-First: Isabell Author-X-Name-Last: Schierenbeck Title: National ownership and donor involvement: an aid paradox illustrated by the case of Rwanda Abstract: A paradox in current international development cooperation is comprised by the simultaneous insistence on national ownership and far-reaching donor involvement through policy dialogue. In order to better understand this combination of a strong ownership ideal and extensive donor presence, this article explores how national and external actors portray the process of formulating and revising development policies and programmes in an aid recipient country. The study is based on original empirical material from national as well as external actors involved in the aid relation in Rwanda which, despite heavy aid dependence, is known to have achieved relative policy independence. Analysed in relation to three strands of critical thought in previous research, findings show that, in Rwanda, the very top political leadership is actively involved in initiating and formulating policies; that there are instances of negotiation as well as strong disagreements between national and external actors; and that, rather than donors seeking to retain control, Rwanda is depicted as setting its own agenda and effectively managing its donors. The paradox of an ownership ideal combined with donor involvement is thus met by an apparent tendency among national as well as external actors to emphasise national ownership while toning down donor influence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1816-1830 Issue: 8 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1256763 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1256763 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:8:p:1816-1830 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Silvia Ferabolli Author-X-Name-First: Silvia Author-X-Name-Last: Ferabolli Title: Regions that matter: the Arab–South American interregional space Abstract: This article critiques interregionalism as a concept that is trapped in the European Union (EU) foreign policy toolkit narrative, which in turn structures what can be said meaningfully and legitimately about interregionalism. Drawing on the experience of the Arab–South American (ASPA) Summit, it shows that, when speaking on interregionalism in International Relations (IR), one need not be speaking about the EU interregional model, which is understood as a vertical relationship established between the EU and an objectified regional partner of its choice. Rather, a broader definition for interregionalism is proposed, one that builds up from the basic ‘region-to-region’ dialogue–arrangement–cooperation and interrogates the meaning it has for those who engage in this practice. This was made possible by the construction of a framework for the analysis of the practices that lead to the materialisation of the ASPA interregional discourse and that reveal how this form of interregionalism in the Global South ‘matters’ in IR. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1767-1781 Issue: 8 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1257906 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1257906 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:8:p:1767-1781 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marcin Wojciech Solarz Author-X-Name-First: Marcin Wojciech Author-X-Name-Last: Solarz Title: The birth and development of the language of global development in light of trends in global population, international politics, economics and globalisation Abstract: The 1940s saw an intensification of worldwide interest in the problems of development and underdevelopment. One consequence of this was a rapid evolution of the language of global development. The reconstruction of its genesis is most commonly attempted through the analysis of literature on the subject and accounts by those who took part in or observed the debates of the time concerning the world’s development and structure. This article proposes a different approach which locates important events in the evolution of the modern language of global development on timelines tracing populational, political, socio-economic and civilisational processes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1753-1766 Issue: 8 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1257910 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1257910 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:8:p:1753-1766 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nick Bernards Author-X-Name-First: Nick Author-X-Name-Last: Bernards Title: The global governance of informal economies: the International Labour Organization in East Africa Abstract: This article develops a Gramscian approach to the governance of ‘informal’ economies through a historical study of International Labour Organization (ILO) programmes in East Africa. Drawing on Gramsci’s conception of the ‘subaltern’, the article highlights the ways in which the articulation of ‘informality’ in policy documents is coloured by broader struggles over the political organisation of labour. The article develops this argument through two case studies. The first examines the World Employment Programme mission to Kenya in the 1970s that popularised the concept of ‘informal’ labour. The second is a contemporary programme on apprenticeships in the informal economy that originated in Tanzania. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1831-1846 Issue: 8 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1260448 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1260448 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:8:p:1831-1846 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt Author-X-Name-First: Johannes Dragsbaek Author-X-Name-Last: Schmidt Title: The internal and external constraints on foreign policy in India: exploring culture and ethnic sensitivities Abstract: The main argument of this contribution is that the distinction between internal and external is at best blurred and in reality does not make much sense in the case of India’s foreign policy. It may start and end at the border and be determined by negotiations, diplomacy or brute force but there is no conclusive evidence in the literature to decide what determines what. There are important dynamics and interplays across the thin line between the domestic and international spheres, especially in terms of understanding the reciprocal challenges related to how factors of culture and ethnicity relate with the legitimacy of the state. The aim of the paper is to serve four purposes. To unpack and give a critical overview of the debates concerned with the internal and external aspects of India’s foreign policy; to situate the literature dealing more specifically with domestic issues related to culture and ethnicity and outline the main approaches involved; to give an overview of how external factors impact foreign policy conduct and relate to India’s role in defining international norms and regulations; and, finally, to give some theoretical markers, suggestions and concluding remarks. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1894-1908 Issue: 8 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1282311 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1282311 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:8:p:1894-1908 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bjørn Møller Author-X-Name-First: Bjørn Author-X-Name-Last: Møller Title: India and the responsibility to protect Abstract: ‘Responsibility to protect’ (R2P) is an ‘emerging norm’ of international relations, which has been invoked with the intervention in Libya in 2011. Even though this intervention was demanded by several Third World countries and organisations, these have subsequently had second thoughts about the matter and have come to regard R2P as Western neo-imperialism. This article seeks to explain this apparent paradox, with a special focus on India. It also identifies possible compromises by advocating a broader approach to R2P, stressing the responsibility to prevent and to rebuild. It also draws attention to ‘R2P lite’, including the protection of civilians in armed conflicts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1921-1934 Issue: 8 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1282312 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1282312 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:8:p:1921-1934 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Simon Mabon Author-X-Name-First: Simon Author-X-Name-Last: Mabon Title: Sovereignty, bare life and the Arab uprisings Abstract: Five years after people took to the streets in protest at political organisation across the Middle East, the consequences of these actions remain. As the protests gained traction, states began to fragment and regimes sought to retain power, whatever the cost. While a great deal of focus has been upon what happened, very little attention has been paid to the role of agency within the context of the fragmenting sovereignty and political change. This article contributes to these debates by applying the work of Giorgio Agamben to the post-Arab Uprisings Middle East, to understand the relationship between rulers and ruled along with the fragmentation of the sovereign state. The article argues for the need to bring agency back into conceptual debates about sovereignty within the Middle East. It concludes by presenting a framework that offers an approach building upon Agamben’s bare life. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1782-1799 Issue: 8 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1294483 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1294483 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:8:p:1782-1799 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Panayotis M. Protopsaltis Author-X-Name-First: Panayotis M. Author-X-Name-Last: Protopsaltis Title: Deciphering UN development policies: from the modernisation paradigm to the human development approach? Abstract: A comparative analysis of the United Nations (UN) resolutions on the development decades reveals an evolution of the UN policies: a gradual shift from the modernisation paradigm to the human development approach, even though the goal of economic growth was never entirely abandoned. Despite this evolution, all relevant resolutions define quantitative targets on inputs and outputs to be met through recommended policy measures involving state intervention in the economy and the society, introduced into developing countries’ plans for development, in accordance with the teachings of the modernisation paradigm. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1733-1752 Issue: 8 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1298436 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1298436 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:8:p:1733-1752 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nir Kshetri Author-X-Name-First: Nir Author-X-Name-Last: Kshetri Title: Will blockchain emerge as a tool to break the poverty chain in the Global South? Abstract: Just like its recent predecessors, blockchain – also known as the distributed ledger technology – is considered to have the potential to cause major economic, political and social transformations in the Global South. The visible effects of this technology are already being noted there. We present early evidence linking the use of blockchain in overcoming some economic, social and political challenges facing the Global South. The article highlights the key applications and uses of blockchain in developing countries. It demonstrates how blockchain can help promote transparency, build trust and reputation, and enhance efficiency in transactions. The article looks at opportunities and key triggers for blockchain diffusion in these countries. It also delves into challenges and obstacles that developing economies are likely to encounter in the use of blockchain. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1710-1732 Issue: 8 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1298438 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1298438 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:8:p:1710-1732 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Karim Makdisi Author-X-Name-First: Karim Author-X-Name-Last: Makdisi Author-Name: Coralie Pison Hindawi Author-X-Name-First: Coralie Author-X-Name-Last: Pison Hindawi Title: The Syrian chemical weapons disarmament process in context: narratives of coercion, consent, and everything in between Abstract: This article explores the successful Syrian chemical weapons disarmament process (2013–2014) within the context of post-Cold War coercive arms control policy and scholarship, particularly related to the Middle East. Based on extensive interviews with individuals involved in the process, we explore the coexistence of two rival, apparently contradictory narratives: one (backed by Western states) claimed coercion was the main contributor to disarmament, while the other (defended by Syrian authorities and Russia) insisted on the process’s consensual features. Our study suggests that the hybrid disarmament framework, embodied in a unique joint mission between the United Nations and the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, conveniently accommodated both narratives, which in turn contributed to the mission’s success. We then ask whether, with the apparent US retreat in the Middle East, the Syrian case (as well as the 2015 Iran nuclear deal) signals a possible turn in international non-conventional arms control processes that would leave more room for consent and diplomacy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1691-1709 Issue: 8 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1322462 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1322462 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:8:p:1691-1709 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Frances Brown Author-X-Name-First: Frances Author-X-Name-Last: Brown Author-Name: Derek Hall Author-X-Name-First: Derek Author-X-Name-Last: Hall Title: Tourism and Development in the Global South: the issues Abstract: Tourism, a major global economic activity, is now growing fastest in the South. Promoted as a means of development since its modern beginnings, its benefits for developing countries remain debatable at best, even with the evolution of new, eg ‘pro-poor’ (ppt), forms of tourism and the advent of codes of practice and a more ethical approach among some consumers. It is, however, impossible to isolate tourism from the wider systemic processes against which it takes place. This introductory paper discusses some of the themes highlighted by the papers in this collection. They include the extent to which ppt may make a positive contribution to development, issues of control over the industry, the effects of climate change and tourism's relation to structural inequalities of power. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 839-849 Issue: 5 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802105967 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802105967 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:5:p:839-849 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Harrison Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Harrison Title: Pro-poor Tourism: a critique Abstract: Tourism's role as a development tool has increased over the past three decades. Its contribution to poverty alleviation was first noted in the 1970s, but this focus was increasingly blurred in theoretical debates over ‘development’ in the 1980s and 1990s. It resurfaced at the end of the 1990s with the emergence of ‘pro-poor tourism’ (ppt), defined as tourism which brings net benefits to the poor. In this paper the emergence of ppt is described, its main features outlined, and several conceptual and substantive criticisms are discussed. It is concluded that, while ppt is based on a worthwhile injunction to help the poor, it is distinctive neither theoretically nor in its methods, and has become too closely associated with community-based tourism. Rather than remain on the academic and development margins, it should be reintegrated into and reinform mainstream studies of tourism and development, and focus more on researching the actual and potential role of mass tourism in alleviating poverty and bringing ‘development’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 851-868 Issue: 5 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802105983 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802105983 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:5:p:851-868 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stefan Gössling Author-X-Name-First: Stefan Author-X-Name-Last: Gössling Author-Name: Paul Peeters Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Peeters Author-Name: Daniel Scott Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Scott Title: Consequences of Climate Policy for International Tourist Arrivals in Developing Countries Abstract: One of the major implications of climate change for tourism destinations is the potential impact that mitigation policies aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions from the rapidly growing aviation sector could have on travel costs and tourist mobility. Such impact is particularly salient for long-haul destinations. Recently tourism organisations such as the unwto have also expressed concern that aviation sector-focused mitigation policies in wealthy nations that are the major international tourism outbound markets will negatively affect tourism development and wealth transfers to tourism-dependent developing nations. This article reviews emerging climate policies in major tourism outbound markets that have direct implications for the aviation sector and examines the potential consequences for travel costs and tourism demand in 10 tourism-dependent less developed island states with diverse geographic and tourism market characteristics. The analysis confirms that aviation mitigation policies would affect tourism demand to these nations. ‘Carbon smart’ tourism market restructuring approaches to reduce the emissions intensity of tourism, and market risk to climate policy changes anticipated over the next 10–20 years, are subsequently discussed. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 873-901 Issue: 5 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802106007 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802106007 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:5:p:873-901 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Heather Montgomery Author-X-Name-First: Heather Author-X-Name-Last: Montgomery Title: Buying Innocence: child-sex tourists in Thailand Abstract: Based on ethnographic work in a small community in Thailand, this article looks at different categories of sex tourists, analysing what particular qualities they find attractive in Thai children and women. It will argue that the boundaries between tourists who have sex with children, and those who have sex with adults, are extremely permeable and that there may not always be a distinct difference between the two categories of men. Child-sex tourism does not occur in a vacuum and cannot be separated from more general social, economic and cultural concerns, which are often overlooked in analyses. There is a premium on youth among many clients of Thai prostitutes and the actual age of the child is usually irrelevant to all but a small minority of abusers. Instead a situation has developed in which women are infantilised while children are seen as precociously adult, and the distinctions between child and adult and innocence and experience are deliberately blurred. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 903-917 Issue: 5 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802106023 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802106023 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:5:p:903-917 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Donna Chambers Author-X-Name-First: Donna Author-X-Name-Last: Chambers Author-Name: Bryan McIntosh Author-X-Name-First: Bryan Author-X-Name-Last: McIntosh Title: Using Authenticity to Achieve Competitive Advantage in Medical Tourism in the English-speaking Caribbean Abstract: Medical tourism is a relatively recent global economic and political phenomenon which has assumed increasing importance for developing countries, particularly in Asia. It has been slower to develop within the context of the tourism industry in English-speaking Caribbean countries but there is evidence that the tourism policy makers in the region perceive medical tourism as a potentially lucrative niche market. However, while the potential of medical tourism has seemingly been embraced by the region's political directorate, there has been limited discussion of the extent to which this market niche can realistically provide competitive advantage for the region. The argument of this conceptual paper is that the English-speaking Caribbean cannot hope to compete successfully in the global medical tourism market with many developing world destinations in Asia, or even with other Caribbean countries such as Cuba, on factors such as low cost, staff expertise, medical technological capability, investment in healthcare facilities or even in terms of the natural resources of sun, sea and sand. Rather, in order to achieve competitive advantage the countries of the region should, on the one hand, identify and develop their unique resources and competences as they relate to medical tourism, while, on the other hand, they should exploit the demand of the postmodern tourist for authentic experiences. Both these supply and demand side issues, it is argued, can be addressed through the development of a medical tourism product that utilises the region's indigenous herbal remedies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 919-937 Issue: 5 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802106056 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802106056 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:5:p:919-937 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas Richter Author-X-Name-First: Thomas Author-X-Name-Last: Richter Author-Name: Christian Steiner Author-X-Name-First: Christian Author-X-Name-Last: Steiner Title: Politics, Economics and Tourism Development in Egypt: insights into the sectoral transformations of a neo-patrimonial rentier state Abstract: This article challenges claims that liberalising state-regulated markets in developing countries may induce lasting economic development. An analysis of the rise of tourism in Egypt during the past three decades suggests that the effects of liberalisation and structural adjustment are constrained by the neo-patrimonial character of the Egyptian political system. Since the decline of oil-rent revenues during the 1980s tourism development has been the optimal strategy to compensate for the resulting fiscal losses. Increasing tourism revenues have helped in coping with macroeconomic imbalances and in avoiding more costly adjustment of traditional economic sectors. Additionally they provided the private elite with opportunities to generate large profits. Therefore sectoral transformations resulting from economic liberalisation in neo-patrimonial rentier states should be described as a process which has led to the diversification of external rent revenues, rather than to a general downsizing of the rentier character of the economy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 939-959 Issue: 5 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802106080 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802106080 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:5:p:939-959 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ming-Huang Lee Author-X-Name-First: Ming-Huang Author-X-Name-Last: Lee Title: Tourism and Sustainable Livelihoods: the case of Taiwan Abstract: In response to increasing pressure on the agriculture sector, the Taiwan government has implemented a number of development projects, many of which focus on agricultural tourism, to help farmers diversify their sources of income. This article, applying a sustainable livelihood (sl) framework, aims to provide an understanding of the effects of pick-your-own (pyo) farms, as one type of agricultural tourism, upon farmers' livelihoods. Preliminary results indicate that the pyo farm programme has encouraged participant farmers to adopt a series of strategies to benefit from the government-led initiatives and that transforming processes (eg government policies, regulations and institutions) have significantly affected farmers' decisions on livelihood strategies. The article shows that the impact of agricultural tourism in Taiwan is highly complex and that assessment of its contribution to farmers' livelihoods cannot be limited to farm-level economic analysis. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 961-978 Issue: 5 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802106148 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802106148 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:5:p:961-978 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen Wilkinson Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Wilkinson Title: Cuba's Tourism ‘Boom’: a curse or a blessing? Abstract: The recent Cuban tourism boom has attracted great interest on both the left and right because it is perceived as a threat to the island's socialist system. The question is posed as to how far the island can accommodate millions of middle-class tourists from developed capitalist countries without this eroding the socialist values that underpin the revolution. This paper argues that the prevailing views are too pessimistic and offers reasons why Cuba might be able to absorb far more tourists than it presently does without endangering the system. It concludes that Western views of Cuba's tourist expansion do not fully take into account that its planned nature within a centralised state ensures that tourism delivers benefits that outweigh the problems it creates. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 979-993 Issue: 5 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802106189 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802106189 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:5:p:979-993 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tricia Barnett Author-X-Name-First: Tricia Author-X-Name-Last: Barnett Title: Influencing Tourism at the Grassroots Level: the role of Tourism Concern Abstract: The campaigning ngo Tourism Concern has grown from a minor irritant in the flesh of the service sector's largest industry to an acknowledged presence able to hit its mark. One of the younger members of an international network of organisations founded to raise awareness of the impacts of tourism on the marginalised, it looked to the development rather than the business paradigm in its emphasis on giving a voice to the people of the South. This article charts the evolution of Tourism Concern and describes the kind of work it does, highlighting specific campaigns on displacement in East Africa and Burma and on labour conditions among mountain porters. Some notable successes have been achieved and there is evidence that the public is taking the issues Tourism Concern raises into account in its holiday-taking behaviour. Nevertheless, progress is not assured (as demonstrated in East Africa) and current political–economic trends suggest that there is still a long way to go to end exploitation in tourism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 995-1002 Issue: 5 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802106213 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802106213 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:5:p:995-1002 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rong Huang Author-X-Name-First: Rong Author-X-Name-Last: Huang Title: Mapping Educational Tourists' Experience in the UK: understanding international students Abstract: Provision of higher education for international students has become an important source of income for Western universities and these students have attracted research attention. Based on an evaluation of international students as tourists, by conceptualising the international student experience in relation to different tourist experiences theorised in the existing tourism literature, this paper considers the experience of international students from developing countries at one British higher education institution. It reports the results gained from an empirical survey. The research indicates a high level of student satisfaction, although there is still much scope for improvement of particular facets; for example, language concerns and the mixing of UK-domiciled students with those from overseas. The conclusion focuses on the potential and implications for British universities to use the research results to highlight positive experiences and encourage good practice, and also provides some suggestions to international students on how to study and live in the UK. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1003-1020 Issue: 5 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802106247 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802106247 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:5:p:1003-1020 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Derek Hall Author-X-Name-First: Derek Author-X-Name-Last: Hall Author-Name: Frances Brown Author-X-Name-First: Frances Author-X-Name-Last: Brown Title: Finding a Way Forward: an agenda for research Abstract: This concluding paper examines issues that are seen as important for the future of tourism by drawing on key themes from the collection making up this special issue on tourism and development in the global South. Building on these, and noting some of the contradictions apparent in attempts to use tourism as an aid to development, it goes on to focus on ethics and responsibility, and education and training. As essential elements of both research and action agendas for this rapidly emerging and changing field, these should both be a priority for the future. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1021-1032 Issue: 5 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802106254 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802106254 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:5:p:1021-1032 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Notes on Contributors Journal: Pages: 835-837 Issue: 5 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802106262 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802106262 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:5:p:835-837 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Harold Goodwin Author-X-Name-First: Harold Author-X-Name-Last: Goodwin Title: Pro-poor Tourism: a response Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 869-871 Issue: 5 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802215287 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802215287 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:5:p:869-871 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jacqueline A. Ignatova Author-X-Name-First: Jacqueline A. Author-X-Name-Last: Ignatova Title: The ‘philanthropic’ gene: biocapital and the new green revolution in Africa Abstract: Climate change and population growth have prompted calls for African countries to embrace a ‘new Green Revolution’ in order to promote food security. What is ‘new’ about this new Green Revolution? What configurations of capital, the state, agribusiness, and the law define this period of agricultural transition? In this new Green Revolution, I argue, there is a proliferation of new forms of capital – biocapital and philanthrocapital – that integrate biotechnology with philanthropy to create market value. These shifts are engendered by philanthropic giving, in the form of donated genetic material for the development of ‘pro-poor’ biotechnology which normalises seed as commodity, and legislative reform that renders seed patentable material. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2258-2275 Issue: 10 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1322463 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1322463 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:10:p:2258-2275 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter Robbins Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Robbins Author-Name: Andrew Watkins Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Watkins Author-Name: David Wield Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Wield Author-Name: Gordon Wilson Author-X-Name-First: Gordon Author-X-Name-Last: Wilson Title: Development engineering meets development studies Abstract: The importance of science in development has been increasingly recognised in development discourses and policy since 2000. Engineering is less visible though engineering and engineers are important for the building and maintenance of transport, water, energy, industrial, informatics, urban and health systems. This article aims to investigate why engineering has not received more emphasis, including why development engineering has not been institutionalised like tropical medicine. It explores the nature of engineering in development, highlights recent efforts to headline engineering for development and, using analyses of what engineers know and do inside international development, suggests that its profile and effectiveness is emerging. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2187-2207 Issue: 10 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1323551 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1323551 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:10:p:2187-2207 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jason Hickel Author-X-Name-First: Jason Author-X-Name-Last: Hickel Title: Is global inequality getting better or worse? A critique of the World Bank’s convergence narrative Abstract: The dominant narrative of global income inequality is one of convergence. Recent high-profile publications by Branko Milanovic and the World Bank claim that the global Gini coefficient has declined since 1988, and that inter-country inequality has declined since 1960. But the convergence narrative relies on a misleading presentation of the data. It obscures the fact that convergence is driven mostly by China; it fails to acknowledge rising absolute inequality; and it ignores divergence between geopolitical regions. This paper suggests alternative measures that bring geopolitics back in by looking at the gap between the core and periphery of the world system. From this perspective, global inequality has tripled since 1960. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2208-2222 Issue: 10 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1333414 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1333414 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:10:p:2208-2222 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gianluca Iazzolino Author-X-Name-First: Gianluca Author-X-Name-Last: Iazzolino Author-Name: Nicole Stremlau Author-X-Name-First: Nicole Author-X-Name-Last: Stremlau Title: New media and governance in conflict Abstract: The role of new media in shaping the interactions of formal and informal leaders with their audiences is frequently misunderstood and often narrowly focussed on electoral processes and political competition. By weaving together strands of scholarship on political communication and political settlement while engaging with concepts of hybrid governance and leadership more prevalent in the African studies literature, this article takes a different, wider focus. We attempt to knit a framework that challenges normative assumptions on institutional communicative practices and considers the role of power, leadership and communications in both exacerbating and mitigating violent conflict in emerging and consolidating democracies. By bringing together disparate strands of scholarship that are rarely in dialogue, we question a characterisation that contrasts vertical mainstream media with more horizontal and inclusive social media, arguing that a more nuanced view of the political significance of these spaces is required, one that highlights their interplay and blurs the boundaries between online and offline. In doing so, the article places power at the centre of analysis to examine how entrenched relations of patronage can be left unscathed, transformed or even reinforced by networked forms of communication.  Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2242-2257 Issue: 10 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1333415 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1333415 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:10:p:2242-2257 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Emma Mawdsley Author-X-Name-First: Emma Author-X-Name-Last: Mawdsley Author-Name: Sung-Mi Kim Author-X-Name-First: Sung-Mi Author-X-Name-Last: Kim Author-Name: Danilo Marcondes Author-X-Name-First: Danilo Author-X-Name-Last: Marcondes Title: Political leadership and ‘non-traditional’ development cooperation Abstract: This article explores the relationships between (so-called) ‘non-traditional’ development cooperation (NTDC) and political leadership. Using the case studies of Brazil and South Korea, we propose that certain emblematic elements of NTDC discourse and practice can act to influence the relationship with political leaders in particular ways. These are (a) elevated language of affect, (b) interleaving of personal biographies with the developmental trajectories of states, (c) the use of NTDC to legitimise domestic policies and promote domestic political leadership, (d) the prominence of presidential diplomacy and (e) the challenges confronting rapidly expanding domestic development cooperation institutions and systems. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2171-2186 Issue: 10 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1333416 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1333416 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:10:p:2171-2186 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Denghua Zhang Author-X-Name-First: Denghua Author-X-Name-Last: Zhang Author-Name: Graeme Smith Author-X-Name-First: Graeme Author-X-Name-Last: Smith Title: China’s foreign aid system: structure, agencies, and identities Abstract: China’s rise as a (re)emerging donor has attracted attention over the last decade, with a focus on Chinese development assistance as a challenge to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) aid norms. Knowledge of China’s domestic aid structure is needed to understand Chinese aid abroad. This paper addresses gaps in the literature and challenges the accepted nostrum that China’s Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM) dominates China’s aid programme. Building on the authors’ experience as Chinese aid practitioners and scholars over more than a decade and drawing on over 300 interviews, the paper explores China’s aid decision-making processes by examining the main agencies, identities and informal interactions. We argue that the Chinese aid system is characterised by fierce and ongoing competition for influence among actors, especially MOFCOM, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the Ministry of Finance (MoF), as well as the companies responsible for implementing Chinese aid projects. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2330-2346 Issue: 10 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1333419 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1333419 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:10:p:2330-2346 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Billie Jeanne Brownlee Author-X-Name-First: Billie Jeanne Author-X-Name-Last: Brownlee Title: Media development in Syria: the Janus-faced nature of foreign aid assistance Abstract: This article intends to provide responses to some of the many unanswered questions about the making and the transformation of the uprising in Syria by exploring a new avenue of research: media development aid. Most academic interest has been oriented towards the role that the new media played at the time of the uprising; insufficient interest, by contrast, has been directed to the development of the sector in the years predating it. What emerges from this article is that the Syrian media landscape was strongly supported by international development aid during the years prior to the outbreak of the uprising of 2011. By looking at the complex structure of media aid architecture and investigating the practices and programmes implemented by some representative organisations, this article reflects on the field of media development as a new modus operandi of the West (the EU and US especially), to promote democracy through alternative and non-collateral, bottom-up support. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2276-2294 Issue: 10 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1333420 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1333420 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:10:p:2276-2294 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Isaac Lawther Author-X-Name-First: Isaac Author-X-Name-Last: Lawther Title: Why African countries are interested in building agricultural partnerships with China: lessons from Rwanda and Uganda Abstract: Ten years ago, China and several African countries began to develop agricultural training centres, and opened the door for a cascade of optimism and pessimism on why China is interested in developing agricultural partnerships in Africa. Seldom has the appeal of such partnerships for African countries been explored, hence limiting our capacity to fully understand the dynamics of Sino–African agricultural relations. This article addresses the issue by examining why some African countries are interested in partnering with China in agricultural development. This article is based on 44 interviews that were conducted in 2015 at the Sino–African agricultural training centres in Rwanda and Uganda. I argue that Rwanda and Uganda seek to partner with China, as China can offer intermediary agricultural technologies that enable these respective countries to implement aspects of their domestic agricultural development plans. The article also provides reason to challenge the existing optimistic and pessimistic conventions about Sino–African agricultural affairs. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2312-2329 Issue: 10 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1333889 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1333889 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:10:p:2312-2329 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christopher May Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Author-X-Name-Last: May Title: : 40 years on Abstract: In light of the 2014 Ecuador-sponsored resolution at the UN Human Rights Council to examine the link between Transnational Corporations and Human Rights, in this paper I review the first major discussion at the United Nations of the role of multinational corporations. The report on Multinational Corporations in World Development (1973) for the UN Department of Economic and Social affair launched the (then) new UN Centre on Transnational Corporations. I examine the report in some detail, compare and contrast this with the Ecuadorian resolution from 2014, and reflect on the continuities and changes in attempts to regulate the conduct of global corporations over the 40 years between these two moments. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2223-2241 Issue: 10 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1350098 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1350098 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:10:p:2223-2241 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bernabé H. Malacalza Author-X-Name-First: Bernabé H. Author-X-Name-Last: Malacalza Title: A look inside an emerging nuclear supplier. Advocacy coalitions and change in Argentine foreign nuclear policy Abstract: What light can foreign policy analysis (FPA) shed on how and when the balance of power between domestic coalitions in foreign nuclear policymaking changes and how these different balances directly affect policy outcomes? Drawing on interviews with scientists, technologists and career diplomats, this comprehensive examination of Argentine nuclear exports policy as public policy aims to depict when and how policies varied between 1976 and 2004, due to shifts in the balance amongst advocacy coalitions, albeit of incentives and constraints placed by international and institutional nuclear environments. The article provides a better account of how Argentine nuclear foreign policy changed under the influence of four competitive and contrasting advocacy coalitions: the pro-import substitution and protectionist coalition, the pro-technological autonomy and South-South trade coalition, the pro-business and commercial openness coalition and the antinuclear and pro-environment coalition. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2295-2311 Issue: 10 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1350100 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1350100 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:10:p:2295-2311 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anna Reuss Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Reuss Author-Name: Kristof Titeca Author-X-Name-First: Kristof Author-X-Name-Last: Titeca Title: When revolutionaries grow old: the Museveni babies and the slow death of the liberation Abstract: The liberation struggle plays a crucial role in providing legitimacy for post-liberation regimes. This was the case for the Museveni regime, for whom the liberation argument provided strong moral authority, and a legitimising foundation for its patronage and coercion strategies. But what happens when the liberation argument ‘grows old’, i.e. when the liberation generation elite starts to die or defect, and the young population is no longer impressed by the liberation argument? This article argues that in response to this changing situation, the Museveni regime almost exclusively relies on patronage and coercion, yet is increasingly devoid of the legitimising liberation foundation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2347-2366 Issue: 10 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1350101 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1350101 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:10:p:2347-2366 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gerasimos Tsourapas Author-X-Name-First: Gerasimos Author-X-Name-Last: Tsourapas Title: Migration diplomacy in the Global South: cooperation, coercion and issue linkage in Gaddafi’s Libya Abstract: Despite a recent resurgence in research on the politics of migration, foreign policy analysts have yet to approach cross-border population mobility as a distinct field of inquiry. Particularly within the Global South, scant work has theorised the interplay between migration and interstate bargaining. This article proposes the framework of migration diplomacy to examine how mobility features in states’ issue-linkage strategies, in both cooperative and coercive contexts. Drawing on Arabic, French and English primary sources, it empirically demonstrates the salience of its framework through an analysis of Libya’s migration diplomacy towards its Arab, African and European neighbours under Muammar Gaddafi. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2367-2385 Issue: 10 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1350102 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1350102 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:10:p:2367-2385 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Benjamin Selwyn Author-X-Name-First: Benjamin Author-X-Name-Last: Selwyn Title: Global value chains and human development: a class-relational framework Abstract: Global Value Chain (GVC) proponents argue that regional and human development can be achieved through ‘strategic coupling’ with transnational corporations. This argument is misleading for two reasons. First, GVC abstracts firm–firm and firm–state relations from their class-relational basis, obscuring fundamental developmental processes. Second, much GVC analysis promotes linear conceptions of development. This article provides a class-relational framework for GVC analysis. The formation and functioning of GVCs and the developmental effects associated with them are products of histories of evolving, and often conflictive, class relations. A study of export fruiticulture in Northeast Brazil provides empirical support for these arguments. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1768-1786 Issue: 10 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1156484 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1156484 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:10:p:1768-1786 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Owen Miller Author-X-Name-First: Owen Author-X-Name-Last: Miller Title: War, the state and the formation of the North Korean industrial working class, 1931–60 Abstract: This article examines how Koreans became industrial workers in the first and second phases of industrialisation on the peninsula: under Japanese colonial rule, 1931–45 and under the DPRK’s post-Korean War heavy industrialisation, 1953–60. While the political regimes of the Japanese colony and postcolonial DPRK were different, industrialisation occurred under similar conditions, characterised principally by war, state capitalism and imperialism. Processes of proletarianisation also reveal similarities in the two periods, including the widespread use of forced mobilisation and immobilisation of workers, and a bureaucratic apparatus supporting close control of labour. The article contributes to the critique of conventional views about the role of ‘free wage labour’ during the transition to capitalism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1901-1920 Issue: 10 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1171707 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1171707 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:10:p:1901-1920 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jeffery R. Webber Author-X-Name-First: Jeffery R. Author-X-Name-Last: Webber Title: Evo Morales and the political economy of passive revolution in Bolivia, 2006–15 Abstract: While the government of Evo Morales rules in the name of indigenous workers and peasants, in fact the country’s political economy has since 2006 witnessed the on-going subjugation of these classes. If the logic of large capital persists, it is legitimated in and through petty indigenous capitalists. This article argues that Antonio Gramsci’s conceptualisation of passive revolution offers a superior analytical point of departure for understanding contemporary Bolivian politics than does Álvaro García Linera’s more widely accepted theory of creative tensions. However, the dominant manner in which passive revolution has been employed in contemporary Latin American debates has treated the socio-political and the ideological as relatively autonomous from the process of capital accumulation. What is necessary, instead, is a sharper appreciation of the base/superstructure metaphor as expressing a dialectical unity of internal relations between ‘the economic’ and ‘the political’, thus avoiding one determinism or another. Through a reading of Gramsci that emphasises such unity, this article interrogates the dynamics of ‘extractive distribution’, class contradictions of the ‘plural economy’, and transformations in the urban labour market which have characterised Bolivia’s passive revolution under Evo Morales between 2006 and 2015. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1855-1876 Issue: 10 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1175296 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1175296 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:10:p:1855-1876 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Demet Ş. Dinler Author-X-Name-First: Demet Ş. Author-X-Name-Last: Dinler Title: New forms of wage labour and struggle in the informal sector: the case of waste pickers in Turkey Abstract: In the absence of formal employment opportunities and with increasing urban and rural poverty, the informal recycling sector has become a means of survival for the past two decades in Turkey. In the capital city, Ankara, the large majority of waste pickers constitute former dispossessed Kurdish farmers who migrated to the city with their families from the southeastern regions as a result of forced migration, and seasonal Kurdish workers who alternate between rural and urban employment. The introduction of new waste management regulations in 2004 made the recycling market a significant area of struggle between local authorities, recycling companies and waste pickers. Local authorities have used these regulations to force waste pickers to sell their waste to certain recycling companies at a price lower than the market price. Waste pickers have reclaimed their right to work in the streets against the violence executed by the municipal police. This paper investigates the ways in which waste pickers should be considered wage labourers and what kind of a moral discourse they have used in making their demands vis-à-vis local governments during the process of intense conflict and negotiation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1834-1854 Issue: 10 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1175934 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1175934 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:10:p:1834-1854 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alessandra Mezzadri Author-X-Name-First: Alessandra Author-X-Name-Last: Mezzadri Title: Class, gender and the sweatshop: on the nexus between labour commodification and exploitation Abstract: Drawing on approaches to class emphasising the multiplicity of labour relations at work under capitalism, and from feminist insights on oppression and social reproduction, this paper illustrates the interconnection between processes of class formation and patriarchal norms in globalised production circuits. The analysis emphasises the nexus between the commodification and exploitation of women’s labour, and how it structures gendered wage differentials, labour control and the high ‘disposability’ of women’s work. The analysis develops these arguments by exploring the case of the Indian garment industry and its gendered sweatshop regime. It illustrates how commodification and exploitation interplay in factory and home-based realms, and discusses how an approach on class premised on social reproduction changes the social perimeters of what we understand as labour ‘unfreedom’ and labour struggles. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1877-1900 Issue: 10 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1180239 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1180239 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:10:p:1877-1900 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Helena Pérez Niño Author-X-Name-First: Helena Author-X-Name-Last: Pérez Niño Title: Class dynamics in contract farming: the case of tobacco production in Mozambique Abstract: This paper examines the class relations emerging in a contract farming scheme in Mozambique. Debates in the literature about contract farming characterise this market arrangement as leading to farmers losing control over production at the hands of capital. By discussing both the drivers and impacts of changes in the division of property and labour, this paper reveals a complex class structure in which the pressure of merchant capital on farmers is internalized within households and transferred onto workers and sharecroppers. This challenges the pertinence of conventional policy that prescribes empowering contract farmers without considering their varied class positions and interests. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1787-1808 Issue: 10 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1180956 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1180956 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:10:p:1787-1808 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jonathan Pattenden Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan Author-X-Name-Last: Pattenden Title: Working at the margins of global production networks: local labour control regimes and rural-based labourers in South India Abstract: This article analyses why informal labourers working ‘at the margins’ of global production networks lack ‘structural’ and ‘associational’ power. It does so in order to better understand potential changes in their material and political conditions, and as part of broader calls to put labour at the centre of development studies. The article focuses on rural-based labourers in south India who work relatively invisibly as agricultural labourers and informal factory workers, and on the construction sites of a ‘global city’ (Bangalore). It deploys a three-way labour control regime framework that encompasses (1) the macro-labour control regime, which is ultimately defined by capitalist relations of production, and characterised in India by particularly high levels of informality (precarious and largely unregulated work) and segmentation (due to the fragmentary impact of caste); (2) the local labour control regime, which refers to how class relations in specific places are shaped by patterns of accumulation and work (themselves shaped by differences in agro-ecology, irrigation, and remoteness from non-agricultural labour markets), distributions of classes and castes, and the uneven presence of the state; and (3) the labour process, which is increasingly marked by forms of ‘remote control’ marshalled by labour intermediaries. Debate on the macro-labour control regime and on the labour process is well established, but little has been said about local labour control regimes, which are newly defined here and discussed in terms of differences between ‘wetland/circulation zones’ and ‘dryland/commuting zones’. The article identifies locations where labour has greater potential structural and associational power. Increased worker organisation in these areas could have knock-on effects in more ‘obscure’ sites. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1809-1833 Issue: 10 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1191939 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1191939 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:10:p:1809-1833 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Satoshi Miyamura Author-X-Name-First: Satoshi Author-X-Name-Last: Miyamura Title: Diverse trajectories of industrial restructuring and labour organising in India Abstract: It is often claimed that industrial restructuring leads to diminished roles for trade unionism and other forms of labour organisations by informalising employment and relocating production. Drawing on selected case studies from long-term fieldwork in regions of India, this article shows that trajectories of industrial restructuring and the responses by organised labour over the past two decades have been diverse. It is argued that the diverse response not only reflects structural opportunities and constraints for labour to be organised in particular ways, but also different histories and experiences of labour association. Contrary to the presumption about the general demise of trade unionism and the apparent unattainability of class solidarity in contemporary globalised capitalism, it is observed that India’s labour movement is experiencing a degree of resurgence, and new forms of labour organisations and activism are emerging, especially involving informal workers in the formal sector. That these innovative forms of mobilisation are shaped by experiences and aspirations that do not conform to the established institutionalised frameworks for dispute resolution has important policy and political implications. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1921-1941 Issue: 10 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1198228 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1198228 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:10:p:1921-1941 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Liam Campling Author-X-Name-First: Liam Author-X-Name-Last: Campling Author-Name: Satoshi Miyamura Author-X-Name-First: Satoshi Author-X-Name-Last: Miyamura Author-Name: Jonathan Pattenden Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan Author-X-Name-Last: Pattenden Author-Name: Benjamin Selwyn Author-X-Name-First: Benjamin Author-X-Name-Last: Selwyn Title: Class dynamics of development: a methodological note Abstract: This article argues that class relations are constitutive of development processes and central to understanding inequality within and between countries. Class is conceived as arising out of exploitative social relations of production, but is formulated through and expressed by multiple determinations. The article illustrates and explains the diversity of forms of class relations, and the ways in which they interplay with other social relations of dominance and subordination, such as gender and ethnicity. This is part of a wider project to revitalise class analysis in the study of development problems and experiences. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1745-1767 Issue: 10 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1200440 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1200440 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:10:p:1745-1767 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christopher Clapham Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Author-X-Name-Last: Clapham Title: The Ethiopian developmental state Abstract: Ethiopia provides one of the clearest examples of a ‘developmental state’ in Africa. Drawing on a deeply entrenched experience of statehood, the present Ethiopian regime has embarked on an ambitious programme, depending on the central capture of ‘rents’, to fund a massive expansion especially in communications, education, and hydroelectricity. High initial rates of growth have been achieved. However, the political setting is tightly constrained and the state has not allowed the private sector freedom of action to generate the required levels of production. Ultimate success will depend on the capacity to transform a state that has itself been central to the development process. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1151-1165 Issue: 6 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1328982 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1328982 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:6:p:1151-1165 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christopher Wylde Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Author-X-Name-Last: Wylde Title: Twenty-first century developmental states? Argentina under the Kirchners Abstract: Can the policies pursued by successful examples of developmental states be transferred to other countries under current global conditions? This question has represented one of the key concerns of the academic community in the wake of this reinterpretation of East Asian developmental success. This article will contribute to both the Latin American literature and the developmental state literature simultaneously and symbiotically, through arguing that Argentina in the period 2003–2015 represents an excellent empirical opportunity to revisit key debates associated with the concern of transferable lessons from the original East Asian developmental state experience. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1115-1132 Issue: 6 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1333418 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1333418 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:6:p:1115-1132 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jewellord Nem Singh Author-X-Name-First: Jewellord Author-X-Name-Last: Nem Singh Author-Name: Geoffrey C. Chen Author-X-Name-First: Geoffrey C. Author-X-Name-Last: Chen Title: State-owned enterprises and the political economy of state–state relations in the developing world Abstract: The literature on developmental states has built theories of growth-enhancing strategies through a mutually constitutive state–business relationship and institutionalised expertise through a professional bureaucracy. Whilst most evidence bears on the East Asian context, recent empirical work has focussed on state agency and new industrial policies in response to global market integration. Our paper contributes to this debate by exploring multiple patterns of state enterprise reforms that have enabled governments to generate competitive domestic firms. These reforms, then, lead to new theoretical insights as regards the diverse institutional arrangements co-constituting state–state relationships across countries and sectors. Overall, the paper views state-owned enterprises (SOEs) as complex organisations that bear new developmental capacities rather than vessels of rent-seeking interests. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1077-1097 Issue: 6 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1333888 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1333888 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:6:p:1077-1097 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jennifer Hsu Author-X-Name-First: Jennifer Author-X-Name-Last: Hsu Title: The developmental state of the twenty-first century: accounting for state and society Abstract: As development is no longer simply conceived of as economic growth, but also as encapsulating human development, the role of the developmental state must be rethought. Focusing on the state’s ability to deliver collective goods such as welfare has become an important task for developing and developed nations alike, and nowhere is this more important than in China. Consequently, intimate connections between the political and industrial elites are no longer sufficient and may actually be counterproductive to the success of the developmental state. Diverging from traditional developmental states, China shows that incorporation of new stakeholders is not premised on principles of human development. The novelty that China brings to re-thinking and re-articulating a new developmental state framework is that the development state of the twenty-first century can create new alliances such as with non-governmental organisations to meet human development objectives, but substantive change with regards to how the state is organised is not a precondition. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1098-1114 Issue: 6 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1357115 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1357115 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:6:p:1098-1114 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jesse Salah Ovadia Author-X-Name-First: Jesse Salah Author-X-Name-Last: Ovadia Author-Name: Christina Wolf Author-X-Name-First: Christina Author-X-Name-Last: Wolf Title: Studying the developmental state: theory and method in research on industrial policy and state-led development in Africa Abstract: This paper examines theoretical and methodological issues in the study of African developmental states. We argue that applying this concept beyond East Asia must take into account changes in the global economic context – in particular systemic tendencies towards deficient consumer demand – to uncover the conditions under which demand for commodity production remains or becomes expansionary. We further argue for a mixed methods case study approach to structural transformation, blending quantitative and qualitative evidence at multiple levels of analysis. The examples of concrete manufacturing and oil and gas in Nigeria and Tanzania illustrate our approach to researching state-led development in Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1056-1076 Issue: 6 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1368382 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1368382 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:6:p:1056-1076 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christopher M. Dent Author-X-Name-First: Christopher M. Author-X-Name-Last: Dent Title: East Asia’s new developmentalism: state capacity, climate change and low-carbon development Abstract: This paper argues that to understand the relevance of developmental states in East Asia and elsewhere, we need to focus on the changing development agenda in the early twenty-first century, especially how this connects with the global challenge of climate change and thereby sustainable, low-carbon development. It combines theories on state capacity and ecological modernisation to form the ‘new developmentalism’ concept. This is applied to study revitalised and refocused forms of state capacity aimed at realising the transformative economic objectives associated with sustainable development. New developmentalism helps us understand not only current state capacity practice in a climate challenged world but also how we have moved beyond original conceptions of developmental statism. It may be understood in the wider context of the sustainable development agenda and climate interventionism. As is argued, new developmentalism is most clearly evident in East Asia but can be applied in a wider geographic sense where strong forms of developmental state capacity are exercised towards meeting transformative sustainable development goals. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1191-1210 Issue: 6 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1388740 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1388740 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:6:p:1191-1210 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Richard Saunders Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Saunders Author-Name: Alexander Caramento Author-X-Name-First: Alexander Author-X-Name-Last: Caramento Title: An extractive developmental state in Southern Africa? The cases of Zambia and Zimbabwe Abstract: In recent years, an upturn in international commodity markets and the poor development performance of mineral rich African countries have catalysed the resurgence of debate and policy initiatives focused on extractivist models of growth in southern Africa. Beginning with debates on the ‘resource curse’, the East Asian developmental state and ‘developmental patrimonialism’, we extend the discussion to consider key unique challenges in contemporary African states: questions of finance and debt leverage, foreign capital domination and the problematic legacy of neoliberal structural adjustment. We consider the cases of Zambia and Zimbabwe, two countries heavily reliant on mining, in which current policy interventions have sought to anchor developmental state ambitions in the restructuring of the minerals sector. These cases illuminate the significance of current developmentalist politics in southern Africa, and underscore their specificity and constraints. Developmentalist projects are unlikely to succeed in the short term, but retain importance as emerging points of critique of neoliberal states in transition. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1166-1190 Issue: 6 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1409072 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1409072 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:6:p:1166-1190 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Aki Tonami Author-X-Name-First: Aki Author-X-Name-Last: Tonami Title: Exporting the developmental state: Japan’s economic diplomacy in the Arctic Abstract: Japan remains a developmental state where the state guides and oversees economic development, and the strong bureaucracy and businesses in turn complement each other in leading and shaping policies to achieve developmental goals. Japan retains the institutions deemed necessary to enhance the cooperative behaviour of the bureaucracy, businesses and politicians, and norms about what is important in order for an interventionist state to implement policies aimed at achieving economic development and the autonomy of the state. Externally, Japan has practised economic diplomacy with tools such as development assistance to achieve its economic security and to promote the developmental state model abroad. The process of making foreign policy contextualised and reinforced the norms, for both Japan’s domestic and international audiences. Japan today tries to promote science and technology as a main catalyst for creating industries and supporting its domestic, export-oriented economy. This is based on Japan’s own interpretation of its historical path and economic success and is also used to justify its engagement in the Arctic, a region where Japan does not have any sovereign territories. Japan’s Arctic policy is as an extension of its economic diplomacy and an attempt to export the Japanese developmental state model. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1211-1225 Issue: 6 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1415142 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1415142 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:6:p:1211-1225 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jewellord Nem Singh Author-X-Name-First: Jewellord Author-X-Name-Last: Nem Singh Author-Name: Jesse Salah Ovadia Author-X-Name-First: Jesse Salah Author-X-Name-Last: Ovadia Title: The theory and practice of building developmental states in the Global South Abstract: Reviewing decades of thinking regarding the role of the state in economic development, we argue for the continued relevance of the concept of the ‘developmental state’. With reference to Argentina, Brazil, Ethiopia, Rwanda and China, we contend that new developmental states are evidence of a move beyond the historical experience of East Asian development. Further, we argue for the applicability of the developmental state framework to key questions of governance, institution building, industrial policy and the extractive industries, as well as to a wide variety of cases of successful and failed state-led development in the early twenty-first century. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1033-1055 Issue: 6 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1455143 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1455143 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:6:p:1033-1055 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Eliza Massi Author-X-Name-First: Eliza Author-X-Name-Last: Massi Author-Name: Jewellord Nem Singh Author-X-Name-First: Jewellord Author-X-Name-Last: Nem Singh Title: Industrial policy and state-making: Brazil’s attempt at oil-based industrial development Abstract: This paper examines the changing strategies of developmental states using Brazil’s oil-based industrial policy as a case study. We analyse the relationship between the state, Petrobras and industrial elites in the context of Brazil’s renewed emphasis on sector-specific industrial development strategy. Taking stock and re-examining the developmental state model, we suggest that developmental states are inherently political, particularly their bureaucracy and state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and that money politics is intricately woven into state-guided high growth regimes. Given the difficulty of privatisation as a solution to SOE (mis)governance, the challenge for Brazil is to mediate extreme political interventions that have eroded Petrobras’ autonomy in the past and to sustain institutional capacity to direct rents towards investment and innovation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1133-1150 Issue: 6 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1455144 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1455144 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:6:p:1133-1150 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Clara Mi Young Park Author-X-Name-First: Clara Mi Young Author-X-Name-Last: Park Author-Name: Ben White Author-X-Name-First: Ben Author-X-Name-Last: White Author-Name: Julia Author-X-Name-First: Author-X-Name-Last: Julia Title: We are not all the same: taking gender seriously in food sovereignty discourse Abstract: The vision of food sovereignty calls for radical changes in agricultural, political and social systems related to food. These changes also entail addressing inequalities and asymmetries of power in gender relations. While women’s rights are seen as central to food sovereignty, given the key role women play in food production, procurement and preparation, family food security, and food culture, few attempts have been made to systematically integrate gender in food sovereignty analysis. This paper uses case studies of corporate agricultural expansion to highlight the different dynamics of incorporation and struggle in relation to women’s and men’s different position, class and endowments. These contribute to processes of social differentiation and class formation, creating rural communities more complex and antagonistic than those sketched in food sovereignty discourse and neo-populist claims of peasant egalitarianism, cooperation and solidarity. Proponents of food sovereignty need to address gender systematically, as a strategic element of its construct and not only as a mobilising ideology. Further, if food sovereignty is to have an intellectual future within critical agrarian studies, it must reconcile the inherent contradictions of the ‘we are all the same’ discourse, taking analysis of social differences as a starting point. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 584-599 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1002988 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1002988 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:3:p:584-599 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: A. Haroon Akram-Lodhi Author-X-Name-First: A. Haroon Author-X-Name-Last: Akram-Lodhi Title: Accelerating towards food sovereignty Abstract: Rural social movements and urban food activists have sought to build food sovereignty because it has the potential to be the foundation of an alternative food system, transcending the deep-seated social, economic and ecological contradictions of the global food economy. However, continuing to build food sovereignty requires changes to global and local food systems that have to be undertaken in the messy reality of the present. This article therefore presents a series of wide-ranging, politically challenging but ultimately feasible interventions that are necessary but not sufficient conditions for its realisation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 563-583 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1002989 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1002989 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:3:p:563-583 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christopher M. Bacon Author-X-Name-First: Christopher M. Author-X-Name-Last: Bacon Title: Food sovereignty, food security and fair trade: the case of an influential Nicaraguan smallholder cooperative Abstract: The relationships among trade, food sovereignty and food security are underexplored. I conducted qualitative research with an influential cooperative to identify lessons that food sovereignty (FS) scholars could learn from fair trade and food security, and explore linkages among these projects. First, most co-op leaders and farmers view these projects as complementary, not contradictory. Second, state-led agrarian reforms and co-ops increase access to land, markets, water, forests and pasture, which have reduced – but not eliminated – seasonal hunger. Third, these diversified fair trade coffee-exporting smallholders could be part of a FS agenda. However, the split in fair trade suggests that only specific versions of fair trade are compatible with FS. Fourth, capable cooperatives can enhance fair trade and FS goals, and food security outcomes. Fifth, organised smallholders resisting the fair trade split could learn from the FS social movement’s strategies. Food insecurity remains a persistent challenge to both approaches. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 469-488 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1002991 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1002991 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:3:p:469-488 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tanya M. Kerssen Author-X-Name-First: Tanya M. Author-X-Name-Last: Kerssen Title: Food sovereignty and the quinoa boom: challenges to sustainable re-peasantisation in the southern Altiplano of Bolivia Abstract: In the last three decades, quinoa has gone from a globally obscure food to an internationally traded product with rising global consumer demand. This transformation has had complex social and ecological impacts on the indigenous agropastoral communities of the southern Altiplano region of Bolivia. This article analyses the role that global quinoa markets have played in the repopulation and revitalisation of this region, previously hollowed out by out-migration. Yet, it also points to a number of local tensions and contradictions generated or magnified by this process, as peasants struggle to harness the quinoa boom as a force of ‘sustainable re-peasantisation’ and ‘living well’. Finally, the article suggests that the food sovereignty movement should place greater emphasis on examining the culturally and historically specific challenges facing re-peasantisation in particular places. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 489-507 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1002992 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1002992 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:3:p:489-507 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Wendy Godek Author-X-Name-First: Wendy Author-X-Name-Last: Godek Title: Challenges for food sovereignty policy making: the case of Nicaragua’s Law 693 Abstract: Food sovereignty policy initiatives face significant challenges in their quest to be approved. This article examines the case of Nicaragua’s Law 693, the Law of Food and Nutritional Sovereignty and Security, which was passed in 2009. Drawing on empirical research, the article details the initial stages of the policy-making process – from the origins and development of the proposal for a food sovereignty law to its introduction and initial deliberation by the National Assembly to the breakdown in the approval process because of conflict over the law’s content. Using theoretical insights from the food sovereignty and food security policy literature, Law 693 is examined, noting key limitations food sovereignty faced during the policy-making process. The study finds that the strength and force of national food sovereignty discourses, the ability of food sovereignty advocates to convince others of the legitimacy and viability of the food sovereignty approach, and the willingness of the state to create the necessary conditions to foster food sovereignty are all important factors when evaluating the potential for food sovereignty to be successfully adopted into public policies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 526-543 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1005437 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1005437 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:3:p:526-543 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alberto Alonso-Fradejas Author-X-Name-First: Alberto Author-X-Name-Last: Alonso-Fradejas Author-Name: Saturnino M. Borras Author-X-Name-First: Saturnino M. Author-X-Name-Last: Borras Author-Name: Todd Holmes Author-X-Name-First: Todd Author-X-Name-Last: Holmes Author-Name: Eric Holt-Giménez Author-X-Name-First: Eric Author-X-Name-Last: Holt-Giménez Author-Name: Martha Jane Robbins Author-X-Name-First: Martha Jane Author-X-Name-Last: Robbins Title: Food sovereignty: convergence and contradictions, conditions and challenges Abstract: This article introduces this special collection on food sovereignty. It frames the collection in relation to a broader political and intellectual initiative that aims to deepen academic discussions on food sovereignty. Building upon previous and parallel initiatives in ‘engaged academic research’ and following the tradition of ‘critical dialogue’ among activists and academics, we have identified four key themes – all focusing on the contradictions, dilemmas and challenges confronting future research – that we believe contribute to further advancing the conversation around food sovereignty: (1) dynamics within and between social groups in rural and urban, global North–South contexts; (2) flex crops and commodities, market insertion and long-distance trade; (3) territorial restructuring, land and food sovereignty; and (4) the localisation problematique. We conclude with a glance at the future research challenges at international, national and local scales, as well as at the links between them, while emphasising the continuing relevance of a critical dialogue between food sovereignty activists and engaged scholars. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 431-448 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1023567 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1023567 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:3:p:431-448 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Louis Thiemann Author-X-Name-First: Louis Author-X-Name-Last: Thiemann Title: Operationalising food sovereignty through an investment lens: how agro-ecology is putting ‘big push theory’ back on the table Abstract: A central question in the current debate on food sovereignty concerns the concepts and approaches to assist and frame the operationalisation of its agendas for peasant-based agricultural development. Another is the search for inclusive methods and language to discuss these operational, ‘territorial’ agendas with potential constituents. This paper argues that both questions call for an investment lens, a complementary approach within food sovereignty that proposes and discusses investments rather than political demands. Decolonial epistemology will treat existing investment lenses critically; however, in doing so it also urges new perspectives on what constitutes investment, the categories of cost involved, and the measurements employed. In following the rationale of investment in agro-ecological theory and practice, the paper next argues that the reconstruction of ‘big push theory’ outside the ‘modernisation’ paradigm that once produced it is possible, and that formulation and discussion of big push strategies could reclaim a space within critical agrarian studies. Big push theory offers a frame for the consistent critique of ‘silver bullet’ development projects through the study of negative feedback loops; and a frame for the study of positive feedback loops, which crucially underlie the proposals of food sovereignty movements for broad, integrated changes in agrarian systems. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 544-562 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1023568 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1023568 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:3:p:544-562 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Zoe W. Brent Author-X-Name-First: Zoe W. Author-X-Name-Last: Brent Author-Name: Christina M. Schiavoni Author-X-Name-First: Christina M. Author-X-Name-Last: Schiavoni Author-Name: Alberto Alonso-Fradejas Author-X-Name-First: Alberto Author-X-Name-Last: Alonso-Fradejas Title: Contextualising food sovereignty: the politics of convergence among movements in the USA Abstract: As food sovereignty spreads to new realms that dramatically diverge from the agrarian context in which it was originally conceived, this raises new challenges, as well as opportunities, for already complex transnational agrarian movements. In the face of such challenges calls for convergence have increasingly been put forward as a strategy for building political power. Looking at the US case, we argue that historically rooted resistance efforts for agrarian justice, food justice and immigrant labour justice across the food system are not only drawing inspiration from food sovereignty, but helping to shape what food sovereignty means in the USA. By digging into the histories of these resistance efforts, we can better understand the divides that exist as well as the potential for and politics of convergence. The US case thus offers important insights, especially into the roles of race and immigration in the politics of convergence that might strengthen the global movement for food sovereignty as it expands to new contexts and seeks to engage with new constituencies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 618-635 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1023570 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1023570 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:3:p:618-635 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Martha Jane Robbins Author-X-Name-First: Martha Jane Author-X-Name-Last: Robbins Title: Exploring the ‘localisation’ dimension of food sovereignty Abstract: The ‘localisation’ narrative is at the heart of food sovereignty in theory and practice, in reaction to the ‘distance’ dimension in the dominant industrial food system. But while it is a central element in food sovereignty, it is under-theorised and largely unproblematised. Using the theoretical concepts of food regime analysis, uneven geographical development and metabolic rift, the author presents an exploratory discussion on the localisation dimension of food sovereignty, arguing that not all local food systems are a manifestation of food sovereignty nor do they all help build the alternative model that food sovereignty proposes. The paper differentiates local food systems by examining character, method and scale and illustrates how local food systems rarely meet the ideal type of either food sovereignty or the capitalist industrial model. In order to address five forms of distance inherent in the global industrial food system, localisation is a necessary but not sufficient condition for food sovereignty. A more comprehensive food sovereignty needs to be constructed and may still be constrained by the context of capitalism and mediated by the social movements whence it comes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 449-468 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1024966 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1024966 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:3:p:449-468 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Saturnino M. Borras Author-X-Name-First: Saturnino M. Author-X-Name-Last: Borras Author-Name: Jennifer C. Franco Author-X-Name-First: Jennifer C. Author-X-Name-Last: Franco Author-Name: Sofía Monsalve Suárez Author-X-Name-First: Sofía Monsalve Author-X-Name-Last: Suárez Title: Land and food sovereignty Abstract: Land and food politics are intertwined. Efforts to construct food sovereignty often involve struggles to (re)constitute democratic systems of land access and control. The relationship is two-way: democratic land control may be effected but, without a strategic rebooting of the broader agricultural and food system, such democratisation may fizzle out and revert back to older or trigger newer forms of land monopoly. While we reaffirm the relevance of land reform, we point out its limitations, including its inability to capture the wide array of land questions confronting those implicated in the political project of food sovereignty. Our idea of the land framework of food sovereignty, described as ‘democratic land control’ or ‘land sovereignty’, with working peoples’ right to land at its core, is outlined, with a normative frame to kick-start a debate and possible agenda for future research. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 600-617 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1029225 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1029225 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:3:p:600-617 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Giuliano Martiniello Author-X-Name-First: Giuliano Author-X-Name-Last: Martiniello Title: Food sovereignty as praxis: rethinking the food question in Uganda Abstract: This article critically reflects upon conceptual and analytical questions that affect the practical implementation of food sovereignty in Uganda, a country often labelled as the potential breadbasket of Africa. It proposes to look at the integration of food and land-based social relations in the context of localised and historical–geographical specificities of livelihood practices among Acholi peasants in northern Uganda as a way to ground the concept. It argues that many of the organising principles at the core of the food sovereignty paradigm are inscribed in the socio-cultural and ecological practices of peasant populations in northern Uganda. Yet these practices are taking place in an increasingly adverse national and international environment, and under circumstances transmitted from the past, which enormously challenge their implementation and jeopardise the future of food security and sovereignty prospects for peasant agriculture. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 508-525 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1029233 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1029233 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:3:p:508-525 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Simon Darnell Author-X-Name-First: Simon Author-X-Name-Last: Darnell Author-Name: David Black Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Black Title: Mainstreaming Sport into International Development Studies Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 367-378 Issue: 3 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.573934 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.573934 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:3:p:367-378 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Richard Giulianotti Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Giulianotti Author-Name: Gary Armstrong Author-X-Name-First: Gary Author-X-Name-Last: Armstrong Title: Sport, the Military and Peacemaking: history and possibilities Abstract: This paper examines the role and contribution of peacemaking to the wider sport, development and peace (sdp) sector. Particular attention is paid to a hitherto under-explored subject: the complex position of the military vis-à-vis sport and sport-related peacekeeping. Through an historical overview of the sport–military intersection, reference to fieldwork in Bosnia and Liberia, and a brief examination of the Conseil Internationale du Sport Militaire, some critical and cautious conclusions are put forth. We suggest that sport-based peacemaking interventions provide the military with a new kind of institutional function, and fresh ways of building positive social links to civilian populations. However, such engagement is only possible if full dialogical engagement between civilians and peacekeeping forces is established, in which the military adapt their practices to suit the local cultural context. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 379-394 Issue: 3 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.573935 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.573935 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:3:p:379-394 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christopher Dyck Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Author-X-Name-Last: Dyck Title: Football and Post-War Reintegration: exploring the role of sport in DDR processes in Sierra Leone Abstract: Growing enthusiasm for ‘Sport for development and peace’ (sdp) projects around the world has created a much greater interest among critical scholars seeking to interrogate potential gains, extant limitations and challenges of using sport to advance ‘development’ and ‘peace’ in Africa. Despite this interest, the role of sport in post-conflict peace building remains poorly understood. Since peace building, as a field of study, lends itself to practical approaches that seek to address underlying sources of violent conflict, it is surprising that it has neglected to take an interest in sport, especially its grassroots models. In Africa, football (soccer) in particular has a strong appeal because of its popularity and ability to mobilise individuals and communities. Through a case study on Sierra Leone, this paper focuses on sports in a particularly prominent post-civil war UN intervention—the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (ddr) process—to determine how ex-youth combatants, camp administrators and caregivers perceive the role and significance of sporting activities in interim care centres (iccs) or ddr camps. It argues that sporting experiences in ddr processes are fruitful microcosms for understanding nuanced forms of violence and healing among youth combatants during their reintegration process. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 395-415 Issue: 3 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.573936 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.573936 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:3:p:395-415 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Robert Huish Author-X-Name-First: Robert Author-X-Name-Last: Huish Title: Punching above its Weight: Cuba's use of sport for South–South co-operation Abstract: While known for training world-class athletes to compete in prestigious international competitions, Cuba is also educating 983 coaches from vulnerable communities in 53 countries at its Escuela Internacional de Educación Física y Deporte (eiefd). These athletes are bound not necessarily for the Olympic podium, but for marginalised communities where they are expected to develop sport and recreation programmes. While Cuba has garnered hard currency by training athletes from other countries, the eiefd is funded entirely by the state under the auspices of South–South co-operation. Why would Cuba, a resource-poor country, commit to training foreign coaches? This paper argues that Cuba's sport internationalism is grounded in complex and historical notions of co-operation with other countries in the global South. Through a critical analysis of state policy, and the goals of current initiatives like the eiefd, it argues that, while nationalism and foreign remuneration are a factor, the commitment to sport and development may be tied to broader goals of counter-hegemonic development. For scholars interested in Sport for Development and Peace Cuba's use of sport is noteworthy as it is not necessarily a means to development as much as a result of international social development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 417-433 Issue: 3 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.573938 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.573938 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:3:p:417-433 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Donald Njelesani Author-X-Name-First: Donald Author-X-Name-Last: Njelesani Title: Preventive HIV/AIDS Education through Physical Education: reflections from Zambia Abstract: Governments, UN agencies and international and local ngos have mounted a concerted effort to remobilise sport as a vehicle for broad, sustainable social development. This resonates with the call for sport to be a key component in national and international development objectives. Missing in these efforts is an explicit focus on physical education within state schools, which still enrol most children in the global South. This article focuses on research into one of the few instances where physical education within the national curriculum is being revitalised as part of the growing interest in leveraging the appeal of sport and play as means to address social development challenges such as hiv/aids. It examines the response to the Zambian government's 2006 Declaration of Mandatory Physical Education (with a preventive education focus on hiv/aids) by personnel charged with its implementation and illustrates weaknesses within the education sector. The use of policy instruments such as decrees/mandates helps ensure the mainstreaming of physical education in development. However, the urgency required to respond to new mandates, particularly those sanctioned by the highest levels of government, can result in critical pieces of the puzzle being ignored, thereby undermining the potential of physical education (and sport) within development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 435-452 Issue: 3 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.573939 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.573939 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:3:p:435-452 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Larry Swatuk Author-X-Name-First: Larry Author-X-Name-Last: Swatuk Author-Name: Moseki Motsholapheko Author-X-Name-First: Moseki Author-X-Name-Last: Motsholapheko Author-Name: Dominic Mazvimavi Author-X-Name-First: Dominic Author-X-Name-Last: Mazvimavi Title: A Political Ecology of Development in the Boteti River Region of Botswana: locating a place for sport Abstract: Using a political ecology framework, this article describes the main developmental challenges facing communities living within the Boteti River sub-basin of northwestern Botswana. The data derive primarily from household surveys conducted over several months in 2008. They show that residents within the study area face significant challenges from unstable supplies of potable water and a highly degraded physical landscape. The article suggests that new opportunities for improved livelihood security have arisen with the recent return of the river to a perennial condition. For more than two decades, only a small portion of the river has had significant surface flow, with the rest dry year round. Given the area's proximity to landscape-dependent, wildlife-based tourism activity, the article suggests that the shifting basin hydrology presents sport-for-development agents with numerous opportunities for meaningful development interventions. In elaborating on what Coalter calls ‘sport plus’ and’ plus sport activities', the article cautions that rural development undertaken in a context of abiding structural marginalisation is not for the faint of heart. Meaningful participation requires strategic intervention and long-term commitment of resources. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 453-475 Issue: 3 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.573941 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.573941 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:3:p:453-475 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Byron Peacock Author-X-Name-First: Byron Author-X-Name-Last: Peacock Title: ‘A Secret Instinct of Social Preservation’: legitimacy and the dynamic (re)constitution of Olympic conceptions of the ‘good’ Abstract: Despite the relative novelty of the contemporary sport-for-development movement, instrumentalising sport for purposes of human and collective development is nothing new. The International Olympic Committee's (ioc) belated efforts to play a leadership role in this movement is ironic, given its 117-year commitment to placing sport at the service of world-cultural ideals of progress, equality, development, modernisation and international understanding. The ioc's behaviour is best understood with reference to the institutional environments it has inhabited. Rather than adapting primarily because of ineffectiveness, the ioc has changed the meanings of its social interventions (often unwittingly) in order to secure legitimacy among its institutional peers and other exogenous actors in world politics (eg states, activist organisations, etc). Reinventing itself in accordance with evolving world-cultural preferences allows it to survive and have a measure of power. Three historical periods are reviewed to illustrate how the social purposes of the Olympic movement have adapted to account for changes in the ioc's institutional environment. Its recent embrace of the sport-for-development movement is merely its latest reinvention. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 477-502 Issue: 3 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.573942 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.573942 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:3:p:477-502 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Scarlett Cornelissen Author-X-Name-First: Scarlett Author-X-Name-Last: Cornelissen Title: More than a Sporting Chance? Appraising the sport for development legacy of the 2010 FIFA World Cup Abstract: This article appraises the sport for development initiatives that were implemented or augmented during the 2010 fifa World Cup hosted in South Africa, and reviews the processes, institutional features and likely consequences of those initiatives for the sport for development sector in the country. It does so against the background that sport for development is a growth industry, albeit one with many conceptual and operational deficiencies, and which offers little in the way of an evidentiary base for the claim that sport has intrinsic social benefits. To date, too, there has been little cross-fertilisation between the sport for development field as a practice of development, and the growing body of scholarship that assesses the development impacts of large-scale sporting events. Given its distinctive setting and the intense international interest in its potential yields, the 2010 World Cup provoked a flurry of sport-centred development programmes implemented by a variety of international, domestic, public and private actors. This stimulated an interesting change in dynamics in the established sport for development landscape which, in time, may shape the sector and the broader sports environment in the country in both positive and negative ways. The case of the World Cup also offers some insights about the way in which sport for development practices can be mediated or altered in the context of sport mega-events. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 503-529 Issue: 3 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.573943 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.573943 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:3:p:503-529 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lyndsay Hayhurst Author-X-Name-First: Lyndsay Author-X-Name-Last: Hayhurst Title: Corporatising Sport, Gender and Development: postcolonial IR feminisms, transnational private governance and global corporate social engagement Abstract: The ‘Girl Effect’ is a growing but understudied movement that assumes girls are catalysts capable of bringing social and economic change for their families, communities and countries. The evolving discourse associated with this movement holds profound implications for development programmes that focus on girls and use sport and physical activity to promote gender equality, challenge gender norms, and teach confidence and leadership skills. Increasingly sport, gender and development (sgd) interventions are funded and implemented by multinational corporations (mncs) as part of the mounting portfolio of corporate social responsibility (csr) initiatives in international development. Drawing on postcolonial feminist ir theory and recent literature on transnational private governance, this article considers how an mnc headquartered in the global North that funds a sgd programme informed by the ‘Girl Eeffect’ movement in the Two-Thirds World is implicated in the postcolonial contexts in which it operates. Qualitative research methods were used, including interviews with mnc csr staff members. The findings reveal three themes that speak to the colonial residue within corporate-funded sgd interventions: the power of brand authority; the importance of ‘authentic’ subaltern stories; and the politics of the ‘global’ sisterhood enmeshed in saving ‘distant’ others. The implications of these findings for sgd are discussed in terms of postcolonial feminist approaches to studying sport for development and peace more broadly. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 531-549 Issue: 3 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.573944 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.573944 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:3:p:531-549 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roger Levermore Author-X-Name-First: Roger Author-X-Name-Last: Levermore Title: The Paucity of, and Dilemma in, Evaluating Corporate Social Responsibility for Development through Sport Abstract: Corporate social responsibility (csr) and sport—often in combination with each other—are being increasingly voiced as vehicles that assist various forms of social and economic development, particularly in years with mega-sporting events like the 2010 football World Cup. However, there is little evidence of evaluation to demonstrate that csr-for-development or sport-for-development works (especially over time). This article examines the extent to which evaluation of csr for development through sport has been undertaken, with specific reference to the 2010 World Cup—an event portrayed as displaying developmental virtues. The research highlights not only a paucity of evaluation for csr for development in general and csr for development through sport in particular (as discussion on evaluation largely revolves around financial performance, often from the perspective of the corporation) but also a dilemma: when prevailing techniques of evaluation of mainstream development are conducted, a concern is raised that the techniques implemented are overly managerial or one-dimensional, representing a crass tick-box mentality that fails to address the contextual environment in which development is delivered and steeped in unequal power relations. As a result, the critical development perspective can point to a further element that highlights the paucity and inherent problems of csr for development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 551-569 Issue: 3 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.573945 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.573945 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:3:p:551-569 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rebecca Tiessen Author-X-Name-First: Rebecca Author-X-Name-Last: Tiessen Title: Global Subjects or Objects of Globalisation? The promotion of global citizenship in organisations offering sport for development and/or peace programmes Abstract: Sport for Development and Peace (sdp) has been adopted as a ‘development tool’ by Western development practitioners and a growing number of development organisations. Sport is frequently referred to as a ‘global language’ and used to promote international awareness and cross-cultural understanding—two key themes in global citizenship literature. In this paper I examine the language adopted by organisations promoting sdp—specifically, what sdp organisations say they do as well as the nature and implications of their discourses. Drawing on a large and growing body of literature on global citizenship and post-structuralism, and on post-colonial critiques, I argue that sdp narratives have the potential to reinforce the ‘Othering’ of community members in developing countries and may contribute to paternalistic conceptions of development assistance. In so doing, they weaken the potential for more inclusive and egalitarian forms of global citizenship. The article examines the discourse of sdp organisational material found online and analyses it in the context of broader sport and colonialism literature. The work of SDP organisations is further examined in relation to global citizenship discourse with a focus on the production— and projection—of global subjects, or objects of globalisation, and what this means for development ‘beneficiaries’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 571-587 Issue: 3 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.573946 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.573946 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:3:p:571-587 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter Donnelly Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Donnelly Author-Name: Michael Atkinson Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Atkinson Author-Name: Sarah Boyle Author-X-Name-First: Sarah Author-X-Name-Last: Boyle Author-Name: Courtney Szto Author-X-Name-First: Courtney Author-X-Name-Last: Szto Title: Sport for Development and Peace: a public sociology perspective Abstract: In the increasing amount of published research and critical commentary on sport for development and Peace (sdp) two related trends are apparent. The first is a clear belief that, under certain circumstances, sport may make a useful contribution to work in international development and peace building; the second is that criticisms of it are frequently constructive, intended to support the work of practitioners in the field by outlining the limitations of what may be achieved through sport, and under what circumstances. Given these trends, public sociology provides a useful framing device for research and commentary and academics should now engage more directly with practitioners and provide more accessible summaries of their research to those engaged in sdp. We provide a brief introduction to public sociology, and outline its relevance in the sociology of sport, before making suggestions about the incorporation of public sociology into sdp research. Three main overlapping areas of research emerge from a public sociology perspective, and are needed in order to engage in a constructively critical analysis of sdp: descriptive research and evaluation; analyses of claims making; and critical analyses of social reproduction. The paper concludes with a brief examination of the dilemmas that may be encountered by those engaging in public sociology research, in both the academy and the field. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 589-601 Issue: 3 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.573947 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.573947 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:3:p:589-601 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bruce Kidd Author-X-Name-First: Bruce Author-X-Name-Last: Kidd Title: Cautions, Questions and Opportunities in Sport for Development and Peace Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 603-609 Issue: 3 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.573948 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.573948 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:3:p:603-609 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Almut Schilling-Vacaflor Author-X-Name-First: Almut Author-X-Name-Last: Schilling-Vacaflor Title: Who controls the territory and the resources? Free, prior and informed consent (FPIC) as a contested human rights practice in Bolivia Abstract: The article scrutinises the struggles over prior consultation and free, prior and informed consent (FPIC) and analyses the divergent interpretations of what this right would entail in Bolivia. Similar contestations have played an important role in resource conflicts across Latin America. Using rich empirical data, the article discusses (1) disputes over legal norms regulating this participatory right, (2) related claims to territorial control and resource sovereignty, and (3) consultation participants’ constrained influence. In doing so, it focuses on the Guaraní’s diverse attempts to shape consultation processes and their outcomes according to their own ends and shows how many of these initiatives have been curtailed. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1058-1074 Issue: 5 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1238761 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1238761 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:5:p:1058-1074 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maria-Therese Gustafsson Author-X-Name-First: Maria-Therese Author-X-Name-Last: Gustafsson Title: The struggles surrounding ecological and economic zoning in Peru Abstract: In the context of a growing number of socio-environmental conflicts, different actors emphasise that territorial planning promises to strengthen democratic participation, reduce conflicts, and enable the coexistence of mining with other economic activities. As there are few studies on these processes, this article contributes by asking: To what extent do ecological and economic zoning and related territorial planning (ZEE-OT) open up a decentralised political space for influencing territorial development? Based on interviews and written documents, the article shows that without a basic agreement regarding the purpose and decision-making structures of ZEE-OT, these processes are unlikely to reinforce more democratic forms of territorial governance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1146-1163 Issue: 5 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1255141 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1255141 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:5:p:1146-1163 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rebecca Lawrence Author-X-Name-First: Rebecca Author-X-Name-Last: Lawrence Author-Name: Rasmus Kløcker Larsen Author-X-Name-First: Rasmus Kløcker Author-X-Name-Last: Larsen Title: The politics of planning: assessing the impacts of mining on Sami lands Abstract: This article examines the implications of undertaking community-based impact assessment (CBIA) in the Swedish context where Indigenous rights receive little recognition and the institutional planning environment is disenabling. It explores how normative biases built into the permitting process for mines ontologically privilege non-Indigenous ways of defining what constitutes relevant impacts. We show how the CBIA, undertaken by an impacted Sami community together with the authors, attempted to challenge these biases by constructing narratives about future impacts from the perspective of the Indigenous community. We also discuss how the research itself became embroiled in contestations over what constituted legitimate knowledge. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1164-1180 Issue: 5 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1257909 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1257909 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:5:p:1164-1180 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marilyn Machado Author-X-Name-First: Marilyn Author-X-Name-Last: Machado Author-Name: David López Matta Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: López Matta Author-Name: María Mercedes Campo Author-X-Name-First: María Mercedes Author-X-Name-Last: Campo Author-Name: Arturo Escobar Author-X-Name-First: Arturo Author-X-Name-Last: Escobar Author-Name: Viviane Weitzner Author-X-Name-First: Viviane Author-X-Name-Last: Weitzner Title: Weaving hope in ancestral black territories in Colombia: the reach and limitations of free, prior, and informed consultation and consent Abstract: Free, prior, and informed consultation and consent has become an important interface in encounters between governments, corporations, grassroots organisations, and other actors, particularly in cases involving extractive activities. Based on over two years of collaborative research, this article examines the consultation and consent processes for the Environmental Management Plan for a large hydroelectric dam in Afrodescendant and Indigenous ancestral territories in Western Colombia. We identified several problems lessening the effectiveness of the consultation processes, particularly the seeming impossibility of crafting conditions for genuine interculturality, and the state’s lack of political will to uphold consent. We conclude that the most significant variable in achieving concrete benefits for the communities is the strength of their political organisations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1075-1091 Issue: 5 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1278686 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1278686 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:5:p:1075-1091 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ciaran O’Faircheallaigh Author-X-Name-First: Ciaran Author-X-Name-Last: O’Faircheallaigh Title: Shaping projects, shaping impacts: community-controlled impact assessments and negotiated agreements Abstract: Large-scale mineral extraction is often accompanied by local conflicts, reflecting the fact that affected communities feel the costs of development but enjoy few of its benefits. Much of this conflict could be mitigated if communities could influence the design of projects and of management systems intended to minimise their impacts. This paper examines the potential role of community-controlled impact assessment, combined with negotiation of binding agreements between communities and developers, to allow affected communities to shape the impacts of extractive projects. It considers the wider political factors that must be addressed if these mechanisms are to be effective. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1181-1197 Issue: 5 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1279539 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1279539 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:5:p:1181-1197 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John-Andrew McNeish Author-X-Name-First: John-Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: McNeish Title: A vote to derail extraction: popular consultation and resource sovereignty in Tolima, Colombia Abstract: In July 2013, a consulta popular (referendum) was organised by municipal authorities in Tolima, Colombia, to judge public opinion on the establishment of activities by an international mining conglomerate ie the Colosa (the Giant) gold mine. In this article study is made of the referendum, and emphasis given to its linkages with wider regional, national and Latin American efforts to anticipate damage and derail projects for resource extraction. Recognising the techniques and networks, and similar expressions of identity and territoriality, expressed in other campaigns against extraction, resource sovereignty is suggested as an approach to interpret the motivations for and dynamics of recent popular consultations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1128-1145 Issue: 5 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1283980 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1283980 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:5:p:1128-1145 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: María A. Guzmán-Gallegos Author-X-Name-First: María A. Author-X-Name-Last: Guzmán-Gallegos Title: Between oil contamination and consultation: constrained spaces of influence in Northern Peruvian Amazonia Abstract: In this article, I explore the interconnections among severe oil contamination, a state-led consultation process, and compensation practices in Peru’s oldest oilfield. I discuss the way in which four indigenous organisations and their constituencies produced evidence of oil contamination, and forced the state to question Peru’s current oil extraction practices. I look at the compensation demands and corporate payments that followed, and examine how compensation became a dominant tool for both appeasing increasing uprisings, and for counteracting what local people perceive as state abandonment. Focusing on the effects that compensation measures have on daily life, I analyse how equivalences between affected water and lands, on one hand, and state investments and monetary payments on the other, are established. I discuss how these equivalences have led to making indigenous ways of life irrelevant, and how this has been reinforced by the emphasis on due process during state-led consultation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1110-1127 Issue: 5 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1294979 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1294979 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:5:p:1110-1127 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Esben Leifsen Author-X-Name-First: Esben Author-X-Name-Last: Leifsen Author-Name: Luis Sánchez-Vázquez Author-X-Name-First: Luis Author-X-Name-Last: Sánchez-Vázquez Author-Name: Maleny Gabriela Reyes Author-X-Name-First: Maleny Gabriela Author-X-Name-Last: Reyes Title: Claiming prior consultation, monitoring environmental impact: counterwork by the use of formal instruments of participatory governance in Ecuador’s emerging mining sector Abstract: The last environmental impact assessment (EIA) related to Ecuador’s first large-scale open pit copper mine, the Mirador project, was presented to the public in March 2015. In this article, we discuss how the rural mestizo population and Shuar indigenous people, who are under increasing pressure from the government and the mining company, contest the current politics of accountability related to the making and dissemination of this EIA. We analyse how formal instruments of governance related to participation (prior consultation) and environmental management (environmental impact monitoring), are re-used in the affected population’s resistance work. We look at how these formal instruments are put to independent and political use as part of an extended struggle for influence over the process of transformation that the mega mining project generates. The article contributes to a discussion around participatory strategies that build on new conversations between ‘popular environmentalists’ and social/earth scientists. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1092-1109 Issue: 5 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1294980 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1294980 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:5:p:1092-1109 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Viviane Weitzner Author-X-Name-First: Viviane Author-X-Name-Last: Weitzner Title: ‘Nosotros Somos Estado’: contested legalities in decision-making about extractives affecting ancestral territories in Colombia Abstract: Drawing on ethnographies from two case studies – one describing Afro-Descendant efforts at ensuring the enforcement of a constitutional court judgement in order to stave off incursions from multinationals and outlaw, armed actors, and another describing the efforts of Embera Chamí Indigenous people in regulating their own ancestral mining and fending off state criminalisation – I unpack the spectrum of legal pluralities around extractives in Colombia, and the tools that Black and Indigenous peoples are using to assert their self-determination and sovereignty. I explore the various logics, discourses and uses of the ‘law’ in its broadest sense; how these collide, clash or interact; and the effects of these encounters. I focus particularly on rights to free, prior and informed consent (FPIC), analysing how these rights are conceived, invoked, appropriated, and played out in practice. Theoretically, I identify what I call ‘raw law’, the rules and regulations used by armed actors, a concept inspired by, and inextricably related to, the ‘raw economy’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1198-1214 Issue: 5 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1302328 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1302328 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:5:p:1198-1214 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Esben Leifsen Author-X-Name-First: Esben Author-X-Name-Last: Leifsen Author-Name: Maria-Therese Gustafsson Author-X-Name-First: Maria-Therese Author-X-Name-Last: Gustafsson Author-Name: Maria A. Guzmán-Gallegos Author-X-Name-First: Maria A. Author-X-Name-Last: Guzmán-Gallegos Author-Name: Almut Schilling-Vacaflor Author-X-Name-First: Almut Author-X-Name-Last: Schilling-Vacaflor Title: New mechanisms of participation in extractive governance: between technologies of governance and resistance work Abstract: In this special issue, the focus is on the dynamics and use of participatory mechanisms related to the rapid expansion of the extractive industries worldwide and the ways it increasingly affects sensitive natural environments populated by indigenous and other marginalised populations. We offer an empirically grounded and theoretically innovative comparative analysis of practices that aim to enhance participation, negotiation and influence as a response to the expansion of extractive industries. On the one hand, we question the assumption often presented in scholarly debates that participatory processes will contribute to making environmental governance not only more legitimate and effective, but will also lead to the empowerment of marginalised social groups. On the other, we draw on our empirical studies and insights to indicate ways local groups and their allies try to gain ownership and influence decision-making through a range of related participatory mechanisms, ranging from state-led or corporation-led processes like prior consultation and FPIC, compensation practices, participatory planning exercises and the participation in environmental impact assessments (EIAs) to community-led consultations, or community-based or controlled FPIC and impact assessment processes and struggles for community-based governance of natural resource uses. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1043-1057 Issue: 5 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1302329 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1302329 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:5:p:1043-1057 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Frans Schuurman Author-X-Name-First: Frans Author-X-Name-Last: Schuurman Title: Critical Development Theory: moving out of the twilight zone Abstract: Since the onslaught of neoliberal triumphalism from the 1980s onwards, critical development theory increasingly found itself in a sort of academic twilight zone. With few exceptions development research became characterised by an emphasis on empiricism, quantitative methodologies and policy-oriented project evaluations. Interpreting Third World problems in terms of the inner logic and shifting contradictions of a globalising capitalism was limited to those situated in the critical theory twilight zone. However, a process of rethinking development research set in some time ago. This process has been accelerating since the end of 2008, when neoliberalism started to lose most of its triumphalism because of the globalising financial and economic crisis. The current article focuses specifically on a number of challenges which have to be faced by critical theory when leaving the twilight zone. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 831-848 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902959024 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902959024 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:5:p:831-848 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Simon Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Simon Title: From the Holocaust to Development: reflections of surviving development pioneers Abstract: This paper reports on one element of a research project on Holocaust survivors who subsequently became prominent in the emerging field of development studies. Part of the extended interviews with survivors involved retrospective reflections on the evolution and current state of their branch of development studies. This material, augmented by an interrogation of their published work, provides fascinating ‘insider’ perspectives on the kaleidoscope of changing ideologies, theories, discourses, policies and practices subsumed under the label of ‘development’. While the particular nature of this set of interviewees calls for caution in generalising from the findings, they appear far less unrepresentative than might be imagined, both because the subjects are diverse in terms of nationality, age, socialisation, wartime experiences and subsequent career tracks, and because they forged prominent contributions to, and were shaped by, the evolving Zeitgeist of development during an era when its imperative was virtually unquestioned. The paper incorporates interviewees' own voices, interpreting their perspectives in terms of their personal characteristics and positionalities and in relation to contemporaneous development debates. It thus contributes both to the history/archaeology of development and to ongoing critical debates about its nature. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 849-884 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902959057 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902959057 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:5:p:849-884 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ben Fine Author-X-Name-First: Ben Author-X-Name-Last: Fine Title: Development as Zombieconomics in the Age of Neoliberalism Abstract: Development economics is currently dominated by an orthodoxy that is totally intolerant of alternatives and depends upon seeing both economy and society as based upon the incidence of market and institutional imperfections. This is characterised as ‘zombieconomics’ as it feeds in a reductionist and parasitical fashion on more widely cast and methodologically opposed methods, especially those associated traditionally with development studies and the old or classic development economics. This paper explains how this situation came about in the light of the evolution of economics more generally, and explores how development economics has become Americanised, more influential within development studies, policy- rather than critically oriented, and subject to an agenda increasingly set by the World Bank. It concludes by pointing to the challenges and the opportunities open to development studies as neoliberalism experiences a profound crisis to which the new development economics can only offer partial and piecemeal responses. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 885-904 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902959073 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902959073 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:5:p:885-904 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tine Davids Author-X-Name-First: Tine Author-X-Name-Last: Davids Author-Name: Francien Van Driel Author-X-Name-First: Francien Author-X-Name-Last: Van Driel Title: The Unhappy Marriage between Gender and Globalisation Abstract: This article examines the rather awkward relationship between gender and globalisation. In particular, within development studies, doubts and confusion with respect to the coherence and interpretation of gender as a concept underlie this uneasy relationship. We demonstrate how persistent orthodoxies and dichotomous thinking characterise the unhappy marriage between gender and globalisation. Instead of doing away with gender, we elaborate a multidimensional gender approach, which is much needed from a scientific perspective as well as to enhance the political potential of feminist positions and analyses. Our approach situates gender within the global/local nexus; this is illustrated by a case study of gender and political representation in Mexico. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 905-920 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902959107 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902959107 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:5:p:905-920 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marianne Marchand Author-X-Name-First: Marianne Author-X-Name-Last: Marchand Title: The Future of Gender and Development after 9/11: insights from postcolonial feminism and transnationalism Abstract: The area of gender and development has been a site of critical contributions to the field of development studies and has been characterised as bridging practice, policy and theory. Since the policy of gender mainstreaming has been accepted, however, much of the originality and issues raised by the gender and development field have been marginalised and excluded from the development (policy) agenda. Some even argue that gender has been written out of the post- 9/11 development agenda thanks to the new global security regime. This article goes beyond these debates and suggests new ways of thinking about gender and development. Instead of arguing that it is ‘dead’, I argue that it is the site of innovative and critical thinking about development issues in a transformed and globalised world. The starting point for my argument is the insights provided by postcolonial feminism and transnationalism. While the former has contributed to feminist theorising through such concepts as representation, ‘othering’ and the silencing of Third World women's voices, the latter helps us understand new global realities resulting from migrations and the creation of transnational communities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 921-935 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902959149 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902959149 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:5:p:921-935 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jenny Lunn Author-X-Name-First: Jenny Author-X-Name-Last: Lunn Title: The Role of Religion, Spirituality and Faith in Development: a critical theory approach Abstract: Religion, spirituality and faith have suffered from long-term and systematic neglect in development theory, policy making and practice, although there has been a noticeable turnover the past 10 years. This paper explores the role of religion, spirituality and faith in development in the past, present and future by applying three core concepts from critical theory—grounding of knowledge in historical context, critique through dialectical process, and identification of future potentialities for emancipation and self-determination. It concludes that religion, spirituality and faith have a role to play in the future of development, particularly in ensuring that it is appropriate and sustainable. The paper also serves to counter critics who claim that critical theory has no resonance to contemporary social research. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 937-951 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902959180 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902959180 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:5:p:937-951 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alex Loftus Author-X-Name-First: Alex Author-X-Name-Last: Loftus Title: Rethinking Political Ecologies of Water Abstract: The failure to provide a safe supply of clean drinking water to over one billion people in the world remains one of the most telling indictments of development policy and practice. A series of studies within political ecology has taken this dramatic failure as an entry point into broader questions around the operation of power in the contemporary world. From basic questions around who is to blame for this catastrophic failure, to broader questions around the consolidation of forms of rule, this work provides a crucial lens on broader social and environmental questions. This paper provides an overview of recent work on the political ecology of water as well as mobilising a series of case studies from the author's own research in Durban, South Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 953-968 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902959198 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902959198 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:5:p:953-968 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jayalaxshmi Mistry Author-X-Name-First: Jayalaxshmi Author-X-Name-Last: Mistry Author-Name: Andrea Berardi Author-X-Name-First: Andrea Author-X-Name-Last: Berardi Author-Name: Duncan Mcgregor Author-X-Name-First: Duncan Author-X-Name-Last: Mcgregor Title: Natural Resource Management and Development Discourses in the Caribbean: reflections on the Guyanese and Jamaican experience Abstract: International discourses on environment and development help to shape global shared understandings of environmental issues. This paper describes the environment and development history of Guyana and Jamaica through pre-colonial, colonial, independence and market liberalisation stages. Two opposing discourses are used to frame this history: a dominant global environmental discourse characterised by technical and ‘scientific’ expertise and hierarchical governance; and a counter-discourse emphasising local control over natural resources. This analysis serves as a first step in surfacing and understanding the highly complex and multifaceted nature of environmental issues in these locations. However, we conclude with the recognition that further work should go beyond a bipolar analysis to one taking a critical, multidimensional approach, in order to promote more sustainable management of natural resources than has previously taken place. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 969-989 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902959222 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902959222 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:5:p:969-989 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vandana Desai Author-X-Name-First: Vandana Author-X-Name-Last: Desai Author-Name: Matthew Tye Author-X-Name-First: Matthew Author-X-Name-Last: Tye Title: Critically Understanding Asian Perspectives on Ageing Abstract: Asian countries are experiencing demographic transition from a young to an increasingly older population. The ageing of populations is unfolding against a context often characterised by persistent poverty, gender vulnerability, economic strain, constricted public resources, and limited civil institutions to support the elderly. Two key interlinked dimensions are important: first, how social and economic changes have affected or will affect the well-being and support situation of present or future older people, and how older people's needs and position in society relate to development and the consequences for policy. The paper identifies the gaps that exist in our understanding of ageing in Asian developing countries and discusses the key issues, tensions and perspectives that characterise current debates at local level and their implications for development in many Asian developing and some transitional countries. The paper urges recognition of ageing and development as part of poverty reduction strategies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1007-1025 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902959263 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902959263 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:5:p:1007-1025 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen Bell Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Bell Author-Name: Ruth Payne Author-X-Name-First: Ruth Author-X-Name-Last: Payne Title: Young People as Agents in Development Processes: reconsidering perspectives for development geography Abstract: This paper explores the role of young people in development processes. This is achieved through an examination of the latest developments in literature concerning young people's identity, agency and experiences of power relations and by reflecting on our own empirical research with young people in Zambia (child-headed households) and Uganda (empowerment and sexual health). In particular, we discuss the opportunities and challenges faced by young people in terms of taking greater control over their own lives and contributing to the development of their communities. In doing so we further understanding of how young people (inter)act to improve their own lives and negotiate the challenging—and changing—realities and relationships they experience. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1027-1044 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902959297 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902959297 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:5:p:1027-1044 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dorothea Kleine Author-X-Name-First: Dorothea Author-X-Name-Last: Kleine Author-Name: Tim Unwin Author-X-Name-First: Tim Author-X-Name-Last: Unwin Title: Technological Revolution, Evolution and New Dependencies: what's new about ? Abstract: This paper provides an overview of recent developments in the use of information and communication technologies for development, and argues that, while they do indeed offer new potential for resolving some of the classic dilemmas of development policy and practice, insufficient attention has yet been paid to the lessons that can be learnt from previous information and communication initiatives. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1045-1067 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902959339 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902959339 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:5:p:1045-1067 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Katie Willis Author-X-Name-First: Katie Author-X-Name-Last: Willis Author-Name: Sorayya Khan Author-X-Name-First: Sorayya Author-X-Name-Last: Khan Title: Health Reform in Latin America and Africa: decentralisation, participation and inequalities Abstract: As part of broader neoliberal economic policies most governments of Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa have implemented reforms of the formal health sector since the early 1980s. Driven both by the need for greater efficiency and calls for increases in patient choice and participation, these reforms have taken on different forms across the regions, but the main features have been decentralisation, increased user fees and the introduction of forms of health insurance. This paper considers the nature of these reforms, how the broad category of ‘neoliberal health sector reform’ has played out in different places and the impact of these reforms across socioeconomic groups. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 991-1005 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902969742 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902969742 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:5:p:991-1005 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Simon Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Simon Author-Name: Frans Schuurman Author-X-Name-First: Frans Author-X-Name-Last: Schuurman Title: Introduction: remapping development studies Journal: Pages: 829-830 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903044032 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903044032 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:5:p:829-830 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Erratum Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1115-1115 Issue: 6 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.745338 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.745338 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:6:p:1115-1115 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni Author-X-Name-First: Sabelo J. Author-X-Name-Last: Ndlovu-Gatsheni Title: From a ‘terrorist’ to global icon: a critical decolonial ethical tribute to Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela of South Africa Abstract: This article examines Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela’s political life and legacy from the perspective of critical decolonial liberation ethics, which privileges a paradigm of peace, humanism and racial harmony and opposes the imperial/colonial/apartheid paradigm of war, racial hatred and separation of races. This system emerged in the 15th century and was driven by the desire to conquer, dispossess, colonise, exploit and segregate people according to race and, alongside imperatives of primitive accumulation, it informed the colonisation of South Africa and the imposition of apartheid. Mandela was a liberation fighter who provided an antidote to the colonial ideology of racial profiling and hierarchisation. What distinguished him from other freedom fighters was his commitment to the cause of human rights as early as the 1960s, long before it attained its status as a constitutive part of global normative order. When Mandela became the first black president of a democratic South Africa, his practical and symbolic overtures to whites and his reconciliatory politics aimed to call them back to a new inclusive humanity. Critical decolonial ethics logically enables a tribute to Mandela that privileges his commitment to a post-racial society and new humanism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 905-921 Issue: 6 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.907703 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.907703 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:6:p:905-921 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nathan Andrews Author-X-Name-First: Nathan Author-X-Name-Last: Andrews Author-Name: Sylvia Bawa Author-X-Name-First: Sylvia Author-X-Name-Last: Bawa Title: A Post-development Hoax? (Re)-examining the Past, Present and Future of Development Studies Abstract: Because of the absence of evidence to show for its utility, the notion of ‘development’ has been fraught with many debates over the years. This paper is concerned with re-examining the future of development studies, based on its past and present trajectories. The argument here is that development may be useful if its norms and practices become context-specific and are made to benefit its purported beneficiaries. The chronology spans the period after World War II to the present day, and thus covers theories that envision alternatives. While this chronology is overlapping, we hope to show that development studies has been marked by both continuities and discontinuities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 922-938 Issue: 6 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.907704 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.907704 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:6:p:922-938 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Eckart Woertz Author-X-Name-First: Eckart Author-X-Name-Last: Woertz Title: Mining strategies in the Middle East and North Africa Abstract: This article provides a mapping exercise of the economic importance of non-hydrocarbon minerals (nhm) in the Middle East and North Africa (mena) and shows how governments in the region increasingly perceive them as strategic resources. The focus is on Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries, Turkey, Morocco and Iran. nhm like iron ore, phosphates, aluminium and uranium are important for development models in the region, either as export commodities or as vital input factors. Since the 1990s, and as elsewhere in the world, the sector has witnessed privatisation and the promulgation of new mining codes. Yet governments have retained core capabilities and manage most key commodities themselves either directly or indirectly. Mining projects have met with opposition from labour representatives. They also have considerable environmental impact. The article discusses rentier state and resource curse theories, but argues that nhm have also increased development options and have contributed to economic diversification rather than being just a curse. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 939-957 Issue: 6 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.907706 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.907706 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:6:p:939-957 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Emma Mawdsley Author-X-Name-First: Emma Author-X-Name-Last: Mawdsley Title: Public perceptions of India’s role as an international development cooperation partner: domestic responses to rising ‘donor’ visibility Abstract: The literature on South–South Development Cooperation (ssdc) has grown exponentially in the past few years. One focus of analysis has been how domestic institutions and agendas shape the approaches to development cooperation of different Southern partners. However, few analysts to date have commented on how the ‘ordinary’ general public of these countries might perceive or assess their country’s role in international development. Through a study based on interviews and media analysis, this paper attempts to tease out the slim evidence currently available on ‘public’ attitudes in India, concentrating, for reasons explained, exclusively on elites and ‘middle classes’. It argues that, while some domestic criticism will certainly accompany the growing visibility of Indian development cooperation, the attractive blend of discursive positioning and material benefits may provide the Indian government with broad support for its growing investment and profile in international development, or at least offset a degree of criticism. At present there appears to be little public discussion about whether and how India’s external role relates to domestic poverty, or the nature of growth and ‘development’ that India is helping to stimulate in partner countries. The paper also discusses ‘boundary making’ with China through the public construction of Indian development cooperation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 958-979 Issue: 6 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.907721 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.907721 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:6:p:958-979 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jeanette Manjengwa Author-X-Name-First: Jeanette Author-X-Name-Last: Manjengwa Author-Name: Joseph Hanlon Author-X-Name-First: Joseph Author-X-Name-Last: Hanlon Author-Name: Teresa Smart Author-X-Name-First: Teresa Author-X-Name-Last: Smart Title: Who will make the ‘best’ use of Africa’s land? Lessons from Zimbabwe Abstract: Conflict over African land – between smallholders and large industrial farmers and between domestic farmers and global agribusinesses – raises key questions about who will make the best use of African land and which farmers do most to decrease poverty and produce more food, industrial inputs and exports. Zimbabwe has already gone through two major changes in land occupation, and thus provides an important test of what is the ‘best’ use of the land. Three measures of ‘best’ use have been cited in Zimbabwe: reward for military victory, poverty reduction and agricultural production. Initial evidence indicates that commercial smallholder production is a better use of the land than larger, more mechanised farming. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 980-995 Issue: 6 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.907722 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.907722 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:6:p:980-995 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shaun Breslin Author-X-Name-First: Shaun Author-X-Name-Last: Breslin Title: Financial transitions in the PRC: banking on the state? Abstract: The reappearance of substantial debt in China after 2008 has refocused attention on the sustainability of the existing financial ‘model’. It’s not just that ‘traditional’ forms of bank-centred debt have re-emerged, but that the informal ‘shadow banking’ sector also seems increasingly fragile, generating debts that do not seem easy to repay. Explanations for the current situation focus on the way in which China responded to the global financial crisis, and on the incentives that exist to go outside the formal and more regulated banking system into often riskier activities. But there are more fundamental structural issues. The current financial system contains within it some of the dna of its predecessor, while the spatial distribution of power and authority is inextricably linked to the way the financial system functions. While it might be possible to tinker with some elements of current financial problems, the relationship between local government financing, land, the banking system and key economic sectors makes it difficult to resolve more structural issues without taking a holistic approach; one that would have fundamental consequences for the nature of the Chinese state, and the distribution of power within it. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 996-1013 Issue: 6 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.907723 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.907723 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:6:p:996-1013 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jin Zeng Author-X-Name-First: Jin Author-X-Name-Last: Zeng Author-Name: Yuanyuan Fang Author-X-Name-First: Yuanyuan Author-X-Name-Last: Fang Title: Between poverty and prosperity: China’s dependent development and the ‘middle-income trap’ Abstract: Despite China’s rapid economic growth in the past three decades, Chinese officials and experts are increasingly worried that the country is slowly heading towards the ‘middle-income trap’. The fear is that China might suffer the same stagnation and turbulence as Latin American economies did in the 1980s and 1990s. Will China be able to avoid this trap? Building on the insights of world-systems theory, this paper argues that China’s dependent development, although enabling it to escape the ‘poverty trap’, is likely to bog it down in the ‘middle-income trap’. China’s heavy reliance upon foreign technologies and investment has harmful effects on its economy. Dependent development not only increases China’s economic vulnerability but also truncates domestic industries. To escape the trap, the Chinese state should play a more active role in shifting its growth model away from low-end commodity manufacturing to knowledge-based, high value-added activities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1014-1031 Issue: 6 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.907725 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.907725 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:6:p:1014-1031 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rorden Wilkinson Author-X-Name-First: Rorden Author-X-Name-Last: Wilkinson Author-Name: Erin Hannah Author-X-Name-First: Erin Author-X-Name-Last: Hannah Author-Name: James Scott Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Scott Title: The in Bali: what 9 means for the Doha Development Agenda and why it matters Abstract: The conclusion of the World Trade Organization’s (wto) ninth ministerial meeting – held in Bali 3–7 December 2013 – is at one and the same time momentous, marginal and business-as-usual. It is momentous because it marks the first multilateral agreement reached in the wto since the organisation began operations on 1 January 1995; it is marginal because the deal reached will have only a limited impact on the global trading system; and it is business as usual because the Bali package will be of disproportionally greater value to the industrial states than to their developing and least developed counterparts. We examine what happened in Bali, covering the principal issues at stake and the content of the outcome, what this means for the wto and for the Doha Development Agenda (dda), and why it all matters. We argue that, while the Bali ministerial is significant and the agreements reached important, the conclusion of the meeting and the package agreed represent only a limited movement forward in addressing the fundamental problems and inequities of the wto system. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1032-1050 Issue: 6 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.907726 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.907726 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:6:p:1032-1050 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Amrita Narlikar Author-X-Name-First: Amrita Author-X-Name-Last: Narlikar Author-Name: Shishir Priyadarshi Author-X-Name-First: Shishir Author-X-Name-Last: Priyadarshi Title: Empowering the poor? The successes and limitations of the Bali Package for the s Abstract: After over a decade of languishing in stalemate, the Doha Development Agenda – the first round of trade negotiations launched under the auspices of the World Trade Organization – finally achieved a breakthrough at the Bali ministerial in 2013. Given that the Doha mandate places development – and particularly the concerns of the Least Developed Countries (ldcs) – at the heart of its agenda, our paper focuses on what the Bali outcome means for the world’s poorest countries. As a first step we provide a brief background against which the Bali negotiations took place. In the second section we assess the achievements and limitations of the Bali outcome, focusing on the ldc-specific package and also commenting on other issues that affect the ldcs. In the third section we explain the reasons for some of the achievements at Bali, which include negotiating strategies used by the ldcs themselves. In the fourth and final section we identify a plan of action for the future. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1051-1065 Issue: 6 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.907727 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.907727 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:6:p:1051-1065 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Charalampos Efstathopoulos Author-X-Name-First: Charalampos Author-X-Name-Last: Efstathopoulos Author-Name: Dominic Kelly Author-X-Name-First: Dominic Author-X-Name-Last: Kelly Title: India, developmental multilateralism and the Doha ministerial conference Abstract: Despite its growing status as an ‘emerging’ power, perceptions of India’s current and future role in multilateral organisations continue to be overshadowed by its reputation for blocking rather than supporting progress in multilateral negotiations on grounds of national sovereignty and Third Worldism. In this article we suggest a more positive interpretation of India’s role through a close analysis of its diplomacy during the 2001 Doha Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organisation (wto). The Indian delegation attempted proactively to shape the agenda of the negotiations and to promote a form of developmental multilateralism that might correct the perceived imbalances within the substantive commitments to and structure and processes of the wto. India failed to get its way at the time, but the ongoing deadlock at Doha demonstrates the continuing salience of such alternative conceptions of global justice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1066-1081 Issue: 6 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.907728 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.907728 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:6:p:1066-1081 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Henning Melber Author-X-Name-First: Henning Author-X-Name-Last: Melber Title: Whose world? Development, civil society, development studies and (not only) scholar activists Abstract: The current international development discourse focuses much on the Millennium Development Goals (mdgs) as part of a global social contract in support of international cooperation and governance, with the debate on the post-mdgs and the Sustainable Development Goals (sdgs) indicating a shift. These goals are at least in part addressing developmental constraints confronting the world as a result of the effects the dominant growth models have had on limited resources and global goods. Rio+20 was a forum which brought to the fore the conflicting issues at stake and the challenges for any development paradigm seeking to enhance global justice and equality. This article explores the discrepancies between dominant paradigms cultivated in official discourses, on the one hand, and alternatives for another development presented as anti-hegemonic counter-models for survival strategies. It considers the role of civil society agencies and scholar activists in development studies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1082-1097 Issue: 6 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.907730 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.907730 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:6:p:1082-1097 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pinar Bilgin Author-X-Name-First: Pinar Author-X-Name-Last: Bilgin Title: into the international Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1098-1114 Issue: 6 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.907732 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.907732 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:6:p:1098-1114 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shahra Razavi Author-X-Name-First: Shahra Author-X-Name-Last: Razavi Author-Name: Anne Jenichen Author-X-Name-First: Anne Author-X-Name-Last: Jenichen Title: The Unhappy Marriage of Religion and Politics: problems and pitfalls for gender equality Abstract: This article explores how religion as a political force shapes and deflects the struggle for gender equality in contexts marked by different histories of nation building and challenges of ethnic diversity, different state–society relations (from the more authoritarian to the more democratic), and different relations between state power and religion (especially in the domain of marriage, family and personal laws). It shows how ‘private’ issues, related to the family, sexuality and reproduction, have become sites of intense public contestation between conservative religious actors wishing to regulate them based on some transcendent moral principle, and feminist and other human rights advocates basing their claims on pluralist and time- and context-specific solutions. Not only are claims of ‘divine truth’ justifying discriminatory practices against women hard to challenge, but the struggle for gender equality is further complicated by the manner in which it is closely tied up with, and inseparable from, struggles for social and economic justice, ethnic/racial recognition, and national self-determination vis-à-vis imperial/global domination. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 833-850 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502700 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502700 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:833-850 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Farida Shaheed Author-X-Name-First: Farida Author-X-Name-Last: Shaheed Title: Contested Identities: gendered politics, gendered religion in Pakistan Abstract: In Pakistan, the self-serving use of Islam by more secular elements alongside politico-religious ones facilitated the latter's increasing influence and the conflation and intricate interweaving of Islam and Pakistani nationhood. A paradigm shift under Zia's martial law revamped society as much as state laws, producing both religiously defined militias and aligned civil society groups. Examining the impact on women of fusing religion and politics, this paper argues that women become symbolic markers of appropriated territory in the pursuit of state power, and that the impact of such fusing, different for differently situated women, needs to be gauged in societal terms as well as in terms of state dynamics. Questioning the positing of civil society as a self-evident progressive desideratum, the paper concludes that gender equality projects seeking reconfigurations of power cannot be effective without vigorously competing in the creation of knowledge, culture and identity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 851-867 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502710 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502710 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:851-867 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Yeşim Arat Author-X-Name-First: Yeşim Author-X-Name-Last: Arat Title: Religion, Politics and Gender Equality in Turkey: implications of a democratic paradox? Abstract: This article examines the gendered implications of the intertwining of Islam and politics that took shape after the process of democratisation in Turkey had brought a political party with an Islamist background to power. This development revived the spectre of restrictive sex roles for women. The country is thus confronted with a democratic paradox: the expansion of religious freedoms accompanying potential and/or real threats to gender equality. The ban on the Islamic headscarf in universities has been the most visible terrain of public controversy on Islam. However, the paper argues that a more threatening development is the propagation of patriarchal religious values, sanctioning secondary roles for women through the public bureaucracy as well as through the educational system and civil society organisations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 869-884 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502712 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502712 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:869-884 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Homa Hoodfar Author-X-Name-First: Homa Author-X-Name-Last: Hoodfar Author-Name: Shadi Sadr Author-X-Name-First: Shadi Author-X-Name-Last: Sadr Title: Islamic Politics and Women's Quest for Gender Equality in Iran Abstract: The unification of a strong and authoritarian state with religious laws and institutions after the 1979 revolution in Iran has resulted in the creation of a dualistic state structure in which non-elected and non-accountable state authorities and institutions—the majority of whom have not accepted either the primacy of democracy nor the premise of equality between men and women (or Muslims and non-Muslims)—are able to oversee the elected authorities and institutions. The central question posed by this paper is whether a religious state would be capable of democratising society and delivering gender equality. By analysing the regime's gender policies and political development, the paper suggests that, at least in the case of Iran and Shi'ism, the larger obstacle to gender (and minorities') equality has more to do with the undemocratic state–society relations that persist in Iran and less to do with the actual or potential compatibility (or lack thereof) of religious traditions or practices with democratic principles. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 885-903 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502717 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502717 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:885-903 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ruth Halperin-Kaddari Author-X-Name-First: Ruth Author-X-Name-Last: Halperin-Kaddari Author-Name: Yaacov Yadgar Author-X-Name-First: Yaacov Author-X-Name-Last: Yadgar Title: Between Universal Feminism and Particular Nationalism: politics, religion and gender (in)equality in Israel Abstract: This article argues that one of the many ‘idiosyncrasies’ of the Israeli case, namely Israel's continuing, violent conflict with its Arab neighbours, is of highly influential relevance to the issue of gender relations. Viewed by many Israeli Jews as a struggle for the very existence of the Jewish state, the Arab–Israeli conflict has overshadowed most other civil and social issues, rendering them ‘secondary’ to the primary concern of securing the safe existence of the state. This has pushed such pressing issues as gender equality and women's rights aside, thus allowing for the perpetuation of discriminatory, sometimes rather repressive treatment of women in Israel. The most blatant expression of this is the turning of the struggle for civil marriage and divorce into a non-issue. Following a short introduction of the relevant political context, we discuss women's positivist and legal status, then conclude with an analysis of the women's movement, highlighting the emergence of religious feminism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 905-920 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502721 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502721 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:905-920 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Charmaine Pereira Author-X-Name-First: Charmaine Author-X-Name-Last: Pereira Author-Name: Jibrin Ibrahim Author-X-Name-First: Jibrin Author-X-Name-Last: Ibrahim Title: On the Bodies of Women: the common ground between Islam and Christianity in Nigeria Abstract: This article explores the common ideological ground between Islam and Christianity in Nigeria, in the ways in which gender and sexuality are configured in relation to women's bodies. The latter constitute key sites for the inscription of social norms and practices inherent in particular interpretations of religion. We proceed by examining the interplay between religion and politics in historical context and in specific concrete instances. While the religious right among Muslims and Christians share the view that women's bodies are sexually corrupting and therefore in need of control, this perspective is also found in secular institutions. At the same time Christians and Muslims are strongly opposed to controls on women's bodies that may lead to either religious group being identified as ‘the other’. The linkage made between women's bodies and ‘public morality’ produces diverse forms of gender inequality. The moralising of political economy that these processes entail complicates the terrain on which challenges to the politicisation of religion and its gender politics need to be sustained. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 921-937 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502725 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502725 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:921-937 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Zoya Hasan Author-X-Name-First: Zoya Author-X-Name-Last: Hasan Title: Gender, Religion and Democratic Politics in India Abstract: This article examines the impact of identity politics on gender equality. More specifically it explores the paradoxical and complex relationship of religion and politics in a multi-religious society and the complicated ways in which women's activism has both reinforced and challenged their gender identities. Contrary to the argument that religious politics does not always negate gender equality, the article argues that the Hindu religious politics and women's activism associated with it provides a compelling example of the instrumentalisation of women to accomplish the political goals of the Hindu right. It also examines the approach and strategies of influential political parties, women's organisations and Muslim women's groups towards legal reform and the contested issue of a uniform civil code. Against those who argue that, in the current communal conjuncture, reform within Muslim personal laws or Islamic feminism is the best strategy for enhancing the scope of Muslim women's rights, the article argues that such an approach tends to freeze identities within religious boundaries. It shows how women's and minority rights are used within the politics of religion to sideline the agenda of women's rights. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 939-954 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502726 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502726 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:939-954 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rada Drezgić Author-X-Name-First: Rada Author-X-Name-Last: Drezgić Title: Religion, Politics and Gender in the Context of Nation-State Formation: the case of Serbia Abstract: This article argues that nationalism has connected religion with secular politics in Serbia but that their rapprochement has been a gradual process. In order to demonstrate the transition from a limited influence of religion on politics to a much tighter relationship between the two, this article discusses the abortion legislation reform and the introduction of religious education in public schools, respectively. It argues that, while illustrative of different types of connection between religion and politics, these two issues had similar implications for gender equality—they produced discourses that recreated and justified patriarchal social norms. After religion gained access to public institutions, its (patriarchal) discourses on gender were considerably empowered. The article points to some tangible evidence of a re-traditionalisation and re-patriarchalisation of gender roles within the domestic realm in Serbia. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 955-970 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502728 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502728 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:955-970 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Virginia Guzmán Author-X-Name-First: Virginia Author-X-Name-Last: Guzmán Author-Name: Ute Seibert Author-X-Name-First: Ute Author-X-Name-Last: Seibert Author-Name: Silke Staab Author-X-Name-First: Silke Author-X-Name-Last: Staab Title: Democracy in the Country but not in the Home? Religion, politics and women's rights in Chile Abstract: This article explores the influence of religious actors on the elaboration of two public policies that are key to the advancement of women's rights and have long formed part of the women's movement's agenda in Chile: the introduction of sexual education in secondary schools in the 1990s and the distribution of emergency contraception in the 2000s. Our analysis of how different actors—from a variety of ideological and power positions—have influenced the two policy debates suggests that their discourses and strategies are highly contingent on the political environment. While conservative religious forces retain an enormous capacity to hinder policy making and implementation in the arena of family and sexuality, the government's determination to confront such interference seems to have grown in a context of fewer authoritarian enclaves, a more pluralist society and a strong sexual and reproductive rights movement. The diversification of religious positions on issues of family and sexuality has also affected the room for manoeuvre in the policy arena. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 971-988 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502730 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502730 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:971-988 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ana Amuchástegui Author-X-Name-First: Ana Author-X-Name-Last: Amuchástegui Author-Name: Guadalupe Cruz Author-X-Name-First: Guadalupe Author-X-Name-Last: Cruz Author-Name: Evelyn Aldaz Author-X-Name-First: Evelyn Author-X-Name-Last: Aldaz Author-Name: María Mejía Author-X-Name-First: María Author-X-Name-Last: Mejía Title: Politics, Religion and Gender Equality in Contemporary Mexico: women's sexuality and reproductive rights in a contested secular state Abstract: This article explores the complexities of the interaction between politics, religion and gender equality in contemporary Mexico, by analysing recent developments in public debate, legal changes and implementation of government policies in two areas: 1) the inclusion of emergency contraception in public health services in 2004; and 2) the decriminalisation of abortion in Mexico City in 2008, which was followed by a massive campaign to re-criminalise abortion in the federal states. Three main findings emerge from our analysis: first, that women's sexual and reproductive autonomy has become an issue of intense public debate that is being addressed by both state–public policy and society; second, that the gradual democratisation of the Mexican political system and society is forcing the Catholic Church to play by the rules of democracy; and third, that the character and nature of the Mexican (secular) state has become an arena of intense struggle within which traditional political boundaries and ideologies are being reconfigured. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 989-1005 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502733 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502733 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:989-1005 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jacqueline Heinen Author-X-Name-First: Jacqueline Author-X-Name-Last: Heinen Author-Name: Stéphane Portet Author-X-Name-First: Stéphane Author-X-Name-Last: Portet Title: Reproductive Rights in Poland: when politicians fear the wrath of the Church Abstract: The historical prestige of the Polish Catholic Church is the result of its presence as a national symbol of resistance, both under foreign occupation and during the communist regime. In the post-communist era the power of the Church within the political arena has significantly increased, through the Concordat that was signed with the state as well as through formal and informal ties with political parties. Catholicism is the de facto religion of the state, even if Poland remains a nominally secular country. This was illustrated by the adoption, in 1993, of a total abortion ban. Although the relation of Poles to the Catholic dogma on sexuality and reproductive rights tends to be weak, fearing criticism from Church authorities, most politicians avoid controversial topics and express their commitment to Catholic dogma. Thus women's groups have encountered serious difficulties in their efforts to defend women's rights to sexual and reproductive autonomy. Although accession to the European Union has put Poland in an awkward position with respect to equality of rights between women and men, it has not fundamentally altered the real situation with respect to the controversial topic of abortion. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1007-1021 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502735 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502735 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:1007-1021 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elizabeth Bernstein Author-X-Name-First: Elizabeth Author-X-Name-Last: Bernstein Author-Name: Janet Jakobsen Author-X-Name-First: Janet Author-X-Name-Last: Jakobsen Title: Sex, Secularism and Religious Influence in US Politics Abstract: Through an analysis of alliances between secular and religious actors in US politics and a specific case study on anti-trafficking policy, we show that the intertwining of religion and politics in the US comes from two sources: 1) the secular political and cultural institutions of American public life that have developed historically out of Protestantism, and which predominantly operate by presuming Protestant norms and values; and 2) the direct influence on US politics of religious groups and organisations, particularly in the past quarter-century of lobby groups and political action committees identified with conservative evangelical Christianity. The sources of policies that promote gender and sexual inequality in the US are both secular and religious and we conclude that it is inaccurate to assume that religious influence in politics is necessarily conservative or that more secular politics will necessarily be more progressive than the religious varieties. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1023-1039 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502739 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.502739 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:1023-1039 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Asian Journal of Political Science Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 868-868 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.516948 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.516948 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:868-868 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Asian Ethnicity Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 904-904 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.516950 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.516950 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:904-904 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Journal of Contemporary Asia Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 938-938 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.516951 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.516951 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:938-938 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Author Services Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1006-1006 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.516952 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.516952 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:1006-1006 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Author Services Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1022-1022 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.516955 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.516955 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:6:p:1022-1022 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Erratum Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 942-942 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.745334 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.745334 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:5:p:942-942 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Catherine Gegout Author-X-Name-First: Catherine Author-X-Name-Last: Gegout Title: The International Criminal Court: limits, potential and conditions for the promotion of justice and peace Abstract: The International Criminal Court (icc) aims to promote not only justice, but also peace. It has been widely criticised for doing neither, yet it has to contend with some severe structural and political difficulties: it has limited resources, it faces institutional restrictions, it is manipulated by states, and it is criticised for an alleged selectivity in the way it dispenses justice. However, the icc could contribute significantly to the promotion of international justice and peace, and have a major impact on the prevention of crime, since its prosecutions represent a clear threat to highly placed individuals who commit serious crimes. While this article concentrates on the work of the icc in Africa, the only continent where it has issued indictments against suspected criminals, it also looks at its efforts on other continents. It argues that, in the larger international context, the contribution of the icc to international justice and peace depends on its institutional power and the support it receives from states, on its own impartial work, and on the way it is perceived by potential criminals and victims in the world. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 800-818 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.800737 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.800737 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:5:p:800-818 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Genevieve Lebaron Author-X-Name-First: Genevieve Author-X-Name-Last: Lebaron Author-Name: Alison Ayers Author-X-Name-First: Alison Author-X-Name-Last: Ayers Title: The Rise of a ‘New Slavery’? Understanding African unfree labour through neoliberalism Abstract: This article analyses the widely reported increase of unfree labour in Africa through neoliberalism, arguing that, far from an individual relationship of domination epiphenomenal to global political-economic restructuring, unfree labour must be understood as a social relationship of insecurity and exploitation whose acceleration in recent decades is traceable to broader shifts in the relations of production and social reproduction. These include the impact of labour market reform and privatisation on wages, employment and poverty; the rise of informalisation, including the marketisation of social reproduction; Africa in the international division of labour and labour conditions in global supply chains; and the rise of brics, the ‘new scramble’ for African resources and markets, and intensified processes of primitive accumulation. In a continent beleaguered by the slave trade and the systematic, widespread and brutal exploitation of forced labour during the colonial era, concerns around labour conditions of violence, bondage and coercion are particularly acute. Understanding the complexities of labour unfreedom in Africa today requires an understanding of the various forms and layers of coercion, immobility and exploitation fundamental to the contemporary social structures of capitalist accumulation, overcoming the binary typically posited between free and unfree labour. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 873-892 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.800738 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.800738 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:5:p:873-892 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Patricia Daley Author-X-Name-First: Patricia Author-X-Name-Last: Daley Title: Refugees, and Citizenship Rights: the perils of humanitarianism in the African Great Lakes region Abstract: Persistent civil warfare has created a crisis of protection for vulnerable refugees/returnees and internally displaced people (idps) in the African Great Lakes region. This is in the context of increasing state hostility towards refugees, intensified inter-group competition among citizens, and rising xenophobia towards African ‘foreigners’. Humanitarian solutions are often de-contextualised from struggles over entitlements, citizenship and exclusionary practices based on social hierarchies, ethnicity and indigeneity. Hence, they tend to contribute to rather than alleviate the marginality experienced by the displaced. This article argues for further exploration of the processes of identity construction that accompany displacement and humanitarianism and their problematic relationship with sovereignty and citizenship. It suggests that transcending marginality requires greater emphasis on political agency within refugee and idp communities—for their voices to be part of negotiations and conversations on repatriation and integration—in order for them to rejoin the political community. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 893-912 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.800740 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.800740 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:5:p:893-912 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Karim Knio Author-X-Name-First: Karim Author-X-Name-Last: Knio Title: Structure, Agency And Hezbollah: a Morphogenetic View Abstract: The role and nature of Hezbollah’s involvement in Lebanese politics has been an omnipresent topic in Middle Eastern studies. The recent ‘Arab Spring’ uprisings further accentuated this complex role, given the party’s support for every single popular resistance movement in the Arab world, with the exception of Syria, its major political ally in the region. This stark contradiction highlights once again the question of how far Hezbollah should be perceived as a proxy client of both Iran and Syria or whether it represents an intrinsic and genuine local resistance movement. In this article I argue that scholarly treatment of Hezbollah’s nature, which has oscillated between structure-led, agency-led and dualistic types of analyses, is problematic. The article proposes a historically situated dialectical analysis of structure–agency which can potentially explain better how a legitimate social force can still be understood within the premises of proxy client politics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 856-872 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.800741 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.800741 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:5:p:856-872 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter Burnell Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Burnell Title: Democratisation in the Middle East and North Africa: perspectives from democracy support Abstract: This article offers perspectives on the prospects for democratisation in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region in the light of political developments since 2010, with particular reference to international democracy support. An introduction shares certain assumptions about democracy support’s general record before threats and opportunities to democracy support arising from developments in the region are discussed. Next democracy support’s response to those developments is examined, while the fourth section highlights some challenges for democracy support in the region and beyond. Throughout, discussion is contextualised within the larger literature on democratisation. Final remarks lead to the conclusion that developments in the region both present challenges that should be viewed as opportunities, and offer opportunities that will be challenging to address, not just for democracy support in the region and further afield but in terms of the guidance that democratisation studies have to offer. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 838-855 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.800742 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.800742 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:5:p:838-855 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: ANDREI GOMEZ-SUAREZ Author-X-Name-First: ANDREI Author-X-Name-Last: GOMEZ-SUAREZ Author-Name: JONATHAN NEWMAN Author-X-Name-First: JONATHAN Author-X-Name-Last: NEWMAN Title: Safeguarding Political Guarantees in the Colombian Peace Process: have Santos and learnt the lessons from the past? Abstract: This article discusses the lessons of previous peace processes between the government of Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (farc). It has two policy implications. In regard to Colombia it suggests that safeguarding the lives of demobilised farc members is necessary for the current peace process to succeed, hence it proposes a hybrid Specialised Protection Force (spf). In terms of peace building the article discusses the challenges for spfs to avoid becoming tools of foreign policy diplomacy that perpetuate conflicts. The article aims to contribute to both the critique of liberal peace and of the negotiating teams in the current Colombian peace process. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 819-837 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.800747 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.800747 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:5:p:819-837 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sina Salessi Author-X-Name-First: Sina Author-X-Name-Last: Salessi Title: The Postcolonial World and the Recourse to Myth: a critique of Albert Memmi’s Abstract: The seminal postcolonial thinker Albert Memmi’s reactionary turn with the publishing of Decolonization and the Decolonized provides an excellent opportunity to properly contextualise the conditions of the Third World. In this article, emphasis is laid on the necessity of linking the postcolonial world’s dire condition to the role of Western powers and economic processes of globalisation. Memmi’s primary shortcoming is his failure to examine these connections with any nuance, and instead choosing to blame the Third World’s condition on corrupt leaders and governments. Consequently, a focused critique of his work can serve as a valuable foundation for a broader critique of the general patterns of capitalism and its global effects. By examining the inconsistencies and obfuscations of this work in detail, both Memmi and the ideas he professes can be appropriately confronted. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 929-941 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.800748 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.800748 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:5:p:929-941 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tom Scott-Smith Author-X-Name-First: Tom Author-X-Name-Last: Scott-Smith Title: The fetishism of humanitarian objects and the management of malnutrition in emergencies Abstract: This paper examines two common objects in humanitarian assistance: a therapeutic food called Plumpy’nut, and a tape for measuring malnutrition known as the muac band. It argues that humanitarian relief has become a standardised package reliant on such objects, which receive excessive commitment from aid workers and are ascribed with almost magical powers. Drawing on the Marxist notion of commodity fetishism, the paper proposes a three-part model for examining this phenomenon, in which humanitarian objects are bound up in processes of concealment, transformation and mystification. First, these objects are perceived as rootless, recent discoveries, allowing the complex history and ambivalent results of technology to be concealed. Second, they facilitate a single-minded attention to efficiency and aggregate survival, which transforms the way humanitarian action is understood. Third, these objects are imbued with a mystical and autonomous spirit, redefined as irreplaceable elements of aid. This ‘fetishism of humanitarian objects’, the paper concludes, prevents a more flexible and people-centred approach to relief. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 913-928 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.800749 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.800749 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:5:p:913-928 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roger Mac Ginty Author-X-Name-First: Roger Author-X-Name-Last: Mac Ginty Author-Name: Oliver Richmond Author-X-Name-First: Oliver Author-X-Name-Last: Richmond Title: The Local Turn in Peace Building: a critical agenda for peace Abstract: This article unpacks the renaissance of interest in ‘the local’ in peace building. It pays increased attention to local dimensions of peace in a wider context of increased assertiveness by local actors as well as a loss of confidence by major actors behind international peace-support actors. The article sees the ‘local turn’ in peace building as part of a wider critical turn in the study of peace and conflict, and focuses on the epistemological consequences of the recourse to localism in the conceptualisation and execution of peace building. The local turn has implications for the nature and location of power in peace building. This article is largely conceptual and theoretical in nature but it is worth noting that the local turn is based on reactions to real-world events. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 763-783 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.800750 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.800750 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:5:p:763-783 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ronaldo Munck Author-X-Name-First: Ronaldo Author-X-Name-Last: Munck Title: The Precariat: a view from the South Abstract: The term ‘precariat’—a precarious proletariat—has achieved considerable prominence in recent years and is probably now ripe for critical deconstruction. It also needs to be situated in terms of a genealogy that includes the marginality debates of the 1960s, the later informal sector problematic and the ‘social exclusion’ optic that became dominant in the 1980s. I will argue that the concept is highly questionable both as an adequate sociology of work in the North and insofar as it elides the experience of the South in an openly Eurocentric manner. In terms of political discourse I think we should avoid the language of ‘dangerous class’, as deployed by Guy Standing to situate workers politically in the policy world as though frightening the ruling classes was a strategy for transformation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 747-762 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.800751 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.800751 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:5:p:747-762 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nancy Thede Author-X-Name-First: Nancy Author-X-Name-Last: Thede Title: Policy Coherence for Development and Securitisation: competing paradigms or stabilising North–South hierarchies? Abstract: Often treated as separate paradigms, the security-development nexus and the aid effectiveness agenda are analysed here instead as a continuum of aid policy responses that attempt to stabilise power relations in a contested and unstable international arena These responses are informed by a common commitment by western donor governments to neoliberal logic since the early 1980s. The article focuses on the discourse of policy coherence for development promoted by the DAC (Development Assistance Committee) of the OECD (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development), analysing it as the common vector of the two dimensions – effectiveness and security - of donor aid policy. By examining the emergence and transformations of the concept of coherence over the past two decades, it underlines the predominance of continuity over rupture in three successive phases of stabilisation (economic, political, security). Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 784-799 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.800752 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.800752 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:5:p:784-799 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elena Baglioni Author-X-Name-First: Elena Author-X-Name-Last: Baglioni Author-Name: Peter Gibbon Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Gibbon Title: Land Grabbing, Large- Small-scale Farming: what can evidence and policy from 20th century Africa contribute to the debate? Abstract: This article examines the contemporary phenomenon of ‘land grabbing’ in relation to the history of plantation and large- and small-scale farming (pf, lsf and ssf) in sub-Saharan Africa. It looks at the extent of pf and lsf over the 20th century, as well as the policy narratives that have justified, supported or circumscribed their development. Many characteristics of the current land rush and its interpretation reveal elements of continuity with some of the general trends marking the history of pf and lsf up to recent years. In particular, the heterogeneity of pf and lsf, subsuming quite different relations to ssf, and the pivotal role played by the combination of private capital (whether foreign, domestic or combined) with the state represent organisational continuities. Meanwhile continuities in supporting narratives centre on the prevalence of generic prescriptions for either lsf/pf or ssf. Refuting these generic prescriptions is a precondition for more nuanced analysis and policy proposals. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1558-1581 Issue: 9 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.843838 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.843838 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:9:p:1558-1581 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Saturnino M Borras Author-X-Name-First: Saturnino M Author-X-Name-Last: Borras Author-Name: Jennifer C Franco Author-X-Name-First: Jennifer C Author-X-Name-Last: Franco Title: Global Land Grabbing and Political Reactions ‘From Below’ Abstract: Contemporary large-scale land deals are widely understood as involving the expulsion of people who, in turn, struggle instinctively to resist dispossession This is certainly true in many instances. Yet this chain of events evidently does not always occur: large-scale land deals do not always result in people losing the land, and many of those who face expulsion do not necessarily respond with the kind of resistance often expected of them. Indeed, much evidence shows that the nature of and responses to big land deals can (and do) vary across and within ‘local communities’. Taking off analytically from a relatively narrow selection of cases, the expulsion–resistance scenario is too often assumed rather than demonstrated, thereby leaving many inconvenient facts undetected and unexplained. This suggests a need to step back and problematise the variable and uneven responses ‘from below’ to land grabbing, both within and between communities. This paper offers an initial exploration into why poor people affected by contemporary land deals (re)act the way they do, noting how issues and processes unite and divide them. This helps explain variation in political trajectories in the context of land grabbing today. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1723-1747 Issue: 9 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.843845 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.843845 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:9:p:1723-1747 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Deborah Bräutigam Author-X-Name-First: Deborah Author-X-Name-Last: Bräutigam Author-Name: Haisen zhang Author-X-Name-First: Haisen Author-X-Name-Last: zhang Title: Green Dreams: Myth and Reality in China’s Agricultural Investment in Africa Abstract: What role does China play in the recent rush for land acquisition in Africa? Conventional wisdom suggests a large role for the Chinese government and its firms. Ou r research suggests the opposite. Land acquisitions by Chinese companies have so far been quite limited, and focused on production for African consumption. We trace the evolution of strategy and incentives for Chinese agricultural engagement in Africa, and examine more closely several of the more well known cases, sorting out the myths and the realities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1676-1696 Issue: 9 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.843846 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.843846 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:9:p:1676-1696 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lorenzo Cotula Author-X-Name-First: Lorenzo Author-X-Name-Last: Cotula Title: The New Enclosures? Polanyi, international investment law and the global land rush Abstract: Seven decades after its first publication, Karl Polanyi’s The Great Transformation remains one of the most insightful readings about the socioeconomic changes associated with the Industrial Revolution, and the ways in which law facilitated, or countered, moves towards the commodification of land at that time. As today’s global land rush brings competing land claims into contest, new transitions are occurring between more commodified and more ‘socially embedded’ conceptualisations of land. Using Polanyi’s framework, this article analyses the role of international law in these processes. International investment law construes land as a commercial asset, can facilitate access to land for foreign investors and imposes discipline on the exercise of regulatory powers in land matters. But shifts in the political economy that underpins international investment law and growing recourse to international human rights law are creating new opportunities for reflecting the non-commercial (cultural, social, political) relations within which land rights remain embedded in many societies. When contrasting conceptualisations of land collide, the relative strength of legal rights and enforcement mechanisms become particularly important. Ultimately, the legitimacy of international law to mediate between competing land claims will depend on the extent to which it can recognise the multiple values that society attaches to land. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1605-1629 Issue: 9 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.843847 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.843847 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:9:p:1605-1629 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marc Edelman Author-X-Name-First: Marc Author-X-Name-Last: Edelman Author-Name: Andrés León Author-X-Name-First: Andrés Author-X-Name-Last: León Title: Cycles of Land Grabbing in Central America: an argument for history and a case study in the Bajo Aguán, Honduras Abstract: The lack of historical perspective in many studies of land grabbing leads researchers to ignore or underestimate the extent to which pre-existing social relations shape rural spaces in which contemporary land deals occur. Bringing history back in to land grabbing research is essential for understanding antecedents, establishing baselines to measure impacts and restoring the agency of contending agrarian social classes. In Central America each of several cycles of land grabbing—liberal reforms, banana concessions and agrarian counter-reform—has profoundly shaped the period that succeeded it. In the Bajo Aguán region of Honduras—a centre of agrarian reform and then counter-reform—violent conflicts over land have been materially shaped by both peasant, landowner and state repertoires of contention and repression, as well as by peasants’ memories of dispossession. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1697-1722 Issue: 9 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.843848 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.843848 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:9:p:1697-1722 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jennifer Franco Author-X-Name-First: Jennifer Author-X-Name-Last: Franco Author-Name: Lyla Mehta Author-X-Name-First: Lyla Author-X-Name-Last: Mehta Author-Name: Gert Jan Veldwisch Author-X-Name-First: Gert Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Veldwisch Title: The Global Politics of Water Grabbing Abstract: The contestation and appropriation of water is not new, but it has been highlighted by recent global debates on land grabbing. Water grabbing takes place in a field that is locally and globally plural-legal. Formal law has been fostering both land and water grabs but formal water and land management have been separated from each other—an institutional void that makes encroachment even easier. Ambiguous processes of global water and land governance have increased local-level uncertainties and complexities that powerful players can navigate, making them into mechanisms of exclusion of poor and marginalised people. As in formal land management corporate influence has grown. For less powerful players resolving ambiguities in conflicting regulatory frameworks may require tipping the balance towards the most congenial. Yet, compared with land governance, global water governance is less contested from an equity and water justice perspective, even though land is fixed, while water is fluid and part of the hydrological cycle; therefore water grabbing potentially affects greater numbers of diverse water users. Water grabbing can be a powerful entry point for the contestation needed to build counterweights to the neoliberal, corporate business-led convergence in global resource governance discourses and processes. Elaborating a human right to water in response to water grabbing is urgently needed. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1651-1675 Issue: 9 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.843852 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.843852 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:9:p:1651-1675 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christophe Golay Author-X-Name-First: Christophe Author-X-Name-Last: Golay Author-Name: Irene Biglino Author-X-Name-First: Irene Author-X-Name-Last: Biglino Title: Human Rights Responses to Land Grabbing: a right to food perspective Abstract: This article approaches the debate on ‘contemporary land grabbing’ from a human rights perspective, focusing on one right that is particularly threatened: the right to food. It sketches an analytical framework grounded in international human rights law and the contribution such a framework can bring to the land-grabbing debate. Following a brief historical background on the right to food and its articulation in international human rights law, the paper expands on this by focusing on what can be called human rights responses to land grabbing from a right to food standpoint. The analysis considers the contributions of different actors in the human rights sphere and examines the role of the UN Committee on World Food Security and its recently adopted Voluntary Guidelines on the responsible governance of tenure of land, fisheries and forests. It also investigates how the phenomenon has been addressed by the UN human rights mechanisms, drawing on relevant practice of the UN treaty bodies and the Human Rights Council, with a focus on the Special Rapporteur on the right to food and the Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Cambodia. The engagement of regional human rights system with the issue of large-scale land transactions is also analysed. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1630-1650 Issue: 9 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.843853 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.843853 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:9:p:1630-1650 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Derek Hall Author-X-Name-First: Derek Author-X-Name-Last: Hall Title: Primitive Accumulation, Accumulation by Dispossession and the Global Land Grab Abstract: Critical scholars have made extensive use of the concepts of primitive accumulation and accumulation by dispossession to analyse the global land grab. These concepts have been crucial to efforts to understand the land grab in terms of the creation, expansion and reproduction of capitalist social relations, of accumulation by extra-economic means, and of dispossessory responses to capitalist crises. This paper provides an overview of these approaches. It also argues that there are substantial challenges involved in the use of primitive accumulation and accumulation by dispossession, including tensions and ambiguities over what the concepts mean, the assumptions embedded within them and problems of fit with other conceptualisations of the land grab. The paper also highlights resources for engaging with these challenges in the land grab literature. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1582-1604 Issue: 9 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.843854 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.843854 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:9:p:1582-1604 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Carlos Oya Author-X-Name-First: Carlos Author-X-Name-Last: Oya Title: The Land Rush and Classic Agrarian Questions of Capital and Labour: a systematic scoping review of the socioeconomic impact of land grabs in Africa Abstract: This paper has two main objectives. First, to address the problematic of the socioeconomic impact of land deals in sub-Saharan Africa by looking at what we know from the available literature so far, namely what has been claimed and how much research has been done, as well as why we do not know very much despite the quantity of material published. This is done via a systematic scoping review, which aims to avoid some of the biases inherent in conventional literature reviews and to provide evidence for some basic features of the emerging research on land grabs in Africa, with specific reference to their contribution to the understanding of livelihood impacts. Second, the article links empirical questions about the impact and implications of land grabs with a discussion of alternative (neglected) research questions, notably the implications of the current land rush phenomenon for the classic agrarian questions of capital and labour, as understood in agrarian political economy. Thus the paper proposes a re-engagement with debates on the classic agrarian questions in a Marxist political economy tradition in order to move the land grab research agenda towards more conceptually and empirically challenging research questions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1532-1557 Issue: 9 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.843855 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.843855 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:9:p:1532-1557 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marc Edelman Author-X-Name-First: Marc Author-X-Name-Last: Edelman Author-Name: Carlos Oya Author-X-Name-First: Carlos Author-X-Name-Last: Oya Author-Name: Saturnino M Borras Author-X-Name-First: Saturnino M Author-X-Name-Last: Borras Title: Global Land Grabs: historical processes, theoretical and methodological implications and current trajectories Abstract: Scholars, practitioners and activists generally agree that investor interest in land has climbed sharply, although they differ about what to call this phenomenon and how to analyse it. This introduction discusses several contested definitional, conceptual, methodological and political issues in the land grab debate. The initial ‘making sense’ period drew sweeping conclusions from large databases, rapid-appraisal fieldwork and local case studies. Today research examines financialisation of land, ‘water grabbing’, ‘green grabbing’ and grabbing for industrial and urbanisation projects, and a substantial literature challenges key assumptions of the early discussion (the emphasis on foreign actors in Africa and on food and biofuels production, the claim that local populations are inevitably displaced or negatively affected). The authors in this collection, representing a diversity of approaches and backgrounds, argue the need to move beyond the basic questions of the ‘making sense’ period of the debate and share a common commitment to connecting analyses of contemporary land grabbing to its historical antecedents and legal contexts and to longstanding agrarian political economy questions concerning forms of dispossession and accumulation, the role of labour and the impediments to the development of capitalism in agriculture. They call for more rigorous grounding of claims about impacts, for scrutiny of failed projects and for (re)examination of the longue durée, social differentiation, the agency of contending social classes and forms of grassroots resistance as key elements shaping agrarian outcomes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1517-1531 Issue: 9 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.850190 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.850190 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:9:p:1517-1531 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dag Tuastad Author-X-Name-First: Dag Author-X-Name-Last: Tuastad Title: ‘State of exception’ or ‘state in exile’? The fallacy of appropriating Agamben on Palestinian refugee camps Abstract: To refer to Palestinian refugee camps as states of exception, appropriating the paradigm of Giorgio Agamben, is definitely tempting. Agamben argues that in times of crisis, individual rights of citizens are diminished and entire categories of people kept outside the political system. Nevertheless, there are flaws in applying Agamben’s perspective on Palestinian camps. It acquits the camp residents from the autonomy over their own political agency. Historically, in Lebanon, camp residents experienced an almost limitless access to free political organisation. But this access has not been converted into the development of representative, legitimate political structures. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2159-2170 Issue: 9 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1256765 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1256765 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:9:p:2159-2170 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Juan Telleria Author-X-Name-First: Juan Author-X-Name-Last: Telleria Title: Power relations? What power relations? The de-politicising conceptualisation of development of the UNDP Abstract: The UN′s Sustainable Development Goals agenda points far into 2030, which shows that its post-war development endeavour is not functioning effectively. This article implements a discourse analysis of the UN Development Programme′s (UNDP) Human Development Reports (HDR) and exposes their internal contradictions. This analysis enables a critical reflection on the UNDP′s political position: its reports conceal the political causes of underdevelopment. By concealing the antagonistic/conflictual dimension of social issues – poverty, inequality, and exclusion – the UNDP naturalises the actual neoliberal order. The HDR turns political problems into technical issues; according to this approach, no power relations have to be changed in order to overcome underdevelopment. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2143-2158 Issue: 9 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1298437 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1298437 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:9:p:2143-2158 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gorm Rye Olsen Author-X-Name-First: Gorm Author-X-Name-Last: Rye Olsen Title: The ambiguity of US foreign policy towards Africa Abstract: Since 9/11, the American policy towards Africa has been strongly influenced by national security interests and in particular by the fight against international terrorism and Islamic radicalisation. Traditionally, the American Africa policy has been the result of bureaucratic policymaking with the Pentagon and the State Department playing prominent roles. The paper argues that in the current century, evangelical Christian lobby groups have gained increasing influence on policymaking on Africa. Because policymaking has been influenced by a number of different actors, the American Africa policy may appear incoherent and ambiguous if judged narrowly on the expectation that it only aims to take care of US national security concerns and economic self-interests. The paper concludes that Africa was important to the United States during the presidencies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama because of the combination of strong security interests and strong domestic lobby groups that have pressured to place Africa on the US foreign policy agenda. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2097-2112 Issue: 9 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1315298 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1315298 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:9:p:2097-2112 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mwenda Kailemia Author-X-Name-First: Mwenda Author-X-Name-Last: Kailemia Title: Enter the dragon: the ecological disorganisation of Chinese capital in Africa Abstract: This article draws on the theory and recent research on ‘ecological disorganization’- defined as ‘the ways in which human preferences for organizing economic production consistent with the objectives of capitalism are an inherent contradiction with the health of the ecological system’- to explore the ‘corporate violence’ apropos of Chinese investment in Africa. In line with other ecological disorganization theorists, we show how the deployment of Chinese capital in Africa structures and reproduces subjectivation, but also how, ultimately, this subjectivation is implicated in Africa’s ecological disorganization. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2082-2096 Issue: 9 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1315299 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1315299 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:9:p:2082-2096 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Katerina Dalacoura Author-X-Name-First: Katerina Author-X-Name-Last: Dalacoura Title: ‘East’ and ‘West’ in contemporary Turkey: threads of a new universalism Abstract: The tired old civilisational categories of ‘East’ and ‘West’, loosely identified with ‘Islam’ and ‘modernity’, are alive and well, nowhere more so than in contemporary Turkey. The Justice Development Party (AKP) currently in government employs them assiduously to political advantage but they have a long history, having defined the parameters of societal identity and political discourse throughout the history of the Turkish Republic. The paper takes the strength of the categories as its starting point but moves beyond them by asking if discourses, narratives and identities, individual and collective, exist in Turkey which question, overcome and ultimately undermine the categories of ‘East’ and ‘West’. The paper starts by investigating the evolution of ideas about East and West since the late Ottoman period and accepts that they are still dominant. However, since the 1980s in particular, they are being undermined in a de facto way by cultural developments in literature and music, new trends in historiography and novel ways of relating to the past. In some ways in contemporary Turkey, the paper concludes, culture trumps the inherently essentialist idea of ‘civilisation’ and Turkish society is ahead of its political and intellectual elites. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2066-2081 Issue: 9 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1315301 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1315301 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:9:p:2066-2081 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lindsey K. Horner Author-X-Name-First: Lindsey K. Author-X-Name-Last: Horner Title: Rethinking development and peacebuilding in non-secular contexts: a postsecular alternative in Mindanao Abstract: This paper aims to positively engage with the religious character of many development contexts through an exploration of my own fieldwork in Mindanao. Through problematising a secular development industry and building on the momentum of the religious turn some scholars have identified, I share my initial explorations of how a postsecular framing might offer an alternative approach to development and peacebuilding. Through a deconstructive framing of the religious-secular binary I analyse the practices of one small non-governmental organisation (NGO) and suggest that a practice of ‘journeying with’ – Muslims and Christians on the shared philosophical/theological project to nourish each other’s faiths – can contribute to material and spiritual benefit, and the conditions to enable this. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2009-2026 Issue: 9 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1319275 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1319275 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:9:p:2009-2026 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Huseyn Aliyev Author-X-Name-First: Huseyn Author-X-Name-Last: Aliyev Title: Precipitating state failure: do civil wars and violent non-state actors create failed states? Abstract: This article examines whether the incidence of civil wars and the presence of violent non-state actors have an effect on state failure. Research on failed states has thus far prioritised armed conflicts as one of the key causes of state failure. This study challenges that claim and posits that civil war incidence has limited impact on the transition from fragility to failure. Global quantitative analysis of state failure processes from 1995 to 2014 shows that although armed conflicts are widespread in failed states, civil violence does not lead to state failure and large numbers of failed states become engulfed by civil war only after the failure occurs. By contrast, this study demonstrates a direct link between the presence of violent non-state actors and state failure. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1973-1989 Issue: 9 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1319276 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1319276 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:9:p:1973-1989 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elise Klein Author-X-Name-First: Elise Author-X-Name-Last: Klein Author-Name: China Mills Author-X-Name-First: China Author-X-Name-Last: Mills Title: Psy-expertise, therapeutic culture and the politics of the personal in development Abstract: Expertise stemming from the psy disciplines is increasingly and explicitly shaping international development policy and practice. Whilst some policy makers see the use of psy expertise as a new way to reduce poverty, increase economic efficiency, and promote wellbeing, others raise concerns that psychocentric development promotes individual over structural change, pathologises poverty, and depoliticises development. This paper specifically analyses four aspects of psy knowledge used in contemporary development policy: child development/developmental psychology, behavioural economics, positive psychology, and global mental health. This analysis illuminates the co-constitutive intellectual and colonial histories of development and psy-expertise: a connection that complicates claims that development has been psychologized; the uses and coloniality of both within a neoliberal project; and the potential for psychopolitics to inform development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1990-2008 Issue: 9 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1319277 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1319277 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:9:p:1990-2008 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Emma Paszat Author-X-Name-First: Emma Author-X-Name-Last: Paszat Title: Why ‘Uganda’s anti-homosexuality bill’? Rethinking the ‘coherent’ state Abstract: How we understand the state is important when addressing issues of human rights. During the debate on the Anti-Homosexuality Bill in Uganda, the country was, at times, presented as nearly uniformly homophobic, exemplified by references to ‘Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Bill’. The state, which does discriminate against gender and sexual minorities, is comprised of different institutions and people, holding, at times, conflicting positions. This paper documents these differing positions that parts of the state adopted, along with how those positions changed over time in response to political changes and lobbying from civil society. Uncovering gaps in the coherence of the state by identifying these opposing views is useful both for how we understand and study the state, and for activism against political homophobias. Strategies against legislation similar to the Anti-Homosexuality Bill can target those within most likely to oppose such laws. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2027-2044 Issue: 9 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1322459 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1322459 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:9:p:2027-2044 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Neil Winn Author-X-Name-First: Neil Author-X-Name-Last: Winn Author-Name: Alexandra Lewis Author-X-Name-First: Alexandra Author-X-Name-Last: Lewis Title: European Union anti-piracy initiatives in the Horn of Africa: linking land-based counter-piracy with maritime security and regional development Abstract: Piracy off the coast of Somalia has resulted in a steady decline in trade through the Arabian Sea and higher costs of doing business for multiple world regions. The EU has responded to the threat with a large-scale anti-piracy operation in the Horn of Africa, which constitutes the first free-standing Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) military operation that is not entirely dependent on North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) planning and assets. The operation is designed to interdict Somali piracy operations across the Gulf of Aden and to keep some of the world’s busiest sea lanes open for reasons of world trade. This article argues that the EU preoccupation with military solutions to the piracy problem, based on interventions through the Somali federal government with an emphasis on security, is insufficient because it fails to address the underlying causes of piracy and misunderstands the Somali socio-cultural-security nexus and the need for practical longer term land-based approaches to development. The reduction of Somali piracy activities can be linked to this increased military response capacity as well as to increased security precautions undertaken by shipping companies, but none of these strategies has succeeded in dismantling piracy networks. They therefore offer only a temporary and costly stopgap measure. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2113-2128 Issue: 9 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1322460 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1322460 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:9:p:2113-2128 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Carlo Koos Author-X-Name-First: Carlo Author-X-Name-Last: Koos Title: Sexual violence in armed conflicts: research progress and remaining gaps Abstract: Research on conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) has grown rapidly over the last decade. This article consolidates existing social science research on CSRV according to two lines of inquiry: its causes and its consequences. Overall, research has considerably advanced our knowledge of the causes of CRSV, particularly in four aspects: purpose, context, individual motives and intra-group dynamics. However, there is a need to better understand the societal consequences of CRSV, in particular how it affects relations in families, and within and between communities. Overall there remains a shortage of empirical, in particular mixed-method, designs to produce research which is relevant for policymakers and practitioners. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1935-1951 Issue: 9 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1322461 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1322461 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:9:p:1935-1951 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elena Urquía-Grande Author-X-Name-First: Elena Author-X-Name-Last: Urquía-Grande Author-Name: Antti Rautiainen Author-X-Name-First: Antti Author-X-Name-Last: Rautiainen Author-Name: Raquel Pérez-Estébanez Author-X-Name-First: Raquel Author-X-Name-Last: Pérez-Estébanez Title: The effectiveness of rural versus urban nonprofit organisations in the Democratic Republic of Congo Abstract: The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is a country with high natural resources, but it has suffered from decades of civil wars and social turmoil, being heavily aid-dependent. In the DRC, several Nonprofit Organisations (NPOs) are major players in fighting poverty and enhancing welfare. This research aims to analyse the effectiveness of small NPOs in improving poor peoples’ lives through health, education, and economic activities. Two NPOs working in the DRC, one in a rural and the other in an urban area, are compared by researching the aid sites and surveying 201 households (aid beneficiaries). Our case observations and the survey results facilitate analysing the mission accomplishment, effectiveness, and accountability of the NPOs although we admit that the DRC conditions make exact measurements difficult. Multivariate analyses are used to study the differences in aid impacts. There are significant differences in the beneficiaries’ perception of the NPO effectiveness in improving health while no significant differences in education impact were found. This is probably because both case NPOs have succeeded in getting a large proportion of the children of their area registered in the education centres created by the NPOs. Differences were observed in the accountability and reporting style of the NPOs. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2129-2142 Issue: 9 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1322464 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1322464 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:9:p:2129-2142 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alexandra Cosima Budabin Author-X-Name-First: Alexandra Cosima Author-X-Name-Last: Budabin Author-Name: Louise Mubanda Rasmussen Author-X-Name-First: Louise Mubanda Author-X-Name-Last: Rasmussen Author-Name: Lisa Ann Richey Author-X-Name-First: Lisa Ann Author-X-Name-Last: Richey Title: Celebrity-led development organisations: the legitimating function of elite engagement Abstract: The past decade has seen a frontier open up in international development engagement with the entrance of new actors such as celebrity-led organisations. We explore how such organisations earn legitimacy with a focus on Madonna’s Raising Malawi and Ben Affleck’s Eastern Congo Initiative. The study draws from organisational materials, interviews, mainstream news coverage, and the texts of the celebrities themselves to investigate the construction of authenticity, credibility, and accountability. We find these organisations earn legitimacy and flourish rapidly amid supportive elite networks for funding, endorsements, and expertise. We argue that the ways in which celebrity-led organisations establish themselves as legitimate development actors illustrate broader dynamics of the machinery of development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1952-1972 Issue: 9 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1322465 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1322465 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:9:p:1952-1972 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Daniel L. Douek Author-X-Name-First: Daniel L. Author-X-Name-Last: Douek Title: New light on the Samora Machel assassination: ‘I realized that it was no accident’ Abstract: In 1998, South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) held hearings that investigated the possibility of foul play in the plane crash that killed Mozambican President Samora Machel on the night of 19 October 1986, near Mbuzini, South Africa. Eight persons testified in these special Section 29 hearings, held in camera because they dealt with events that remained politically volatile in the post-apartheid era. The recently declassified transcripts from these hearings strongly corroborate previous evidence indicating that the apartheid security forces caused Machel’s plane to crash, thereby eliminating one of colonialism’s most outspoken foes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2045-2065 Issue: 9 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1323550 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1323550 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:9:p:2045-2065 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Satnam Virdee Author-X-Name-First: Satnam Author-X-Name-Last: Virdee Title: The second sight of racialised outsiders in the imperialist core Abstract: This essay focuses attention on a current of socialist internationalism within imperial Britain and the formative role played by racialised outsiders of Irish Catholic, Jewish and Indian descent in actualising anti-racism and anti-imperialism. The collective memories of colonial subjugation combined with their outsider status within Britain itself endowed them with a second sight that enabled them to see through the usual fog of blood and belonging and act as a leavening agent connecting the struggles of workers of different ethnicities within Britain, as well as with those beyond. The essay concludes with a call to accommodate the emancipatory potential of the racialised outsider position in critical theory and practice. In particular, if contemporary Marxism is to remain relevant, it must be stretched to accommodate the specificity of racism and anti-racism without reducing it to class. The lessons for political practice appear equally compelling: emancipatory politics today need to accommodate how identifications of race are materially inscribed social realities which can facilitate resistance against racism. In that sense, socialist political practice will have to be more intersectional if a sustainable solidarity is to be forged between the ethnically diverse proletariat in the imperialist core, as well as with those beyond. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2396-2410 Issue: 11 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1328274 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1328274 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:11:p:2396-2410 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vijay Prashad Author-X-Name-First: Vijay Author-X-Name-Last: Prashad Title: The time of the Popular Front Abstract: Our political world is impoverished by the lack of the category ‘imperialism’. Academic and media languages have succeeded in consigning it to history. Use of the category imperialism to describe our present condition is often met with derision; it is seen in the bourgeois tongue as too simplistic, as outdated, as Leftist bombast. But what other category do we have to explain the kinds of extra-economic institutional coercion meted out to the Third World during the 1980s debt crisis or to Greece in its ongoing tragedy? Academic and media languages would like to measure these political conflicts in the terms of mainstream social science – as state failure and economic mismanagement, as the imbalance between the greed of unions and the sensibleness of the bankers. Empirical description takes the place of theoretical understanding – a mass of data and information clogs up the arteries, while careful theoretical assessment of the problem is set aside. The Left is on the defensive, unable to explain why the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) wants to bomb this country or why the International Monetary Fund wants to extract its pound of flesh from that country. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2536-2545 Issue: 11 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1350103 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1350103 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:11:p:2536-2545 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lucia Pradella Author-X-Name-First: Lucia Author-X-Name-Last: Pradella Author-Name: Sahar Taghdisi Rad Author-X-Name-First: Sahar Author-X-Name-Last: Taghdisi Rad Title: Libya and Europe: imperialism, crisis and migration Abstract: This article examines the recent dynamics of European imperialism in Libya in the light of Marx’s theory of the global reserve army of labour. It analyses the limited advance of Western imperialism in Libya in the decade before the 2011 uprisings, the interactions between local, regional and international forces during and after the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) intervention, and, finally, the evolving migratory patterns from Libya. In this light, the instability along the southern and eastern Mediterranean coastline – a product of the uprisings and the forms of political reactions they unleashed – is simultaneously a security threat and a channel of migratory movements to European capitalism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2411-2427 Issue: 11 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1350819 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1350819 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:11:p:2411-2427 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Goldie Osuri Author-X-Name-First: Goldie Author-X-Name-Last: Osuri Title: Imperialism, colonialism and sovereignty in the (post)colony: India and Kashmir Abstract: Examining a classic formulation of the relationship between colonialism and postcolonial nationalisms in postcolonial theory, as well as its recent critiques, this article puts forward a thesis that contemporary colonialisms and imperialisms may be best diagnosed through the lens of identifying forms of sovereignty rather than relying on the geopolitical framework of West/non-West recognisable in the conceptual vocabulary of postcolonial theory. Focusing on the disputed issue of Indian sovereignty over Kashmir, this essay asks the following questions: What forms of occupation by postcolonial nation-states remain concealed by ways in which extant postcolonial approaches assume geopolitical divisions? Why is it necessary to rethink the parameters of imperialism and colonialism for a contemporary era? Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2428-2443 Issue: 11 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1354695 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1354695 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:11:p:2428-2443 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Eugene Nulman Author-X-Name-First: Eugene Author-X-Name-Last: Nulman Title: Neo-imperialism in solidarity organisations’ public discourses: collective action frames, resources and audiences Abstract: While neo-imperialism is becoming increasingly discussed within academia and by public intellectuals, this paper hypothesises that, due to resource needs of social movement organisations, neo-imperialism is not a major diagnostic frame used by international solidarity organisations in the Global North. We tested this hypothesis by examining diagnostic collective action frames used online by 30 organisations across three solidarity movement issues: climate justice, refugee solidarity and debt relief. While the frame was infrequently used across the organisations, results reveal that those organisations that did utilise the frame with some regularity had constituencies that have suffered from historical forms of imperialism. A qualitative analysis was used to locate the contexts in which the frame was used and the prominence these uses had within the organisations’ public broadcasting. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2464-2481 Issue: 11 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1368011 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1368011 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:11:p:2464-2481 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Narayan Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Narayan Title: The wages of whiteness in the absence of wages: racial capitalism, reactionary intercommunalism and the rise of Trumpism Abstract: In November 1970, Black Panther Party leader Huey P. Newton gave a lecture at Boston College where he introduced his theory of intercommunalism. Newton re-articulated Marxist theories of imperialism through the lens of the Black liberation struggle and argued that imperialism had entered a new phase called ‘reactionary intercommunalism’. Newton’s theory of intercommunalism offers nothing less than a proto-theorisation of what we have come to call neo-liberal globalisation and its effects on what W. E. B. Du Bois had seen as the racialisation of modern imperialism. Due to the initial historical dismissal of the Black Panther Party’s political legacy, Newton’s thought has largely been neglected for the past 40 years. This paper revisits Newton’s theory of intercommunalism, with the aim of achieving some form of epistemic justice for his thought, but also to highlight how Newton’s recasting of imperialism as reactionary intercommunalism provides critical insight into the rise of Trumpism in the US. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2482-2500 Issue: 11 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1368012 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1368012 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:11:p:2482-2500 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Leon Sealey-Huggins Author-X-Name-First: Leon Author-X-Name-Last: Sealey-Huggins Title: ‘1.5°C to stay alive’: climate change, imperialism and justice for the Caribbean Abstract: Treating the threat of climate change in the Caribbean as a case study instructive for responses globally, this article examines the social and political relations of climate change. It argues for an analysis taking into account the ways in which the histories of imperialism and colonialism have shaped contemporary global ‘development’ pathways. The article charts how Caribbean vulnerability to temperature rises of more than 1.5°C of warming comprise an existential threat structured by contemporary social relations that are imperialist in character. Hope can be taken from a politics of climate justice which acknowledges the climate debts owed to the region. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2444-2463 Issue: 11 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1368013 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1368013 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:11:p:2444-2463 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kehinde Andrews Author-X-Name-First: Kehinde Author-X-Name-Last: Andrews Title: Beyond Pan-Africanism: Garveyism, Malcolm X and the end of the colonial nation state Abstract: Pan-Africanism is an identifiable movement with its own history and historical and ideological roots. It formally began at the first Pan-African Congress in London in 1900 and has a distinct linage up to the present day African Union. Unfortunately, the movement has not presented a challenge to imperial domination in Africa, rather it has helped continue the exploitation of the continent. Accepting the colonial nation state has prevented any politics of liberation from developing in the movement. It is central to decentre Pan-Africanism from radical histories of resistance because the movement developed in parallel to and rejection of more revolutionary, anti-imperial politics. Garveyism developed a mass movement rooted on the global Black nation, shattering the boundaries of Westphalian sovereignty. Malcolm X picked up the work of Garvey, developing on some of its regressive weakness to form the Organization of Afro-American Unity. By unpicking this tradition from Pan-Africanism we can begin to chart a route to revolutionary concepts and practice of nationalism that can present a challenge to the imperial social order. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2501-2516 Issue: 11 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1374170 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1374170 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:11:p:2501-2516 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ernesto Domínguez López Author-X-Name-First: Ernesto Author-X-Name-Last: Domínguez López Author-Name: Helen Yaffe Author-X-Name-First: Helen Author-X-Name-Last: Yaffe Title: The deep, historical roots of Cuban anti-imperialism Abstract: Colonialism, imperialism and anti-imperialism have been decisive in shaping Cuban political identity for 150 years. US determination to control Cuba, consistent with the Monroe Doctrine, had a strong economic rationale even before Spain was defeated in the War of Independence in 1898. Debate raged between Cubans who aspired to true independence and an annexationalist minority, who favoured union with the US. The Platt Amendment imposed on Cuba by the US in 1903 ‘reduced the independence and sovereignty of the Cuban republic to a myth’. Between then and the Revolution of 1959 Cuba was effectively first a protectorate and then neo-colony of the US, which dominated the Cuban economy, politics and foreign policy. Tackling the terrible socioeconomic and political effects of Cuba’s subjugation under the Spanish empire and then US imperialism necessitated a radical transformation of the Cuban economy, political institutions and power structures. The transition to socialism inevitably meant confronting US imperialism – and vice versa. Since 1959, US imperialism, with its powerful allies in the right-wing exile community based in Miami, have relentlessly tried to destroy the Revolution and Cuban socialism. The issue of imperialism remains key today, in the post-Fidel, President Trump era. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2517-2535 Issue: 11 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1374171 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1374171 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:11:p:2517-2535 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Narayan Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Narayan Author-Name: Leon Sealey-Huggins Author-X-Name-First: Leon Author-X-Name-Last: Sealey-Huggins Title: Whatever happened to the idea of imperialism? Abstract: From the writings of Lenin, the guerrilla activity of Che Guevara, the anti-racism of the Black Panther Party and the Third World’s plan for a New International Economic Order, the idea of imperialism and the politics of anti-imperialism were a mainstay of political vernacular throughout most of the twentieth century. Yet, with the onset of neo-liberal globalisation in the Global North and, most importantly, in the Global South the idea of imperialism has seemingly disappeared or been deemed irrelevant. This special issue draws on a range of theoretical contributions that use the prism of imperialism to explore the strengths and limits of classical Marxist theories of imperialism; the relationship between Marxist, post-colonial and de-colonial approaches; imperialism and social movement theory; and the strengths of returning to ideas of Black Marxism and Pan-Africanism in the midst of contemporary neo-imperialism. These theoretical debates are in turn complemented by the collection exploring the idea of imperialism from different empirical vantage points in the Global North (Europe, US) and Global South (Africa, the Caribbean, Cuba and Kashmir). The issue thus provides both theoretically and empirically innovative interventions on how we should conceptualise and approach the idea of imperialism in the twenty-first century. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2387-2395 Issue: 11 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1374172 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1374172 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:11:p:2387-2395 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vanja Hamzić Author-X-Name-First: Vanja Author-X-Name-Last: Hamzić Title: Mir-Said Sultan-Galiev and the idea of Muslim Marxism: empire, Third World(s) and praxis Abstract: This paper revisits the idea of Muslim Marxism, as espoused through the life and work of the Tatar Muslim and Bolshevik intellectual and revolutionary Mir-Said Sultan-Galiev (1892–1940). I argue that Sultan-Galiev’s oeuvre – a unique synthesis of Marxist, Muslim modernist, anti-colonial and Third World praxis – represents a path-breaking take on Muslim selfhood and practices of belonging. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2047-2060 Issue: 11 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1166048 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1166048 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:11:p:2047-2060 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: M. Sornarajah Author-X-Name-First: M. Author-X-Name-Last: Sornarajah Title: On fighting for global justice: the role of a Third World international lawyer Abstract: The life of a Third World international lawyer is devoted to resistance to the norms of international law designed by agents with power to promote the interests of the powerful sections of the international community. Increasingly the instrumental norms of international law are fashioned through the use of private power, making the positivist claim that public international law is a law between states illusory. The task of this paper is to identify a framework of common concerns so that a collectivity of Third World lawyers can work together, examine how mechanisms of power can be countered, and devise a confrontational strategy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1972-1989 Issue: 11 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1180955 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1180955 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:11:p:1972-1989 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Reem Bahdi Author-X-Name-First: Reem Author-X-Name-Last: Bahdi Author-Name: Mudar Kassis Author-X-Name-First: Mudar Author-X-Name-Last: Kassis Title: Decolonisation, dignity and development aid: a judicial education experience in Palestine Abstract: Taking Palestine as the focus of inquiry, and drawing on our experiences as co-directors of Karamah, a judicial education initiative focused on dignity, we reflect on the attributes of colonisation and the possibilities of decolonisation in Palestine through development aid. We conclude that decolonisation is possible even within development aid frameworks. We envision the current colonial condition in Palestine as a multi-faceted, complex and dynamic mesh that tightens and expands its control over the coveted colonial subject but that also contains holes that offer opportunities for resistance or refusal. We turn to Karamah to illustrate how some judges have insisted on a professional identity that merges the concepts of human dignity and self-determination and ultimately rejects the colonial condition inherent in both occupation and development aid. We conclude that in this process of professional identity (re)formation, members of the Palestinian judiciary have helped reveal the demands of decolonisation by demonstrating their commitment to realising human dignity through institutional power, and bringing occupation back into international development discourse. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2010-2027 Issue: 11 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1181521 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1181521 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:11:p:2010-2027 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nesrine Badawi Author-X-Name-First: Nesrine Author-X-Name-Last: Badawi Title: Regulation of armed conflict: critical comparativism Abstract: This paper calls for comparative analysis of international humanitarian law and Islamic laws regulating armed conflict by focusing on the underlying assumptions and interests informing both systems (rather than on rule-based comparison). It argues that examination of the biases inherent to each legal system can potentially inform scholars to understand better the paradigms shaping each of them. In doing so, the paper builds on contextual and critical interpretations of both fields of law to assert the need for ‘critical comparativism’ rather than functionalist comparativism. Unlike functionalist comparativism, which treats international law as the ‘objective’ benchmark against which other legal traditions are measured, ‘critical comparativism’ treats the two legal systems examined as alternative manifestations of power structures which, when contrasted against each other, help shed more light on the inherent bias in each legal system. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1990-2009 Issue: 11 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1186491 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1186491 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:11:p:1990-2009 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adil Hasan Khan Author-X-Name-First: Adil Author-X-Name-Last: Hasan Khan Title: International lawyers in the aftermath of disasters: inheriting from Radhabinod Pal and Upendra Baxi Abstract: In the present lives in the postcolony are beset by relentless disasters, generating great suffering and loss. How should an international lawyer conduct herself in response? Resisting the urge to construct these times as entirely unprecedented, this article attempts a response by drawing out the conduct of two ancestral Third World international lawyers responding to disasters in their own time. It reveals how disasters never simply occur but are actively produced by particular modes of conduct deployed by international lawyers. From their conduct we learn how to attend to the tasks of justice and responsibility in the aftermath of disaster by being responsive to the suffering and by recognising the disastrous effects of our action. We also learn how attending to the tasks of inheritance is vital for this. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2061-2079 Issue: 11 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1191940 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1191940 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:11:p:2061-2079 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ali Hammoudi Author-X-Name-First: Ali Author-X-Name-Last: Hammoudi Title: The conjunctural in international law: the revolutionary struggle against semi-peripheral sovereignty in Iraq Abstract: This article will detail an event of revolutionary action in the historiography of anti-colonial and anti-imperial struggle in Iraq, namely al-Wathba (‘the leap’) of 1948, utilising it as an example to address the limitations of the methodology and analysis of Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) scholarship. I will argue that there is a disconnect between notions of agency and structure in TWAIL analyses and that therefore TWAIL scholars should consider studying the conjunctures that allowed certain movements ample room to struggle against the imperialism of international law in the first place. I will use the example of the Wathba to illustrate how a conjunctural analysis may be undertaken, analysing its implications for the international legal order. I will then move to highlight the significance of labour to the conjuncture in question. Finally, I will demonstrate how events like the Wathba illuminate the transient and provisional nature of the foundations of international law, while emphasising its structural constraints. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2028-2046 Issue: 11 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1194717 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1194717 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:11:p:2028-2046 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Reynolds Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Reynolds Title: Disrupting civility: amateur intellectuals, international lawyers and TWAIL as praxis Abstract: This paper is a reflection on the role of intellectuals in engaging with Palestinian solidarity movements and liberation discourses, and on the place of international lawyers specifically within that context. The paper considers ‘the question of Palestine’ as a rigorous test for intellectuals in the Global North today, and examines particular debates over free speech, civility and balance that unfolded in the wake of Israel’s 2014 war on Gaza. It considers the interventions of international lawyers in these debates with reference to Edward Said’s ‘amateur’ and ‘professional’ intellectuals, and explores ways in which anti-colonial international lawyers (as amateur intellectuals) can transcend prevailing professional orthodoxies to deploy language, arguments or tactics that rupture liberal legal processes and narratives on Palestine. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2098-2118 Issue: 11 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1197038 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1197038 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:11:p:2098-2118 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Zoran Oklopcic Author-X-Name-First: Zoran Author-X-Name-Last: Oklopcic Title: The South of Western constitutionalism: a map ahead of a journey Abstract: In starting from the simple question, ‘Why didn’t the field of constitutional studies ever generate a school of thought akin to TWAIL?’, this article seeks to sketch the contours, obstacles and promises of Southern constitutionalism. In confronting the intra-, meta-, and extra-disciplinary challenges to such a project, the article defines the ‘South’ of Southern constitutionalism, not the ‘South’ of the developed ‘North’, but rather the ‘South’ of the modernist hopes in – and the post-modernist disappointments with – the templates of Western constitutional imagination. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2080-2097 Issue: 11 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1205441 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1205441 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:11:p:2080-2097 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Richard Falk Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Falk Title: Foreword: Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) special issue Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1943-1945 Issue: 11 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1205443 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1205443 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:11:p:1943-1945 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Usha Natarajan Author-X-Name-First: Usha Author-X-Name-Last: Natarajan Author-Name: John Reynolds Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Reynolds Author-Name: Amar Bhatia Author-X-Name-First: Amar Author-X-Name-Last: Bhatia Author-Name: Sujith Xavier Author-X-Name-First: Sujith Author-X-Name-Last: Xavier Title: Introduction: TWAIL - on praxis and the intellectual Abstract: This Special Issue emerges from the Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) Cairo Conference in 2015 and addresses the conference theme, ‘On Praxis and the Intellectual’, by focusing on different aspects of the intellectual as a political actor. In introducing this Issue, we provide some background to the TWAIL network, movement, event, and publications; and delineate our own understandings of scholarly praxis as editors and conference organisers. Broadly, we understand praxis as the relationship between what we say as scholars and what we do – as the inextricability of theory from lived experience. Understood in this way, praxis is central to TWAIL, as TWAIL scholars strive to reconcile international law’s promise of justice with the proliferation of injustice in the world it purports to govern. Reconciliation occurs in the realm of praxis and TWAIL scholars engage in a variety of struggles, including those for greater self-awareness, disciplinary upheaval, and institutional resistance and transformation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1946-1956 Issue: 11 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1209971 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1209971 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:11:p:1946-1956 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Georges Abi-Saab Author-X-Name-First: Georges Author-X-Name-Last: Abi-Saab Title: The Third World intellectual in praxis: confrontation, participation, or operation behind enemy lines? Abstract: In his closing keynote address for the TWAIL Cairo Conference, Professor Georges Abi-Saab engages with the conference theme ‘On Praxis and the Intellectual’ by considering the diverse roles that can be played by Third World international law intellectuals in trying to transform theory into social practice. He commences with an overview of the Third World’s engagement with international law thus far in the form of a ‘three act psychodrama’. Following from this, he explores the meanings of the terms ‘intellectual’ and ‘praxis’, noting that not all international lawyers are the former, and breaking the latter down into several stages in the spectrum between reflection and action. Professor Abi-Saab concludes with some examples of praxis from personal experience, including as a professor, teacher, and scholar of international law, ghostwriting for the UN Secretary-General, participation in country delegations, and as judge and arbitrator in numerous courts and tribunals. Through these examples he illustrates some of the different tactics available to the Third World intellectual including confrontation, participation, or operation ‘behind enemy lines’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1957-1971 Issue: 11 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1212653 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1212653 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:11:p:1957-1971 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adrian A. Smith Author-X-Name-First: Adrian A. Author-X-Name-Last: Smith Title: Migration, development and security within racialised global capitalism: refusing the balance game Abstract: Within international labour migration, received wisdom holds that the migration-development and migration-security couplings co-exist in discord. The migration-development-security relationship is perceived to swing like a pendulum. In this article I reject the simple pendulum formulation which suggests security stands at odds with development. I examine the ways in which migration controls occur through and reproduce racialised global capitalism. Capitalist development and security work together to undermine the resistance struggles of those designated migrant labour. Students of labour migration must refuse the game of balance and instead entrench our analytical efforts within the creative self-activities of ordinary working people. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2119-2138 Issue: 11 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1216783 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1216783 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:11:p:2119-2138 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hermann Kreutzmann Author-X-Name-First: Hermann Author-X-Name-Last: Kreutzmann Title: Dividing the World: conflict and inequality in the context of growing global tension Abstract: The central themes in development theory have addressed exclusion of social groups, poverty gaps and strategies to overcome development deficits. In order to perceive the spatial structuring of inequality, concepts defining three separate worlds found ubiquitous appreciation and omnipresent adaptation. Coinciding with the end of the Cold War the ‘endism’ debate also suggested the end of the ‘Third World’. Presently it has become apparent that development theories which have ordered global space into three different worlds are experiencing rejuvenated appreciation. Nevertheless, the recourse towards trichotomising the world is not necessarily stimulated by the same concepts as previously. In the era of globalisation and post-developmentalism concepts favouring nation-states as sole reference points have been challenged and criticised, although the debate about failed states has again drawn attention to those entities. The post-9/11 perception of world order, chaos and conflicts has structured the previously acknowledged limitation of resources and the impossibility of catching-up strategies for developing countries in such a manner that ‘new’ Third World theories point at the exclusion from the developed world of outsiders, by attributing them pre-modern levels of state development and sovereignty. A prominent result of this debate is a perception of ordered space along lines which seemed to have been abandoned some time ago. This paper compares and scrutinises contemporary concepts of dividing the world. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 675-689 Issue: 4 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802052433 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802052433 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:4:p:675-689 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jeremy Salt Author-X-Name-First: Jeremy Author-X-Name-Last: Salt Title: Global Disorder and the Limits of ‘Dialogue’ Abstract: Since 2001 (designated as the UN Year of Dialogue Among Civilisations) several initiatives have been developed as a means of resolving problems whose causes have been ascribed, primarily by Samuel Huntington and Bernard Lewis, to civilisational difference. This article questions responses to the ‘clash of civilisations' thesis which seem to accept the postulates on which it is based. It suggests that while dialogue is an indispensable tool of social cohesion, the source of many of the problems that pose a continuing threat to regional and global order is not ‘civilisational difference' but the failure of governments to comply with international laws and conventions they have sworn to uphold. The explanation that ‘civilisational difference' is the root cause of global disorder allows them to sidestep responsibility for the consequences of their own policies. Manipulation of the United Nations at the level of the Security Council is further evidence that the answer to global problems lies in redressing the failings of an entrenched world system that is based far more on power and state perceptions of self-interest than justice. The clearest evidence of structural weakness in the international system is to be found in the Middle East, where the UN Secretary-General's former special representative to the ‘peace process', Alvaro de Soto, has drawn attention to the disjunction between public declarations of good intentions and high-level manipulation of this ‘process' by powerful actors from behind the scenes. The article concludes that where dialogue is not the problem, it cannot be the solution. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 691-710 Issue: 4 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802052599 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802052599 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:4:p:691-710 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lisa Richey Author-X-Name-First: Lisa Author-X-Name-Last: Richey Author-Name: Stefano Ponte Author-X-Name-First: Stefano Author-X-Name-Last: Ponte Title: Better (Red)™ than Dead? Celebrities, consumption and international aid Abstract: Bono's launch of Product (red)™ at Davos in 2006 opens a new frontier for development aid. With the engagement of companies such as American Express, Converse, Gap and Emporio Armani, and now Hallmark, Dell and Microsoft, consumers can help hiv/aids patients in Africa. Aid celebrities—Bono, Jeffrey Sachs and Paul Farmer—guarantee the ‘cool quotient’, the management and the target of this new modality of aid. red functions using the guarantee of celebrity together with the negotiated representation of a distant ‘Africa’ to meet competing, and perhaps incommensurable, objectives. A ‘rock man's burden'—imagined along familiar constructions of sex, gender, race and place—frames African beneficiaries' receiving process. At the same time, red depicts consumer-citizens as fashion-conscious yet actively engaged and ethically reflexive. red rescues international aid from its dour predictive graphs and disappointing ‘lessons learnt’ and spins it as young, chic and possible. By masking the social and environmental relations of trade and production that underpin poverty, inequality and disease, red reconfigures the world of possibility in what might otherwise be rationally impossible ways. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 711-729 Issue: 4 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802052649 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802052649 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:4:p:711-729 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ghazi-Walid Falah Author-X-Name-First: Ghazi-Walid Author-X-Name-Last: Falah Title: Geography in Ominous Intersection with Interrogation and Torture: reflections on detention in Israel Abstract: This paper describes and reflects on the author's detention as a prominent Palestinian geographer in an Israeli prison for 23 days by the Israeli Security Police (Shin Bet) in July 2006, and the nightmare of abuse, debasement and physical coercion, amounting to torture, he was subjected to during this ordeal. The author argues that the detention was political, punishment for the way he has ‘done the geography of Palestine’ and has documented Israeli erasure of the Palestinians from the land. It was centred on extracting imagined ‘usable’ information from him about his contacts, especially in the field of geography in the Middle East. The paper develops a geographic analysis of the micro-space of detention, and places reflections in a framework that looks at the use of torture as a means to extract ‘intelligence’, at the current mounting intimidation of academics in the wake of 9/11, and at McCarthyism redux and the ‘“disciplining” of the disciplines’. It also looks at recent material describing analogous practices by the US army in interrogating detainees at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. The paper provides rich empirical first-hand documentation in the form of a thick description of abuse practices suffered by the author inside an Israel prison near Haifa (known as Al Jalama), such as sleep deprivation, environmental manipulation and mortification of the body by handcuffing, chaining and other practices. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 749-766 Issue: 4 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802052706 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802052706 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:4:p:749-766 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christopher Dent Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Author-X-Name-Last: Dent Title: The Asian Development Bank and Developmental Regionalism in East Asia Abstract: The Asian Development Bank (adb) has made increasingly important contributions to Asia's (and particularly East Asia's) regionalism over recent years, and especially since Haruhiko Kuroda became the Bank's president in February 2005. This paper argues that the adb's role here has become more significant because of the strong ‘developmental’ characteristics of East Asia's new regionalism. This is not least because, as a regional development bank, the adb has a predilection for linking development, regionalism and capacity-building together when promoting regional co-operation and integration (rci) in Asia. We may refer to this as ‘developmental regionalism’, where rci activities are particularly orientated to enhancing the economic capacity and prospects of less developed countries with the view of strengthening their integration into the regional economy, and thereby bringing greater coherence to regional community building overall. This analysis is partly based on field research undertaken by the author involving a series of research interviews conducted amongst adb officials and with outside analysts of the organisation. It first examines the evolution of the Bank's stance and policies on rci, and the impact made by President Kuroda and the newly formed Office of Regional Integration (orei) in this regard. The main developments of East Asia's new regionalism are then outlined from finance and trade perspectives. Thereafter, an evaluation is made of the adb's contributions toward the emerging developmental regionalism in East Asia. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 767-786 Issue: 4 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802052714 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802052714 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:4:p:767-786 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Carolyn Bassett Author-X-Name-First: Carolyn Author-X-Name-Last: Bassett Author-Name: Marlea Clarke Author-X-Name-First: Marlea Author-X-Name-Last: Clarke Title: The Zuma Affair, Labour and the Future of Democracy in South Africa Abstract: South Africa's new democracy has been tested by the controversy over the candidacy of Jacob Zuma, who became the successor to President Thabo Mbeki as leader of the African National Congress in December 2007, and is poised to become the country's new president after the 2009 elections. Few social actors had more at stake than organised labour, which found itself sidelined from the policy process by its erstwhile political allies under Mbeki. Labour supported Zuma throughout the leadership campaign, and can been seen as having ‘won’ in the leadership contest. Yet the labour movement has avoided the critical question: at what cost? We argue that labour's strategy of championing Zuma has simply reinforced the ‘insider politics’ that led to its sidelining and diminished the overall democratic process. If organised labour was to take its own post-apartheid history, and the experiences of other Third World labour movements, seriously, it would push for new, more participatory and inclusive forms of politics, rather than merely focus on a new political leader. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 787-803 Issue: 4 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802052763 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802052763 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:4:p:787-803 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kristine Höglund Author-X-Name-First: Kristine Author-X-Name-Last: Höglund Author-Name: Ralph Sundberg Author-X-Name-First: Ralph Author-X-Name-Last: Sundberg Title: Reconciliation through Sports? The case of South Africa Abstract: Can sports—and if so how—serve as a vehicle for reconciliation and increased social cohesion in countries wrecked by civil conflict? This article analyses the case of South Africa and its experiences in the sports sector since the fall of apartheid, in an effort to explore the processes necessary to understand the potential sports may hold for peace building. By identifying initiatives in South Africa employed at the national, community and individual level of analysis, the article outlines the possible effects of sports on reconciliation in divided states. Through linking experiences from state policies, ngo activities and donor projects with social identity and reconciliation theory, the article outlines the possible positive and negative aspects of sports. Finally, important avenues for further research to uncover how to turn sports into effective political tools for post-conflict peace building are suggested. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 805-818 Issue: 4 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802052920 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802052920 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:4:p:805-818 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dhammika Herath Author-X-Name-First: Dhammika Author-X-Name-Last: Herath Title: Development Discourse of the Globalists and Dependency Theorists: do the globalisation theorists rephrase and reword the central concepts of the dependency school? Abstract: This paper discusses the discourses of the globalisation theorists and dependency scholars in respect of their views on development and underdevelopment. The paper argues that there are underlying similarities between the central concepts of the dependency approach and globalisation theories. Some of the globalisation theorists come remarkably close to the central concepts of the dependency theories by rewording and rephrasing the same concepts but colouring them with different ideological hues. Neither classic development theory nor dependency theories have full explanatory power with respect to the current order of global economic relations. The branch of globalisation theories which has historical roots in classical development theory has shown resilience, while dependency theories have not totally lost their significance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 819-834 Issue: 4 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802052961 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802052961 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:4:p:819-834 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Barry Cannon Author-X-Name-First: Barry Author-X-Name-Last: Cannon Title: Class/Race Polarisation in Venezuela and the Electoral Success of Hugo Chávez: a break with the past or the song remains the same? Abstract: Polls have repeatedly shown a class-based polarisation around Chávez, which some political science analysis on Venezuela has recognised. This paper seeks to show, however, that this class-based division needs to be placed in historical context to be fully understood. Examining Venezuelan history from the colonial to the contemporary era the paper shows, unlike most previous work on Bolivarian Venezuela, that race is an important subtext to this class-based support, and that there is indeed a correlation between class and race within the Venezuelan context. Furthermore, class and race are important positive elements in Chávez's discourse, in contrast to their negative use in opposition anti-Chavismo discourse. The paper briefly reviews the Chávez government's policy in tackling the class/race fissures in Venezuelan society, and concludes by asking whether these policies represent a change in the historical patterns of classism and racism within Venezuelan society or are simply reproducing past patterns. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 731-748 Issue: 4 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802075020 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802075020 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:4:p:731-748 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Notes on Contributors Journal: Pages: 671-673 Issue: 4 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802075046 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802075046 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:4:p:671-673 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Cameron Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Cameron Author-Name: Anna Haanstra Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Haanstra Title: Development Made Sexy: how it happened and what it means Abstract: This article examines the recent trend among Northern development organisations to represent development as sexy in awareness and fundraising campaigns. The article argues that the ways in which development organisations represent the global South and development work play an important role in the construction of social power relations between people in the global North and the global South. The representation of development as sexy is compared and contrasted to other representations of development that highlight scarcity and deprivation. The article argues that, although the representation of development as sexy avoids portrayals of poor people in the global South as helpless victims, it presents an image of development in which the most important form of agency is Northern charity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1475-1489 Issue: 8 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802528564 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802528564 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:8:p:1475-1489 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Clare Saunders Author-X-Name-First: Clare Author-X-Name-Last: Saunders Title: The Stop Climate Chaos Coalition: climate change as a development issue Abstract: After the Working Group on Climate Change and Development recognised the challenge that climate change poses to development, a number of environmental and aid, trade and development organisations formed a new politically active coalition, Stop Climate Chaos (SCC), to demand that stronger climate laws be adopted in the UK. The coalition now frames the issue of climate change as a ‘global climate justice’ one, emphasising the severity of the issue for people in poor countries, who will suffer the worst consequences, but have contributed least to it. The extent to which SCC member organisations address climate change as a global justice issue is explored through a content analysis of their websites, and a survey of participants in the SCC I-Count march, London, 3 November 2006. There is certainly evidence that environmental organisations are ‘facing South’, just as aid, trade and development organisations are ‘turning green’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1509-1526 Issue: 8 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802528580 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802528580 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:8:p:1509-1526 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ronald Cox Author-X-Name-First: Ronald Author-X-Name-Last: Cox Title: Transnational Capital, the US State and Latin American Trade Agreements Abstract: This paper examines the role of US-based transnational corporations in advancing trade, investment, regulatory and intellectual property rights provisions within NAFTA and DR–CAFTA. I explore the linkages between US firms, the US state and investment patterns in Mexico, Central America and the Dominican Republic in order to develop a framework for understanding the political economy of these regional trade agreements. I locate the timing of each of these agreements within the context of the goals of a transnational interest bloc that includes US-based transnational firms, US state officials and regional business interests and state bureaucracies in Latin America, with each trying to utilise regional agreements as a substitute for failed multilateral initiatives as well as a springboard for advancing a more aggressive set of protections for investors within bilateral investment treaties. In order to determine the extent to which transnational firms based in the USA have influenced these trade agreements, I explore three interrelated aspects of business influence: the extent to which transnational firms with investment interests in Mexico and Central America were involved in organisations that had regular access to key US policy makers; the historical development of a transnational interest bloc that has linked US firms and the US state to transnational capital and state bureaucracies in Mexico, Central America and the Dominican Republic; and the extent to which the same group of transnational firms has been attempting without success to advance a policy agenda in the WTO that incorporates many of the provisions of NAFTA and DR–CAFTA. The failure of this transnational interest bloc to effect substantial changes in WTO policies has led the bloc to rely on regional trade agreements to pursue its interests. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1527-1544 Issue: 8 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802528598 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802528598 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:8:p:1527-1544 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Omar Khalidi Author-X-Name-First: Omar Author-X-Name-Last: Khalidi Title: Hinduising India: secularism in practice Abstract: This paper challenges the academic and media consensus on the notion that India is a secular state. It does so by marshalling empirical evidence that, far from being a state practising neutrality between the religious affiliations of Indian society or equidistance from all religions, the Indian state is actually and directly involved in Hinduisation of the country. It does this by promoting Hinduism through ‘reform’ and favouritism at state expense. While the constitution guarantees educational and cultural autonomy as well as religious freedom, in practice there are widespread and systematic violations by state institutions. In public employment the state follows discriminatory policies to perpetuate the Hindu majority by restricting religious freedom. The discriminatory policies are most visible in affirmative action policies and recruitment in the army. Contrary to some academic writings, the paper establishes that the Hinduisation of the Indian state is not only associated with the votaries of Hindutva represented by a ‘family’, or parivar, of Hindu militant groups. The notion of India as a Hindu state pre-dates the creation of the postcolonial state in 1947, and was inherent in the militant right wing of the Congress Party, which perceived Christians and Muslims as foreigners. There is, the paper demonstrates, major continuity between the educational, cultural and employment policies pursued by the Indian state regardless of the party in power. The paper is based on primary Indian sources and interviews in India and abroad. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1545-1562 Issue: 8 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802528614 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802528614 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:8:p:1545-1562 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Reinoud Leenders Author-X-Name-First: Reinoud Author-X-Name-Last: Leenders Title: Iraqi Refugees in Syria: causing a spillover of the Iraqi conflict? Abstract: This article explores the implications of the Iraqi refugee crisis for Syria, which is believed to host up to 1.5 million Iraqi refugees. Many policy makers, activists and analysts, sometimes inspired by the conflict repercussions of refugee crises witnessed elsewhere, have warned against the regional security impact of the Iraqi exodus and consequently speculated about a possible spillover of the armed conflicts in Iraq to its neighbours. The article presents an analysis of the characteristics and composition of the Iraqi refugee population and provides an assessment of responses to the refugee crisis in Syria. Its main finding is that fears for a spillover of Iraq's violence cannot be corroborated. The relative absence of refugee violence can be explained in reference to Iraqi refugees themselves. Given their specific demographic and social traits (including age composition, educational levels and professions, and to some extent religious affiliation), in addition to refugees' sectarian segregation, an overwhelming majority of Iraqi refugees are and remain victims of the violence in Iraq; they are unlikely to become its perpetrators abroad. In this sense the Iraqi refugee crisis constitutes a strong reminder that, in order to assess the propensity of violence among refugees and their purportedly contagious impact on their places of refuge, an understanding of the causes of their flight and their roles in the conflict they are fleeing is essential. It is finally argued that security challenges are likely to come from a different source. Socioeconomic destitution among refugees and the failure to provide adequate humanitarian assistance and protection are and will be causing tensions between them and the host state and host communities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1563-1584 Issue: 8 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802528721 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802528721 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:8:p:1563-1584 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Beverley Milton-Edwards Author-X-Name-First: Beverley Author-X-Name-Last: Milton-Edwards Title: The Ascendance of Political Islam: Hamas and consolidation in the Gaza Strip Abstract: This article outlines the means by which the Palestinian Islamic movement Hamas has developed and implemented a consolidation of power strategy that is inexorably driving it to a state of increasingly authoritarian control in the Gaza Strip. It discusses the factors that have driven Hamas in terms of power seeking as primordial to all radical Islamist movements or as a result of or response to other factors outside its control. The article highlights the concurrent demise of the Fatah organisation in the Gaza Strip as the largest and most visible symbol of secularism. It then reflects on the role of external, including international, actors in accelerating consolidation tactics following the Hamas ‘takeover’ of power from the Fatah-dominated institutions of the Palestinian Authority (PA) in June 2007. The article aims to demonstrate that Hamas' control in Gaza is an important signpost in terms of developing Islamism in the Middle East region. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1585-1599 Issue: 8 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802528739 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802528739 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:8:p:1585-1599 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sebastian Silva-Leander Author-X-Name-First: Sebastian Author-X-Name-Last: Silva-Leander Title: On the Danger and Necessity of Democratisation: trade-offs between short-term stability and long-term peace in post-genocide Rwanda Abstract: This paper argues that the Rwandan government's reconciliation strategy will need to be accompanied by a process of democratisation if it is to achieve its objective of fostering long-term peace. If the discourse of national unity is not reflected in an effective sharing of political power and economic resources, it is likely to be perceived with suspicion or even rejection by the country's largely Hutu population, and could contribute to aggravating ethnic tensions. Last time Rwanda—under pressure from the international community—undertook a democratisation process, however, this contributed to exacerbating the ethnic tensions that led to the genocide. Today Rwanda and its international donors thus face a stark trade-off between short-term stability and long-term peace: the longer the country puts off necessary democratic reform for fear of upsetting stability, the greater the risk of a rejection of government policies by the population and of a renewed manipulation of ethnicity in the future. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1601-1620 Issue: 8 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802528754 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802528754 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:8:p:1601-1620 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Klaus Dodds Author-X-Name-First: Klaus Author-X-Name-Last: Dodds Title: Hollywood and the Popular Geopolitics of the War on Terror Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1621-1637 Issue: 8 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802528762 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802528762 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:8:p:1621-1637 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: James Mittelman Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Mittelman Title: Beyond Impoverished Anti-poverty Paradigms Abstract: More subtle than the manifestations of poverty are the paradigmatic means of sustaining, deepening or lessening it. Indeed, dominant knowledge structures are insinuated in policy making and conventional anti-poverty measures, some of which reflect the poverty of the intellect. Ensconced in distinctive contexts, poverty itself is shaped by the template of neoliberal globalisation. This paradigm promises that economic gain will benefit all who are faithful to its principles. It evokes a vision not only of economic well-being but also of distributive justice, including poverty reduction. In its centrist and reformist guises, the orthodox anti-poverty paradigm may be best understood as a chain of relationships: neoliberal concepts, a preoccupation with methods for measuring results, a loathness to tackle underlying factors that generate widespread privation, gender ideology, and the delinking of economic reform and social policy. On the rise, too, is growing resistance to this consensual thinking, mainly from transnational civil society organisations and allied intellectuals. Six priorities are suggested as the basis for forming multiple, decentred paradigms to expunge poverty. The challenge is to produce homegrown knowledge structures that open to learning from other experiences. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1639-1652 Issue: 8 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802528788 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802528788 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:8:p:1639-1652 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Charles Call Author-X-Name-First: Charles Author-X-Name-Last: Call Title: The Fallacy of the ‘Failed State’ Abstract: This article examines the origins and evolution of the concepts of ‘failed’ and ‘failing’ states, arguing that the terms have come to be used in such widely divergent and problematic ways that they have lost any utility. The article details six serious problems with the term ‘state failure’ and related terms like ‘fragile’ or ‘troubled’ states, concluding that analysts should abandon these terms. It concludes with a modest attempt to develop alternative concepts and principles for thinking about diverse states that pose varied challenges for academic analysis and policy makers. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1491-1507 Issue: 8 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802544207 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802544207 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:8:p:1491-1507 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Notes on Contributors Journal: Pages: 1473-1474 Issue: 8 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802643389 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802643389 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:8:p:1473-1474 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maria Berghs Author-X-Name-First: Maria Author-X-Name-Last: Berghs Title: Embodiment and Emotion in Sierra Leone Abstract: In this article, drawing on in-depth multi-sited ethnographic field research, a description is given of how an ‘amputee and war-wounded’ community formed in Sierra Leone after a 10-year civil war from 1991 to 2002. Through the shared experiences of life in a camp, medical care, participation in the rebuilding of the nation-state, to the ‘managing’ of the everyday structural violence of poverty, people find themselves dealing with new local and global spaces created in a post-conflict environment. The way that people understand how to negotiate these new spaces is gendered, embodied and also spiritual. The article thus argues that social recognition in terms of reparations or reintegration has to take into account these understandings. Interventions have to be material, spiritual (visible and invisible) and embodied (true inclusion) to have an impact in reintegrating people who become amputees or are wounded during a conflict. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1399-1417 Issue: 8 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.604515 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.604515 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:8:p:1399-1417 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Goedele De Clerck Author-X-Name-First: Goedele Author-X-Name-Last: De Clerck Title: Fostering Deaf People's Empowerment: the Cameroonian deaf community and epistemological equity Abstract: From its beginnings deaf studies has acknowledged that deaf people have their own ways of learning, knowing and viewing the world. A recently emergent culturally sensitive line aims to document indigenous sign languages and deaf cultural patterns in non-Western contexts. Employing the concept of deaf (indigenous) epistemologies as an analytical tool enhances insight into the diverse lives and experiences of deaf people both as individuals and as members of a community. This concept is explored through its application to a case study of emancipation processes in the deaf community in Cameroon. The challenges of an ongoing research process, a participatory and community-based approach, and the valuing of deaf indigenous knowledge in research are presented. These challenges also included negotiation of research findings and exposure of the Cameroonian deaf community to deaf indigenous knowledge on a broader scale in a way that fostered the community's empowerment and ownership of the present study. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1419-1435 Issue: 8 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.604516 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.604516 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:8:p:1419-1435 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ruth Evans Author-X-Name-First: Ruth Author-X-Name-Last: Evans Author-Name: Agnes Atim Author-X-Name-First: Agnes Author-X-Name-Last: Atim Title: Care, Disability and HIV in Africa: diverging or interconnected concepts and practices? Abstract: Recent research and policy have recognised the central role of unpaid care-givers (often women and girls) in the global South. Disability rights perspectives, however, challenge the language of ‘care’ and ‘dependence’. Drawing on qualitative research with women living with HIV and children caring for them in Tanzania, and on learning from the National Community of Women Living with HIV and AIDS in Uganda (NACWOLA), this paper explores the divergences and interconnections between the concepts and practices of care, disability and HIV in the context of East Africa. Despite the development of interdependent caring relations, both care-givers and people living with HIV in Tanzania experience ‘diminished autonomy’. The participation of people living with HIV, including disabled people, in home-based care and in peer support groups, however, can enhance ‘relational autonomy’ for both care-givers and care-recipients. We reflect on opportunities and challenges for mutual learning and cross-movement advocacy by disabled people, people living with HIV and care-givers. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1437-1454 Issue: 8 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.604517 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.604517 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:8:p:1437-1454 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Fiona Campbell Author-X-Name-First: Fiona Author-X-Name-Last: Campbell Title: Geodisability Knowledge Production and International Norms: a Sri Lankan case study Abstract: Disability is a representational system and its denotation is a result of how communities make sense of and mark corporeal differences. In this paper I argue that the UN norm standard setting, a form of geodisability knowledge, determines the kinds of bodies known as disabled and acts as a technology of disability governmentality. The institutional strategic gaze, sited in the UN, examines, normalises and conditions nation-states. Without consensual international disability norms it would not be possible to disclose and make visible the dynamics of disability at a country level and for the World Health Organisation (WHO) to map disability globally. An alternate reading of international norms is to figure the functioning of geodisability knowledge to naturalise it through codifying hegemonic ways of seeing, citing and situating disability and thus colonise different cultural approaches to disability. A discussion of geodisability knowledge production is pursued within the context of a Sri Lankan case study. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1455-1474 Issue: 8 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.604518 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.604518 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:8:p:1455-1474 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nora Groce Author-X-Name-First: Nora Author-X-Name-Last: Groce Author-Name: Maria Kett Author-X-Name-First: Maria Author-X-Name-Last: Kett Author-Name: Raymond Lang Author-X-Name-First: Raymond Author-X-Name-Last: Lang Author-Name: Jean-Francois Trani Author-X-Name-First: Jean-Francois Author-X-Name-Last: Trani Title: Disability and Poverty: the need for a more nuanced understanding of implications for development policy and practice Abstract: The international development community is beginning to recognise that people with disabilities constitute among the poorest and most vulnerable of all groups, and thus must be a core issue in development policies and programmes. Yet the relationship between disability and poverty remains ill-defined and under-researched, with few studies providing robust and verifiable data that examine the intricacies of this relationship. A second, linked issue is the need for—and current lack of—criteria to assess whether and how disability-specific and disability ‘mainstreamed’ or ‘inclusive’ programmes work in combating the exclusion, marginalisation and poverty of people with disabilities. This article reviews existing knowledge and theory regarding the disability–poverty nexus. Using both established theoretical constructs and field-based data, it attempts to identify what knowledge gaps exist and need to be addressed with future research. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1493-1513 Issue: 8 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.604520 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.604520 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:8:p:1493-1513 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Susie Miles Author-X-Name-First: Susie Author-X-Name-Last: Miles Author-Name: Lorraine Wapling Author-X-Name-First: Lorraine Author-X-Name-Last: Wapling Author-Name: Julia Beart Author-X-Name-First: Julia Author-X-Name-Last: Beart Title: Including Deaf Children in Primary Schools in Bushenyi, Uganda: a community-based initiative Abstract: Bushenyi District Education Department in Uganda, east Africa, is supporting 123 deaf children registered in 14 units attached to primary schools—eight per cent of deaf children in Bushenyi. Yet fewer than two per cent of deaf children attend school in Uganda as a whole. The history of this ground-breaking, parent-led, yet government-funded, community-based initiative is explored in the light of global efforts to promote Education for All. It is argued that government commitment to teacher education, parent involvement and Sign Language development has led to more positive attitudes towards deaf children and their right to attend school in their communities. Furthermore, community involvement is essential in achieving quality education for all for deaf and disabled children, and attempts to implement Northern policies and practices on inclusive education are likely to fail. The imaginative use of community-based human resources can lead to more genuine forms of educational inclusion. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1515-1525 Issue: 8 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.604523 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.604523 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:8:p:1515-1525 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mansha Mirza Author-X-Name-First: Mansha Author-X-Name-Last: Mirza Title: Disability and Humanitarianism in Refugee Camps: the case for a travelling supranational disability praxis Abstract: There are an estimated 43.3 million forcibly displaced people around the world, many of whom live in refugee or internally displaced camps. These camps are disproportionately congregated in the developing world, making them a prevalent, yet often overlooked landscape in the global South. Among the scores of refugees living in refugee camps is a large number of people with disabilities. This article provides an overview of humanitarian practices and their guiding philosophies and how these address disability issues within the context of refugee camps. Examples of grassroots initiatives related to disability rights and disability inclusion within refugee camp settings are also provided. Using these examples, the paper makes the argument that refugee camps offer fertile grounds for the diffusion of a community-engaged, grassroots disability praxis across the humanitarian field and beyond. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1527-1536 Issue: 8 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.604524 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.604524 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:8:p:1527-1536 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Janaka Biyanwila Author-X-Name-First: Janaka Author-X-Name-Last: Biyanwila Title: Poverty and Disability in the Global South Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1537-1540 Issue: 8 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.604525 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.604525 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:8:p:1537-1540 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Raewyn Connell Author-X-Name-First: Raewyn Author-X-Name-Last: Connell Title: Southern Bodies and Disability: re-thinking concepts Abstract: Re-making disability studies from the global South requires a major reconsideration of concepts. Southern perspectives are emerging across the social sciences and humanities, and are now an important resource for disability studies. Impairment has to be understood in the context of the violence of colonisation and neocolonial power. The global dynamics of capitalist accumulation, and of hierarchical gender relations, change the material character and meaning of disability. Global society has to be understood as embodied, and social embodiment as a reality-forming (ontoformative) process, not a system-maintaining one. The intellectual, cultural and social resources of colonised and postcolonial societies provide vital resources for disability politics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1369-1381 Issue: 8 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.614799 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.614799 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:8:p:1369-1381 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Helen Meekosha Author-X-Name-First: Helen Author-X-Name-Last: Meekosha Author-Name: Karen Soldatic Author-X-Name-First: Karen Author-X-Name-Last: Soldatic Title: Human Rights and the Global South: the case of disability Abstract: This article seeks to examine the politics of human rights and disability in light of the recent United Nations Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities (UNCRPD), which has been central to the struggle for recognition of disabled people. Northern discourses of disability rights have strongly influenced the UNCRPD. We argue that many of the everyday experiences of disabled people in the global South lie outside the reach of human rights instruments. So we ask what, if anything, can these instruments contribute to the struggle for disability justice in the South? While Northern discourses promote an examination of disabled bodies in social dynamics, we argue that the politics of impairment in the global South must understand social dynamics in bodies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1383-1397 Issue: 8 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.614800 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.614800 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:8:p:1383-1397 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julie King Author-X-Name-First: Julie Author-X-Name-Last: King Author-Name: Mark King Author-X-Name-First: Mark Author-X-Name-Last: King Title: The Lived Experience of Families Living with Spinal Cord Disability inNortheast Thailand Abstract: The experience of disability in the global South remains relatively underreported in spite of the greater focus on disability as both an impediment to development and frequently as a result of development. This article reports a qualitative study using ethnographic techniques undertaken in the province of Khon Kaen in Northeast Thailand. The primary participants were men who had experienced a severe spinal cord injury at a time when they were breadwinners, a role which is significant in the context of a modernising state that is an active participant in a global economy. The experiences, constructions and beliefs of these men, their family carers, and other informants illustrate the complex ways in which social and cultural factors interact with the opportunities, challenges and constraints of the transition modernity. The findings, interpreted according to the ‘three bodies’ approach, illustrate the intersection of colonising effects, governmentality and resistance, and embodied experience in a cultural context. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1475-1491 Issue: 8 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.614801 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.614801 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:8:p:1475-1491 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maura Duffy Author-X-Name-First: Maura Author-X-Name-Last: Duffy Title: (Re)conceptualising democracy: the limitations of benchmarks based on neoliberal democracy and the need for alternatives Abstract: The 21st century has witnessed increasing dissatisfaction with existing democratic institutions and processes and the growth of alternatives to representative democracy. At the same time arguments are emerging that conventional standards for evaluating democracy are ‘out of touch’ with current realities; in particular, with popular understandings, experiences and aspirations of what democracy should look like. This paper draws on empirical research in Caracas, Venezuela into how Venezuelan people understand democracy, in order to build a case that current evaluatory benchmarks are inadequate for understanding complex processes of social change based on more direct and participatory forms of democratic engagement. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1472-1492 Issue: 8 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1026320 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1026320 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:8:p:1472-1492 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tom Lodge Author-X-Name-First: Tom Author-X-Name-Last: Lodge Title: The politics of HIV/AIDS in South Africa: government action and public response Abstract: A decade ago it seemed likely that African governments would be destabilised by the impact of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. This article tests some of the presumptions in such forecasting with an examination of the South African case. It begins with an assessment of the effects on the public health system of the South African government’s efforts to cope with the illness. Efforts to implement universal treatment of people who are HIV-positive appear to have strengthened government, while the costs have been affordable. The efforts have extended the embrace of the public health system and prompted the engagement of civil society in policy formation and implementation. Survey evidence suggests that the government has gained public approval and that its health service delivery has become more socially accountable. Civil protest to engender political reforms in the treatment of AIDS patients has enhanced the role of constitutional checks on executive authority. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1570-1591 Issue: 8 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1037387 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1037387 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:8:p:1570-1591 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Robin Dunford Author-X-Name-First: Robin Author-X-Name-Last: Dunford Title: Autonomous peasant struggles and left arts of government Abstract: I argue that self-organisation cannot account for how grassroots struggles can pursue transnational political change. I develop an account of some ‘left arts of government’ through which resistance is facilitated and organised without reintroducing oppressive and hierarchical forms of rule. I do so by focusing on the practices of autonomous peasant mobilisations. Land occupation movements facilitate the ability of people to engage in ongoing resistance on their own behalf. They organise resistance through horizontal communication and through transnational networks involving representative structures. Finally, peasant mobilisations engage with states and international institutions to solidify gains made. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1453-1471 Issue: 8 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1037388 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1037388 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:8:p:1453-1471 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jérôme Ballet Author-X-Name-First: Jérôme Author-X-Name-Last: Ballet Author-Name: Delphine Pouchain Author-X-Name-First: Delphine Author-X-Name-Last: Pouchain Title: Fair Trade and justice: a comment on Walton and Deneulin Abstract: In this article we first point out that the different conceptualisations of Fair Trade, which are sometimes analytically contradictory, actually form a coordinated set. Understanding the Fair Trade project is impossible without taking these interlinked conceptualisations into consideration. Second, this set basically forms a mechanism of structural, institutional and moral reforms that guide actions. In this way Fair Trade sets out to produce less injustice than is usually the case with the structures and institutions that govern conventional trade. Nevertheless, it does not try to define what a just society is or even to perfectly define ‘fair trade’. This implies the adoption of a comparative justice angle. It is precisely by linking comparative individual situations with the structures that produce these situations that relative justice can find its strength and purpose. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1421-1436 Issue: 8 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1042968 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1042968 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:8:p:1421-1436 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas G. Weiss Author-X-Name-First: Thomas G. Author-X-Name-Last: Weiss Author-Name: Martin Welz Author-X-Name-First: Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Welz Title: Military twists and turns in world politics: downsides or dividends for UN peace operations? Abstract: Russia’s challenge to the post-cold war order, and the rise of Islamic State have resulted in a call for increased military spending among NATO members. Despite the increased demand for UN peace operations, any expansion is unlikely to benefit the world organisation. Instead we see an increasing reliance upon regional organisations like the African Union, European Union and NATO, in particular, for robust peace operations. An analysis of Western states (France, Germany and the USA) suggests that future investments in weaponry, technology and staff will primarily benefit NATO and the EU, but not the United Nations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1493-1509 Issue: 8 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1042969 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1042969 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:8:p:1493-1509 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Simone Datzberger Author-X-Name-First: Simone Author-X-Name-Last: Datzberger Title: Peace building and the depoliticisation of civil society: Sierra Leone 2002–13 Abstract: Over the past two decades there has been a rapid increase in funds for local civil society actors in fragile states. Current peace-building and development efforts strive for the recreation of a vibrant, active and ‘liberal’ civil society. In the case of Sierra Leone, paradoxically, this growing support has not strengthened civil society actors based on that liberal idea(l). Instead of experiencing enhanced proactive participation stemming from the civil sphere, Sierra Leone’s civil society appears to be largely depoliticised. Drawing on empirical data gathered over the past four years, this article offers three interrelated causal explanations of why this phenomenon occurred during the country’s peace-building phase from 2002 to 2013. First, Sierra Leone’s civil society landscape has become instrumentalised to serve a broader liberal peace-building and development agenda in several ways. Second, Western idea(l)s of participatory approaches and democracy are repeatedly challenged by the legacies of colonial rule and socially entrenched forms of neo-patrimonialism. Third, abject poverty and the lack of education affect activism and agency from below. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1592-1609 Issue: 8 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1043990 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1043990 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:8:p:1592-1609 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Madeline Baer Author-X-Name-First: Madeline Author-X-Name-Last: Baer Author-Name: Andrea Gerlak Author-X-Name-First: Andrea Author-X-Name-Last: Gerlak Title: Implementing the human right to water and sanitation: a study of global and local discourses Abstract: This article explores global and local discourses on how to implement the newly recognised human right to water and sanitation (HRtWS). We analyse the potential limitations of the human rights frame in the context of critiques that human rights are a liberal, Western discourse that does not reflect the lived experiences of non-Western countries. Through two case studies we find that there are two discourses emerging on how to implement the HRtWS. At the global level, as seen in the work of the UN Special Rapporteur on the HRtWS, we find a hegemonic discourse that is state-centric and market-friendly. In Bolivia, a country currently implementing a human rights-based approach to water services, we find a counter-hegemonic discourse on implementation. We argue that the hegemonic discourse is incomplete and does not fully address barriers to fulfilment of the right, such as state corruption and the needs of peri-urban residents. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1527-1545 Issue: 8 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1043993 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1043993 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:8:p:1527-1545 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bruce Gilley Author-X-Name-First: Bruce Author-X-Name-Last: Gilley Title: The challenge of the creative Third World Abstract: This article is a contribution to recent literature on the shape of the polycentric world order. It argues that the Third World remains a valid concept for describing the interests and ideas that shape the foreign policies of many key non-Western states. However, the Third World has changed in a fundamental way. The article describes the historical emergence and contemporary manifestations of a ‘creative’ Third World in contrast to the ‘protest’ Third World of the past. It describes the nature of this shift and how it is reshaping Western leadership. It argues that the main challenge for the West is to create a coherent pluralism in international order that embraces this creative Third World. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1405-1420 Issue: 8 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1044962 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1044962 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:8:p:1405-1420 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sergio Latorre Author-X-Name-First: Sergio Author-X-Name-Last: Latorre Title: The making of land ownership: land titling in rural Colombia – a reply to Hernando de Soto Abstract: Hernando de Soto’s best-selling book The Mystery of Capital argues that economically disadvantaged countries lack institutional arrangements that can spur economic development and capital growth. This article questions de Soto’s institutional economist account. It draws on a 14-month ethnographic study performed at two rural field sites in Colombia and in the central government office responsible for promoting land programmes designed to improve the living conditions of rural communities. This study, which focuses on the daily practices of public officials and rural campesinos, suggests the importance of the title document, and in particular the public deed, for land ownership. It describes the process by which landownership is created by the issuance of the land title document and highlights some important elements and untended consequences that are often neglected in this process of making land a legal and economic asset. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1546-1569 Issue: 8 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1046984 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1046984 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:8:p:1546-1569 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nicole Stremlau Author-X-Name-First: Nicole Author-X-Name-Last: Stremlau Author-Name: Emanuele Fantini Author-X-Name-First: Emanuele Author-X-Name-Last: Fantini Author-Name: Iginio Gagliardone Author-X-Name-First: Iginio Author-X-Name-Last: Gagliardone Title: Patronage, politics and performance: radio call-in programmes and the myth of accountability Abstract: The role of media in promoting political accountability and citizen participation is a central issue in governance debates. Drawing on research into the interactions between radio station owners, journalists, audiences and public authorities during Somali radio call-in programmes we argue that these programmes do not simply offer a new platform for citizens to challenge those who are governing but that they are also spaces where existing power structures reproduce themselves in new forms. We identify the ways the programmes are structured and the different motivations the audience has for participation. Three types of programmes are identified and their relationships with patronage, politics, and performance are examined. Rather than focusing on normative assumptions about the media as a tool of accountability, the article emphasises the importance of understanding radio programmes in their social and political environment, including the overlapping relationships between on-air and off-air networks. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1510-1526 Issue: 8 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1048797 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1048797 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:8:p:1510-1526 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sung Yong Lee Author-X-Name-First: Sung Yong Author-X-Name-Last: Lee Title: Motivations for local resistance in international peacebuilding Abstract: This article discusses the complex motivations underlying local resistance to externally led post-war peacebuilding programmes. In examining the land distribution process in post-war Cambodia it proposes a five-part typology of motivations for the resistance that frequently appears in the context of international post-conflict peacebuilding processes. The article also argues that a single campaign of resistance is likely to involve multiple actors with multiple motivations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1437-1452 Issue: 8 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1052063 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1052063 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:8:p:1437-1452 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas Weiss Author-X-Name-First: Thomas Author-X-Name-Last: Weiss Title: Moving Beyond North–South Theatre Abstract: The North–South divide is counterproductive to the generation of norms and policies geared toward ensuring human security in a globalising world. Moreover, developing countries productively abandon Southern solidarity when it is in their perceived interests to do so. This article provides an historical overview of the origins of the geographical labels attached to the two main groups of countries and examines how the various constructed roles on the international stage in the global theatre are played by actors from the two major troupes, North and South. It concludes with some encouraging examples of changed stances within the supposedly ironclad categories. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 271-284 Issue: 2 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802681033 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802681033 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:2:p:271-284 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rosalind Eyben Author-X-Name-First: Rosalind Author-X-Name-Last: Eyben Author-Name: Rebecca Napier-Moore Author-X-Name-First: Rebecca Author-X-Name-Last: Napier-Moore Title: Choosing Words with Care? Shifting meanings of women's empowerment in international development Abstract: ‘Women's empowerment’, as used by international development organisations, is a fuzzy concept. Historical textual analysis and interviews with officials in development agencies reveal its adaptability and capacity to carry multiple meanings that variously wax and wane in their discursive influence. Today a privileging of instrumentalist meanings of empowerment associated with efficiency and growth are crowding out more socially transformative meanings associated with rights and collective action. In their efforts to make headway in what has become an unfavourable policy environment, officials in development agencies with a commitment to a broader social change agenda juggle these different meanings, strategically exploiting the concept's polysemic nature to keep that agenda alive. We argue for a politics of solidarity between such officials and feminist activists. We encourage the latter to challenge the prevailing instrumentalist discourse of empowerment with a clear, well articulated call for social transformation, while alerting them to how those with the same agenda within international development agencies may well be choosing their words with care, even if what they say appears fuzzy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 285-300 Issue: 2 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802681066 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802681066 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:2:p:285-300 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stefano Ponte Author-X-Name-First: Stefano Author-X-Name-Last: Ponte Author-Name: Lisa Richey Author-X-Name-First: Lisa Author-X-Name-Last: Richey Author-Name: Mike Baab Author-X-Name-First: Mike Author-X-Name-Last: Baab Title: Bono's Product (RED) Initiative: corporate social responsibility that solves the problems of ‘distant others’ Abstract: The Product (RED) initiative was launched by Bono at Davos in 2006. Product RED is ‘a brand created to raise awareness and money for the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria by teaming up with iconic brands to produce RED-branded products’. With the engagement of American Express, Apple, Converse, Gap, Emporio Armani, Hallmark and Motorola, consumers can help HIV/AIDS patients in Africa. They can do so simply by shopping, as a percentage of profits from Product (RED) lines goes to support the Global Fund. In this article we examine how the corporations that are part of this initiative use RED to build up their brand profiles, sell products and/or portray themselves as both ‘caring’ and ‘cool’. We also show that, more than simply being another example of cause-related marketing (like the pink ribbon campaign or the ubiquitous plastic armbands), RED engages corporations in profitable ‘helping’ while simultaneously pushing the agenda of corporate social responsibility (CSR) towards solving the problems of ‘distant others’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 301-317 Issue: 2 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802681074 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802681074 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:2:p:301-317 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maxwell Cameron Author-X-Name-First: Maxwell Author-X-Name-Last: Cameron Title: Latin America's Left Turns: beyond good and bad Abstract: In rapid succession leftwing parties have been elected to government in some of the most important countries in the Latin American region. I challenge the view that there are two distinct variants of the left—one populist, the other social democratic—and argue that variation on the left reflects the diverse conditions under which these forces emerge and evolve. I outline common features shared by the left in Latin America; suggest how the concept of populism and analysis of social movements can help explain this variation; and show how the left's commitment to egalitarianism, balancing markets, and, in some cases, its appeals to the constituent power of the people enabled it to benefit from disillusionment with the results of neoliberalism, the poor performance of democratic governments in Latin America, and the evolving international context. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 331-348 Issue: 2 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802681082 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802681082 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:2:p:331-348 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John French Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: French Title: Understanding the Politics of Latin America's Plural Lefts (Chávez/Lula): social democracy, populism and convergence on the path to a post-neoliberal world Abstract: This article explores the academic and public debate on the politics of Latin America's twenty-first century turn towards the left. It rejects dichotomous categorisations of ‘social democratic’ and ‘populist’ lefts as a disciplinary move by neoliberals that appeals to entrenched liberal predispositions. It suggests that such classificatory taxonomies are directly linked to an impoverished notion of the political, in which a politics of exalted expertise and enlightenment, based on reason, rationality and objectivity is juxtaposed against a lesser sphere of emotion, passion and ‘personalism’. This underlying dualism, which permeates academic disciplines and crosses lines of ideology, tracks established markers of hierarchical distinction in societies profoundly divided along multiple lines of class and cultural capital. This is explored through an analysis of the discourse of Chávez vis-a-vis Lula, while offering an appreciation of the subaltern origin of Lula's distinctive style of political leadership, from trade unionism to the presidency, based upon the creation of spaces of convergence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 349-370 Issue: 2 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802681090 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802681090 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:2:p:349-370 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Juan Luna Author-X-Name-First: Juan Author-X-Name-Last: Luna Author-Name: Fernando Filgueira Author-X-Name-First: Fernando Author-X-Name-Last: Filgueira Title: The Left Turns as Multiple Paradigmatic Crises Abstract: The left turns represent a ‘second incorporation crisis’ for Latin American countries. The discontent emerging from the effects of market reforms implemented in the context of weak states and highly unequal societies has fuelled this crisis, along with citizens’ widespread alienation with traditional parties and political elites. The left turns also yield three interrelated paradigmatic crises: one relates to political and economic praxis in the region, another concerns academic interpretations of the political economy of democracy and development for Latin America, and yet another concerns policy-making prescriptions. The failure to predict the left turn epitomises conventional wisdom's shortsightedness, which is also present in the now dominant interpretations on the current governing lefts in the region. A normative predilection for market economies and liberal democracy embedded in the theoretical and methodological toolbox of dominant approaches causes this myopia. The paper justifies this diagnostic and derives implications for future research. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 371-395 Issue: 2 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802681108 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802681108 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:2:p:371-395 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Timo Schaefer Author-X-Name-First: Timo Author-X-Name-Last: Schaefer Title: Engaging Modernity: the political making of indigenous movements in Bolivia and Ecuador, 1900–2008 Abstract: Most analyses of the recent indigenous mobilisations in Bolivia and Ecuador (as well as other Latin American countries) have sharply divided the new indigenous politics from earlier class-based political projects of the left. The emergence and mass-appeal of indigenous movements, in these analyses, are rooted in ethnic and cultural cleavages between indigenous peoples and the rest of Bolivian and Ecuadorean society. This article argues that a political interpretation of indigenous movements in these countries gives a more coherent explanation for their historical trajectories as well as their present situation, in particular their high degree of articulation with other popular political actors. Its historical section describes the emergence of indigenous movements in Bolivia and Ecuador as part of an engagement with modernity that began in the first half of the twentieth century as part of the cross-ethnic projects of unions and radical parties of the traditional left and put indigenous communities into positive relationships to the modernizing Bolivian and Ecuadorean states. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 397-413 Issue: 2 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802681116 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802681116 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:2:p:397-413 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elisabeth Friedman Author-X-Name-First: Elisabeth Author-X-Name-Last: Friedman Title: Gender, Sexuality and the Latin American Left: testing the transformation Abstract: This article examines the extent of change under Latin American left governments by assessing their actions on women's and lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights. To provide a historical context, it first offers an overview of the relationship between feminist movements and the left. It then employs a four-country comparison of Brazil, Bolivia, Chile and Venezuela on women's socioeconomic status; feminist state–society relations; women's representation in national decision-making positions; legislation on violence against women; reproductive rights; and sexual rights. It concludes that standard political and economic divisions among the cases do not explain their response to the demands of feminists and LGBT activists. While governments have improved women's status and inclusion, the transformation of gender and sexual power relations remains unfinished. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 415-433 Issue: 2 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802681132 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802681132 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:2:p:415-433 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jon Beasley-Murray Author-X-Name-First: Jon Author-X-Name-Last: Beasley-Murray Author-Name: Maxwell Cameron Author-X-Name-First: Maxwell Author-X-Name-Last: Cameron Author-Name: Eric Hershberg Author-X-Name-First: Eric Author-X-Name-Last: Hershberg Title: Latin America's Left Turns: an introduction Abstract: In the wake of a series of electoral victories, often dubbed a ‘pink tide’ by the media, there has seldom been a moment more propitious for the diverse parties, movements and leaders of the Latin American Left. Yet the Left faces daunting challenges, and the diversity of responses to these challenges suggests that there is not one but many left turns. This article, like the collection of essays that it introduces, critiques conventional distinctions between ‘populist’ and ‘social democratic’ currents of the Latin American Left, and argues that the left turns are best described as a multiplicity of disparate efforts to reopen or re-found the constitutional order or social pact. These efforts reveal deep-seated tensions between the Latin American Left and liberalism. The analysis reviews these tensions as well as some of the central policy challenges facing progressive governments and the relationships between social movements and political representation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 319-330 Issue: 2 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902770322 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902770322 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:2:p:319-330 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lisa Ann Richey Author-X-Name-First: Lisa Ann Author-X-Name-Last: Richey Author-Name: Stefano Ponte Author-X-Name-First: Stefano Author-X-Name-Last: Ponte Title: New actors and alliances in development Abstract: ‘New actors and alliances in development’ brings together an interdisciplinary group of scholars exploring how development financing and interventions are being shaped by a wider and more complex platform of actors than usually considered in the existing literature. The contributors also trace a changing set of key relations and alliances in development – those between business and consumers; ngos and celebrities; philanthropic organisations and the state; diaspora groups and transnational advocacy networks; ruling elites and productive capitalists; and ‘new donors’ and developing country governments. Despite the diversity of these actors and alliances, several commonalities arise: they are often based on hybrid transnationalism and diffuse notions of development responsibility; rather than being new per se, they are newly being studied as practices that are now coming to be understood as ‘development’; and they are limited in their ability to act as agents of development by their lack of accountability or pro-poor commitment. The articles in this collection point to images and representations as increasingly important in development ‘branding’ and suggest fruitful new ground for critical development studies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-21 Issue: 1 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.868979 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.868979 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:1:p:1-21 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michael Blowfield Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Blowfield Author-Name: Catherine S. Dolan Author-X-Name-First: Catherine S. Author-X-Name-Last: Dolan Title: Business as a development agent: evidence of possibility and improbability Abstract: An emphasis on making markets work for the poor has thrust companies into the role of ‘development agents’ – organisations that consciously seek to deliver outcomes that contribute to international development goals. This paper examines what business as a development agent means in terms of the promise, the conceptualisation and the developmental outcomes of several initiatives engaged in ‘bottom billion capitalism’. It argues that, while these initiatives are hailed as a solution for poverty, the benefits of such engagement must be weighed against other factors, including exclusion, the emphasis on capital assets and the reinterpretation of positive outcomes. The paper presents an alternative model of business as a development agent that better meets the criteria for a genuine development actor. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 22-42 Issue: 1 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.868982 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.868982 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:1:p:22-42 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Uma Kothari Author-X-Name-First: Uma Author-X-Name-Last: Kothari Title: Trade, consumption and development alliances: the historical legacy of the Empire Marketing Board poster campaign Abstract: This article examines the historical legacy of contemporary development alliances through an analysis of the British government’s Empire Marketing Board poster campaign from 1926 to 1933. The primary aim of these posters was to instil in the British public a preference for buying empire-grown goods and the significance of their role as consumers in maintaining the Empire. By conveying messages of a common humanity and invoking a visual language of interdependence between Britain and its colonies, the posters attempted to open up new connections and create new moral communities across distance in ways that are not dissimilar to fair trade campaigns today. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 43-64 Issue: 1 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.868984 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.868984 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:1:p:43-64 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stefano Ponte Author-X-Name-First: Stefano Author-X-Name-Last: Ponte Author-Name: Lisa Ann Richey Author-X-Name-First: Lisa Ann Author-X-Name-Last: Richey Title: Buying into development? Brand Aid forms of cause-related marketing Abstract: Consumers, partnering with corporations and celebrities, are forming new alliances in international development through what we call ‘Brand Aid’ initiatives. At a time of shifting relationships between public and private aid, commodities are sold as the means of achieving development for recipients and good feelings for consumers simultaneously. In this article we first formalise our conceptual model of Brand Aid at the triple interface of causes, branded products and celebrities. Then we conduct a systematic empirical analysis of contemporary Brand Aid initiatives, including three in-depth case studies of ‘Win One Give One’, toms shoes and Product (red). We argue that these not only use imaginaries of development to sell products to Northern consumers but also engage in the work of a ‘story factory’ – producing truths about international development and consumer engagement that make development appear simplified, manageable and marketable. We conclude that, in Brand Aid, the problems themselves and the people who experience them are branded and marketed to Western consumers (through celebritised multimedia story-telling) just as effectively as the products that will ‘save’ them. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 65-87 Issue: 1 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.868985 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.868985 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:1:p:65-87 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dan Brockington Author-X-Name-First: Dan Author-X-Name-Last: Brockington Title: The production and construction of celebrity advocacy in international development Abstract: There has been a proliferation of celebrity within development publicity, media events and representations, which has received little attention from development scholars. This paper charts the rise of celebrity within development, drawing from over 120 interviews conducted with development, media and celebrity professionals. I examine how the presence of celebrity within development is mediated and the political economy of the celebrity–charity–corporate complex which results. I use these findings to interrogate recent writings on the work of celebrity advocacy in development and demonstrate that understanding the production and construction of celebrity development interventions helps substantially in understanding their effects. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 88-108 Issue: 1 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.868987 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.868987 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:1:p:88-108 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Linsey McGoey Author-X-Name-First: Linsey Author-X-Name-Last: McGoey Title: The philanthropic state: market–state hybrids in the philanthrocapitalist turn Abstract: Over the past decade a new form of philanthropy has emerged, termed ‘philanthrocapitalism’. Champions of philanthrocapitalism suggest that private giving can fill the void left by diminished government spending on social and development programmes. Critics suggest that philanthropy is no substitute for strong governmental support for social welfare. Both arguments perpetuate a dichotomy between the public and the private, implying that philanthrocapitalism operates in a vacuum largely divorced from governmental interventions. In this article I challenge that assumption, exploring how new philanthropic initiatives have compelled increased financial support from governments toward the private sector. Drawing on three cases – advanced market commitments (amcs) in drug development; impact investing; and direct philanthropic and governmental grants to corporate entities – I illustrate the ways that governments remain one of the most powerful – if not the most powerful – philanthropic actors in the philanthrocapitalist turn. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 109-125 Issue: 1 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.868989 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.868989 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:1:p:109-125 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lindsay Whitfield Author-X-Name-First: Lindsay Author-X-Name-Last: Whitfield Author-Name: Lars Buur Author-X-Name-First: Lars Author-X-Name-Last: Buur Title: The politics of industrial policy: ruling elites and their alliances Abstract: Economic transformation is driven by successfully implemented industrial policy, but industrial policy is inherently political. We cannot understand why some governments pursue and implement industrial policy better than others without understanding its politics. This article addresses the conditions under which industrial policies are successfully implemented. It presents an analytical approach to understanding why some ruling elite-capitalist alliances lead to better economic outcomes than others. Sub-Saharan African countries present a particular puzzle, given their low productive capabilities and the relatively small number of successful productive sectors. The article examines the most successful productive sectors in Mozambique and in Ghana in order to illuminate the conditions under which such alliances occur and their specific characteristics and outcomes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 126-144 Issue: 1 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.868991 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.868991 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:1:p:126-144 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter Kragelund Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Kragelund Title: ‘Donors go home’: non-traditional state actors and the creation of development space in Zambia Abstract: The international development arena is currently subject to major changes in the geographies of power. In this article I analyse how and to what extent the (re)entry on the development scene of China, India and Brazil, together with increasing prices for primary commodities and improved access to international finance, has affected Zambia’s political leverage to set, implement and fund its own developmental policies. I argue that, while real changes in external financial flows comparable to aid from these non-traditional state actors are still small, these actors’ experience is providing Zambia with an alternative development model that combines purposive state intervention with market-based economic growth and integration into world markets. While Zambia may be taking the first steps in strengthening its ‘sovereign frontier’, the extent of this movement is still small and its development outcomes are far from assured. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 145-162 Issue: 1 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.868994 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.868994 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:1:p:145-162 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alexandra Cosima Budabin Author-X-Name-First: Alexandra Cosima Author-X-Name-Last: Budabin Title: Diasporas as development partners for peace? The alliance between the Darfuri diaspora and the Save Darfur Coalition Abstract: There is increasing interest today in the relationship between diaspora groups and international development. As a stand-in for the domestic organisation in Keck and Sikkink’s model of a ‘transnational advocacy network’, diasporas serve as important sources of legitimacy and first-hand knowledge to support the ‘information politics’ of host country ngos; in turn, diasporas gain access to policy making around development and conflict resolution. But these alliances present a complicated picture of power and agency with unevenness across actors. Using field research on the US-based ngo Save Darfur Coalition and its partnership with the Darfuri diaspora, I argue that a host country ngo must balance its relationships across numerous stakeholders, including the diaspora, as well as short and long-term development needs. In addition, the strength of the alliance across actors may be influenced by the status of the diaspora and the home and host country contexts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 163-180 Issue: 1 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.868996 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.868996 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:1:p:163-180 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nicola Banks Author-X-Name-First: Nicola Author-X-Name-Last: Banks Author-Name: David Hulme Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Hulme Title: New development alternatives or business as usual with a new face? The transformative potential of new actors and alliances in development Abstract: The state, market and civil society constitute the three main institutional domains of the ‘development’ landscape. Perceptions of these three actors have evolved over time alongside conceptualisations of what constitutes and best promotes ‘development’. The array of contributions in this special issue points towards a worrying implication for the transformative potential of development activities and interventions. While the new diversity in actors and alliances brings new opportunities for development, we see the majority placing the responsibility for development in the hands of the state and market. Furthermore, the hollowing out of civil society – apparent from the lack of priority given to it in the Global South and the promotion of development as ‘responsible consumerism’ in the North – represents a missed opportunity for consolidating the progress made in the commitment to poverty reduction since the UN Millennium Declaration. Reaching greater transformative potential would require focusing as much on inclusive social development as on inclusive economic development. Doing so would tackle the big questions of power and inequality that remain among the root causes of poverty today. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 181-195 Issue: 1 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.868997 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.868997 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:1:p:181-195 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Wil Hout Author-X-Name-First: Wil Author-X-Name-Last: Hout Title: Governance and Development: changing EU policies Abstract: This introductory article to the special issue on European Union, development policies and governance discusses how notions of (‘good’) governance have come to dominate development discourses and policies since the mid-1990s. The article argues that governance was part of the so-called Post-Washington Consensus, which understands governance reform as part of the creation of market societies. Although academics have commonly emphasised the fact that governance concerns the rules that regulate the public sphere, the dominant understanding of (good) governance in policy circles revolves around technical and managerial connotations. The second part of the article introduces some important features of EU development policy, and argues that this is essentially neoliberal in nature and favours a technocratic approach to governance reform. The EU's main instrument in relations with developing countries is the Country Strategy Paper, which includes a set of governance indicators for the assessment of the political situation in partner countries. In addition, the European Union has developed a ‘governance profile’, which consists of nine components. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-12 Issue: 1 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903557298 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903557298 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:1:p:1-12 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maurizio Carbone Author-X-Name-First: Maurizio Author-X-Name-Last: Carbone Title: The European Union, Good Governance and Aid Co-ordination Abstract: This article reviews the EU's distinctive approach to good governance, based on policy dialogue and incentives, in light of the significant transformations that have occurred in EU development policy since the early 2000s. The argument made here is that only when the EU decided to act as a single actor was it possible to agree on a harmonised approach to good governance. By doing so, the EU sought to promote aid effectiveness and at the same time raise its profile in international politics, thus challenging the leadership of the World Bank and of the USA. It is concluded that not only has the gap between the EU's lofty ambitions and the implementation record remained wide, but also that the search for better co-ordination between European donors has resulted in decreased policy space for developing countries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 13-29 Issue: 1 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903557306 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903557306 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:1:p:13-29 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nikki Slocum-Bradley Author-X-Name-First: Nikki Author-X-Name-Last: Slocum-Bradley Author-Name: Andrew Bradley Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Bradley Title: Is the EU's Governance ‘Good’? An assessment of EU governance in its partnership with states Abstract: Distinguishing between ‘(good) governance’ as a process and an outcome, this article examines both the processes and outcomes of governance in the context of the EU's relationship with ACP states since the adoption of the Cotonou Agreement. The article discusses and assesses a variety of governance mechanisms, including the European Commission's use of the governance concept, Economic Partnership Agreements, manifestations of partner preferences, the European Development Fund, the revision of the Cotonou Agreement, and Fisheries Partnership Agreements. Specific examples of the wielding of each mechanism are assessed based upon two criteria: the extent to which the wielding of the mechanism by the EU is a manifestation of ‘good governance’, and the extent to which the mechanisms have resulted, or are likely to result, in the sustainable development of and reduction of poverty in ACP countries. The examples are chosen to illustrate contradictions between rhetoric and practice and the consequential negative (actual and potential) impact upon development in ACP states. The article ends with some suggestions for improving the EU's governance processes and their outcomes for development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 31-49 Issue: 1 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903557314 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903557314 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:1:p:31-49 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ian Taylor Author-X-Name-First: Ian Author-X-Name-Last: Taylor Title: Governance and Relations between the European Union and Africa: the case of Abstract: The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) was launched in 2001 as the pre-eminent vehicle to promote Africa's recovery. Initially it was enthusiastically promoted by a select number of countries in Africa, as well as by key members within the G-8. The European Union was active in its support, particularly vis-à-vis governance issues, stating that the EU ‘finds that Africa's development efforts are best served by a greatly sharpened focus on NEPAD as the basis for partnership between Africa and the international community’. However, there have been significant problems facing NEPAD. These revolve around the actual extant political economy and dominant political cultures across Africa, which the technocratic neoliberal agenda of ‘good governance’ cannot deal with. Furthermore, the rise of Chinese engagement with Africa adds a major difficulty to Brussels' claim to be a key engine in supporting NEPAD's goals regarding governance and development. Indeed, the emergence of Chinese actors in Africa threatens to make much of the EU's policies on governance largely irrelevant, although it is acknowledged that, in the long term, Beijing's policy interests are not served by chaotically ruled states. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 51-67 Issue: 1 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903557322 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903557322 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:1:p:51-67 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Chandler Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Chandler Title: The EU and Southeastern Europe: the rise of post-liberal governance Abstract: This article suggests that EU governance in Southeastern Europe reproduces a discourse in which the failures and problems which have emerged, especially in relation to the pace of integration and the sustainability of peace in candidate member states such as Bosnia-Herzegovina, have merely reinforced the EU's external governance agenda. On the one hand, the limitations of reform have reinforced the EU's projection of its power as a civilising mission into what is perceived to be a dangerous vacuum in the region. On the other hand, through the discourse of post-liberal governance, the EU seeks to avoid the direct political responsibilities associated with this power. Rather than legitimise policy making on the basis of representative legitimacy, post-liberal frameworks of governance problematise autonomy and self-government, inverting the liberal paradigm through establishing administrative and regulatory frameworks as prior to democratic choices. This process tends to distance policy making from representative accountability, weakening the legitimacy of governing institutions in Southeastern European states which have international legal sovereignty but lack genuine mechanisms for politically integrating society. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 69-85 Issue: 1 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903557330 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903557330 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:1:p:69-85 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Katharina Hoffmann Author-X-Name-First: Katharina Author-X-Name-Last: Hoffmann Title: The EU in Central Asia: successful good governance promotion? Abstract: A reappraisal of security and economic interests has led to increased engagement by the European Union with Central Asia in the past few years. As a new foreign policy tool the EU adopted a new partnership strategy for Central Asia in 2007. The strategy aims to integrate both interest-based and governance-related policy ambitions. In the two years since the strategy was adopted activities concerning the implementation of good governance-related initiatives are still rather weak. This article discusses the obstacles and prospects for good governance promotion in Central Asia. The prospects for external good governance promotion in stable authoritarian environments are limited. Domestic economic pressure increases the willingness of the Central Asian incumbent governments to enter into international agreements and widens the scope of external good governance promotion. Yet the prioritisation of interest-based policy objectives and the reluctance to employ conditionalities on the part of the EU provide an opportunity for the Central Asian regimes to limit their concessions and feign reforms. Initiatives focusing on grassroots levels appear to be the most promising in terms of the diffusion of ideas of good governance and democracy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 87-103 Issue: 1 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903557397 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903557397 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:1:p:87-103 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Karim Knio Author-X-Name-First: Karim Author-X-Name-Last: Knio Title: Investigating the Two Faces of Governance: the case of the Euro-Mediterranean Development Bank Abstract: The literature on governance has recently witnessed a growing tension between a techno-managerial account of governance and a power-sensitive approach. This article argues that the downgrading of power relations by the techno-managerial approach is significantly problematic and counterproductive. Building on the case of the Euro-Mediterranean Development Bank, the article shows how the EU's articulation of the techno-managerial approach has had serious negative implications. On the one hand, it re-emphasised the embedded long-term power asymmetries that have characterised the EU's general governance attitude relationship with its Mediterranean partners. On the other hand, it compromised the credibility of EU policies in addressing and pressing for further reforms in the Mediterranean region. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 105-121 Issue: 1 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903557413 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903557413 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:1:p:105-121 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rosalba Icaza Author-X-Name-First: Rosalba Author-X-Name-Last: Icaza Title: Global Europe, Guilty! Contesting EU neoliberal governance for Latin America and the Caribbean Abstract: This article examines bi-regional governance between the European Union and Latin American and Caribbean countries as a source of social resistance and contestation. The analysis focuses on the contributions of a bottom-up and informal mechanism of litigation, the Permanent People's Tribunals against European Multinationals and Neoliberalism, to cognitive justice and as a challenge to the notion of neoliberal governance. It questions the underlying assumptions regarding global/regional governance and resistance in the literature on international relations and international political economy, and the type of development and regionalism promoted by EU institutions and governments in Latin America and the Caribbean. The article calls for a problematisation of the resistance that is mobilised through the Tribunals, which is not free of tensions but, nonetheless, contributes through practices of cognitive justice to unveiling the fragmented, and hence, contested, nature of EU neoliberal governance for Latin America and the Caribbean countries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 123-139 Issue: 1 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903557439 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903557439 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:1:p:123-139 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Wil Hout Author-X-Name-First: Wil Author-X-Name-Last: Hout Title: Between Development and Security: the European Union, governance and fragile states Abstract: This article focuses on the recent attention in the European Union on fragile states, as expressed, among others, in the European Security Strategy of 2003 and the European Consensus on Development of 2006. Most understandings of the notion of state fragility concern limited state capacity, the inability of institutions to deal with social and political tensions or problems of state legitimacy. The EU is no exception to this general trend of seeing state fragility in terms of governance deficits. Its approach to preventing and responding to state fragility, which was adopted by the European Council in 2007, is being tested in six pilot countries. The article analyses the governance-oriented measures that have been adopted in the Country Strategy Papers (CSPs) agreed between the European Commission and five of the six pilot countries, concluding that there is a profound gap between the political-economic analyses of the CSPs and the support policies implemented by the EU. The approach of the European Commission revolves around attempts to reconstruct state capacities in fragile states through technocratic measures. Fundamental problems of state capture, ethnic relations, human rights violations and extreme inequalities are beyond the purview of policy makers in the European Union. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 141-157 Issue: 1 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903557462 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903557462 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:1:p:141-157 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen Hurt Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Hurt Title: Understanding EU Development Policy: history, global context and self-interest? Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 159-168 Issue: 1 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590903557488 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590903557488 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:1:p:159-168 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Paul Shaffer Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Shaffer Title: Post-development and Poverty: an assessment Abstract: This article presents a critical assessment of the post-development critique of poverty, distinguishing between claims made about how poverty is represented in ‘modern’ poverty analysis (the ‘representations critique’) and claims about trends in, and causal analysis of, consumption poverty (the ‘marginalisation thesis’). In general empirical evidence does not support ‘headline’ claims concerning the lack of correspondence of consumption poverty to local needs and the worsening of consumption poverty. There is support for other positions concerning the relativity of nutritional adequacy norms and the limits of ‘standard’ causal analysis of poverty. These latter elements, however, add little to existing critiques which are well known in the poverty literature. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1767-1782 Issue: 10 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.728314 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.728314 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:10:p:1767-1782 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roberta Hawkins Author-X-Name-First: Roberta Author-X-Name-Last: Hawkins Title: A New Frontier in Development? The use of cause-related marketing by international development organisations Abstract: This paper examines cause-related marketing (crm) initiatives where the purchase of a product by a North American consumer triggers a donation from a corporation to an international development organisation. crm is quickly gaining in popularity within the non-profit sector. It is now a common means for raising funds and awareness and as such has been deemed a ‘new frontier in development aid’ yet this ‘new frontier’ has received little academic attention outside of the business management and marketing literatures. The paper extends these literatures using insights from development studies. This approach is used to analyse empirical research on the use of crm by development-focused organisations in North America. The paper argues that the crm model raises particular challenges within international development that require further analysis. These challenges include the coupling of development funding to consumption and the simultaneous marketing of products and development causes as a means of awareness raising. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1783-1801 Issue: 10 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.728315 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.728315 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:10:p:1783-1801 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marouf Hasian Author-X-Name-First: Marouf Author-X-Name-Last: Hasian Title: American Exceptionalism and the bin Laden Raid Abstract: This paper argues that Operation Neptune Spear, or the bin Laden Raid, reinforced US elite and public beliefs in American exceptionalism and the importance of carrying out numerous ‘overseas contingency operations’. The combination of textual and legal rationales for the raid treated the mission as a legal and effective raid, and it could now serve as a visual model for future aggressive war fighting. This is problematic because it emboldens those who want to move away from softer, ‘hearts and minds’ ways of dealing with enemies, at the same time that it legitimates targeted killings and encourages violations of other nations' territorial sovereignty. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1803-1820 Issue: 10 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.728317 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.728317 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:10:p:1803-1820 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nicola Pratt Author-X-Name-First: Nicola Author-X-Name-Last: Pratt Title: The Gender Logics of Resistance to the ‘War on Terror’: constructing sex–gender difference through the erasure of patriarchy in the Middle East Abstract: This article asks, ‘How are femininities constructed in resisting the “war on terror” and with what implications for women's agency and the conceptualisation of gender?’ It examines the under-studied gender logics of non-violent resistance to the ‘war on terror’ by focusing on a series of conferences held in Cairo, between 2002 and 2008, uniting opposition to imperialism, Zionism, neoliberalism and dictatorship. Whereas much feminist scholarship conceptualises sex–gender difference within patriarchy as the major source of women's subordination, women speakers at the Cairo conferences erased patriarchy as a source of subordination and valorised sex–gender difference as a source of agency in resisting the ‘war on terror’. Femininities were constructed against the dominant narratives and practices of the war on terror through the representation of national/religious or class differences. These ‘resistance femininities’ represent strategically essentialised identities that function to bridge differences and mobilise women against the ‘war on terror’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1821-1836 Issue: 10 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.728318 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.728318 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:10:p:1821-1836 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ellen Leopold Author-X-Name-First: Ellen Author-X-Name-Last: Leopold Author-Name: David McDonald Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: McDonald Title: Municipal Socialism Then and Now: some lessons for the Global South Abstract: Given the large and growing literature opposed to the privatisation of services such as water and electricity, it is peculiar that so little has been written about the experience of ‘municipal socialism’—a set of roughly analogous historical movements that used local governments to challenge private service delivery and advance ‘socialist’ agendas from the late 1800s to the 1940s. Although primarily a European and American phenomenon, and emerging from different contexts than those prevailing today, municipal socialism found widespread support and transformed many public services. Results were mixed, with some experiments being little more than (pre)Keynesian attempts to revitalise capital accumulation in the face of ‘irrational’ private sector services, but the lessons are important as these experiments provided the first intellectually and politically sustained resistance to privatisation and other prototypical forms of what we now call neoliberalism, and demonstrated the possibility of effective service delivery by the public sector. This paper reviews these experiments, focusing on the experience of the United Kingdom and drawing lessons for contemporary efforts to build alternatives to privatisation in cities in the South, where local-level, socialist-oriented reforms have been relatively strong. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1837-1853 Issue: 10 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.728321 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.728321 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:10:p:1837-1853 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: William Brown Author-X-Name-First: William Author-X-Name-Last: Brown Title: A Question of Agency: Africa in international politics Abstract: Over recent years African states have become increasingly prominent actors in high-level international politics. This article makes the case for studying Africa's international relations from the point of view of agency. The article outlines contemporary contexts within which questions of African agency have come to the fore and argues a need to think conceptually about agency in international politics in a way that accommodates the range of different agencies at work. The article outlines three elements as foundations for the analysis of African agency: first, a conceptualisation of different dimensions of agency; second, a recognition of the importance of sovereignty in differentiating between state, or state-enabled agents, and others; and third, a temporally embedded approach to agency that historicises contemporary agency. Combined, these elements suggest that future work on African agency would be able to engage seriously with the continent's role in international politics in a way that presents Africa as actor not just acted upon, historical agent not just history's recipient. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1889-1908 Issue: 10 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.728322 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.728322 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:10:p:1889-1908 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jeff Bridoux Author-X-Name-First: Jeff Author-X-Name-Last: Bridoux Author-Name: Anja Gebel Author-X-Name-First: Anja Author-X-Name-Last: Gebel Title: Flexibility versus Inflexibility: discursive discrepancy in US democracy promotion and anti-corruption policies Abstract: This article analyses US discourses on democracy promotion and anti-corruption strategies. The analysis shows that there is a cosmetic agreement in these discourses on notions of the good society that identify democracy as a good thing and corruption as a bad thing. However, despite this agreement, there are differences in the discourses on the measures recommended to promote democracy and fight corruption that may lead to policies and processes pulling in opposite directions. This discrepancy arises, on the one hand, from a mode of operation of democracy promotion that is flexible and adaptable to various contexts and, on the other hand, from the uncompromising and inflexible language of anti-corruption policies that threatens to ‘undo’ what US democracy promotion's rhetoric aims to achieve: ownership and sustainability of democratic reforms through re-empowering the state. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1945-1963 Issue: 10 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.728323 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.728323 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:10:p:1945-1963 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jan Pieterse Author-X-Name-First: Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Pieterse Title: Leaking Superpower: WikiLeaks and the contradictions of democracy Abstract: While US government agencies endorse and support the democratic potential of the internet and social media overseas, the criticisms of the WikiLeaks disclosures of US diplomatic cables reveal the bias in relation to transparency and democracy. This poses a wider problem of connectivity combined with hegemony. This paper discusses what the criticisms of the WikiLeaks disclosures reveal. After discussing the enthusiasm about ‘hyper-connectivity’, the paper turns to the WikiLeaks disclosures, and next spells out global ramifications of the leaked cables, the problems of transparency and hegemony, frictions between democracy and democratisation, and the role of banks blocking donations to WikiLeaks. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1909-1924 Issue: 10 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.728324 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.728324 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:10:p:1909-1924 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John McCarthy Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: McCarthy Title: Certifying in Contested Spaces: private regulation in Indonesian forestry and palm oil Abstract: Over recent years systems of civil or private regulation have emerged across several commodity sectors in developing countries. This paper compares two regulatory systems applied to parallel food and forestry problems: the Forest Stewardship Council (fsc) and the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (rspo). Analysing these regulatory systems as attempts to extend procedural and distributional justice into contested forested and agricultural spaces, the paper examines the paradox that, despite successful advocacy campaigns using these regulatory standards, oil palm and timber estates and associated land conflicts continue to proliferate in Indonesia. These regulatory processes provide leverage within bounded spaces, yet they are limited by an incommensurability of values and interests that reflect underlying structural problems. At best these certification schemes provide limited learning tools. Addressing the underlying problems will require legal reforms, effective state engagement and supporting forms of accountability. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1871-1888 Issue: 10 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.729721 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.729721 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:10:p:1871-1888 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Joel Lazarus Author-X-Name-First: Joel Author-X-Name-Last: Lazarus Title: Party aid: democracy promotion's ‘new frontier’ or its final frontier? Abstract: The failure to engineer democracy in postcolonial societies via ‘civil society’ had led democracy promoters increasingly to turn their attention to political parties by the late 1990s. ‘Party aid’—project-based interventions in targeted party systems—soon became democracy promotion's ‘new frontier’. Yet party aid itself has not delivered. In this article I summarise the current main criticisms of party aid. I then highlight the striking similarities between these criticisms and those made of other forms of aid: democracy promotion, development and humanitarian aid. I argue that these similarities are the outcomes of the three main institutional trends in post-cold war foreign aid: bilateralisation, bureaucratisation and commodification. Based on these insights, I question how realistic current prescriptions for reforming party aid are. I conclude that the current legitimacy crisis that party aid, and democracy promotion more broadly, face makes it hard to predict a bright future for democracy promotion. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1925-1943 Issue: 10 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.729722 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.729722 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:10:p:1925-1943 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Samuel Martinez Author-X-Name-First: Samuel Author-X-Name-Last: Martinez Title: Allegations Lost and Found: the afterlife of Dominican sugar slavery Abstract: In 2007 visual media reports revived allegations that sugar was being produced in the Dominican Republic using the labour of Haitian slaves. Beyond raising the general public's awareness of the plight of migrant sugarcane workers, the films and their surrounding publicity have led to the Dominican sugar slavery allegation being adopted in yearly global overview reports produced by agencies of the US Departments of Labor and State. The Dominican Republic has as a result been put back on an aid-and-trade-sanctionable track, more than 15 years after sugar slavery last featured as an allegation in any leading monitor group's reports. All this, plus evidence that one videographer knew central aspects of the allegation to be false at the moment of its public release, mark the revival of the Dominican sugar slavery allegation as a precursor to the media furor triggered by the Kony 2012 ‘viral video’. Analysis of the visual media afterlife of Dominican sugar slavery suggests that the ‘Kony effect’ may be less new than meets the eye, for Kony 2012 is not the first video campaign to promote yesterday's human rights crisis as today's imperative for action. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1855-1870 Issue: 10 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.729724 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.729724 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:10:p:1855-1870 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kevin Gray Author-X-Name-First: Kevin Author-X-Name-Last: Gray Author-Name: Craig Murphy Author-X-Name-First: Craig Author-X-Name-Last: Murphy Title: Introduction: rising powers and the future of global governance Abstract: There has been much debate over the extent to which the rising powers of the global South are challenging contemporary global political and economic governance. While some observers see an emancipatory potential in the redistribution of power among states, others see the rising powers as firmly located within the Western-centred neoliberal world order. This collection of papers seeks to go beyond the state-centrism of existing approaches by examining how challenges to global governance by rising powers are rooted in specific state–society configurations. Through studies of Brazil, India, China and other important developing countries within their respective regions, such as Turkey and South Africa, the papers examine the way domestic structures, arrangements, actors and dynamics influence the nature of the international interventions and behaviour of rising powers. They ask how their increased political and economic enmeshment in the international system impacts upon their own internal societal cohesion and development. By examining these issues, the papers raise the question of whether the challenge posed by the rising powers to global governance is likely to lead to an increase in democracy and social justice for the majority of the world’s peoples. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 183-193 Issue: 2 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.775778 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.775778 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:2:p:183-193 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Achin Vanaik Author-X-Name-First: Achin Author-X-Name-Last: Vanaik Title: Capitalist Globalisation and the Problem of Stability: enter the new quintet and other emerging powers Abstract: Ever-expanding capital accumulation cannot be stable or cumulative without coordination and regulation provided by the state and the system of states, wherein the subset of the most powerful states is vital for establishing stability. There is a hegemonic transition of sorts towards a new quintet of powers in which the USA will remain indispensable as the key coordinator. Pretensions regarding China as the new hegemon are exposed as also are Indian claims. Moreover, it is argued that the brics grouping cannot provide an effective alternative to the quintet. However, the likely failure of the quintet to guarantee future stability raises the issue of the viability of capitalism itself. Transiting towards a post-capitalist order requires as a necessary if insufficient condition confronting the informal empire project of the USA that underpins capitalist globalisation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 194-213 Issue: 2 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.775779 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.775779 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:2:p:194-213 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andreas Antoniades Author-X-Name-First: Andreas Author-X-Name-Last: Antoniades Title: Recasting the Power Politics of Debt: structural power, hegemonic stabilisers and change Abstract: The 2007–08 financial crisis exposed and exacerbated the debt pathologies of the West. This paper examines whether the new global debt relations that have been generated by this crisis have transformed global power politics, changing the way in which the global South and the global North interrelate and interact. To do so the paper analyses the G20 advanced and emerging economies, examining a number of key indicators related to debt, indebtedness and financial leverage. This research leads to two main findings. First, the crisis has indeed given rise to new global debt relations. As a result, any reforms in the post-crisis global political economy will take place in an environment that favours the rising powers. Second, the USA maintains its capacity to control the parameters of this new global debt politics and economics, but cannot directly impose the terms of a solution to the existing ‘global/hegemonic imbalances’ on the rising powers. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 214-232 Issue: 2 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.775780 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.775780 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:2:p:214-232 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: MARK BEESON Author-X-Name-First: MARK Author-X-Name-Last: BEESON Title: Can China Lead? Abstract: The ‘rise of China’ is proving to be one of the most consequential developments of the early 21 century One of the key questions it raises is about the impact this historically unprecedented process will have on the East Asian region in particular and the world more generally. Will Chinese policy makers will be able to translate the country’s growing material importance into other forms of political power and influence? Equally importantly, will Chinese elites be ‘socialised’ into the practices and norms of extant institutions, or will they attempt to redefine them to further Chinese foreign policy goals? This paper explores these questions by initially looking at the overall historical context in which East Asian regionalisation has occurred, before considering the operation of some of the more important regional institutions. It is suggested that China’s ability to offer regional leadership is constrained both by its own security policies―which are seen as increasingly threatening by many of its neighbours―and by the actions of the USA, which is trying to reassert its own claims to regional leadership. While the outcome of this process is inconclusive, it helps us to understand the more general dynamics reshaping the international system as a result of the emergence of new centres of international power. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 233-250 Issue: 2 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.775781 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.775781 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:2:p:233-250 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Patrick Bond Author-X-Name-First: Patrick Author-X-Name-Last: Bond Title: Sub-imperialism as Lubricant of Neoliberalism: South African ‘deputy sheriff’ duty within Abstract: South Africa’s role in global economy and geopolitics was, during the apartheid era, explicitly sub-imperialist, as the West’s ‘deputy sheriff’ in a tough neighbourhood But, with democracy in 1994, there arose a debate surrounding the difference between the liberation government’s (leftist) foreign policy rhetoric and its practice. Defining the sub-imperial standpoint at this stage is important in because of the extreme economic, social and environmental contradictions that have worsened within South Africa, for which anti-imperialist rhetoric is sometimes a salve. However, the explicit strategies for global engagement chosen by Pretoria, including joining the Brazil–Russia–India–China (bric) alliance in early 2012, have not proven effective in reforming world power relations. The degree to which brics has recently accommodated imperialism—especially in matters related to economic and ecological crises—suggests that critics should more forcefully confront the general problem of sub-imperial re-legitimation of neoliberalism. That problem requires a theory of sub-imperialism sufficiently robust to cut through the domestic and foreign policy claims made by the brics regimes, of which South Africa’s are among the most compelling given the ruling elite’s ubiquitous ‘talk left, walk right’ tendency and the extremely high levels of social struggles against injustice that result. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 251-270 Issue: 2 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.775783 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.775783 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:2:p:251-270 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Steen Fryba Christensen Author-X-Name-First: Steen Fryba Author-X-Name-Last: Christensen Title: Brazil’s Foreign Policy Priorities Abstract: As Brazil has risen to become an increasingly significant regional and global player in a world undergoing significant transformations in terms of power balance, the subject of its aims, world-view and foreign policy strategies is becoming increasingly relevant. This article focuses on the most important themes and priorities in Brazil’s foreign policy orientation between 2003 and 2012 and connects these to the Brazilian government’s world-view, its view of Brazil’s role in the world, and to the main aims pursued by Brazil in its overall development strategy. I discuss how Brazil’s view of the world and its foreign policy priorities relate to the USA’s view and preferences, arguing that Brazil’s foreign policy priorities reflect the fact that the USA and the West in general are often seen as barriers to Brazil’s main aims. These are to achieve economic strengthening, a growing influence on the international political scene and a leadership position in South America, and through this to contribute to major changes in the global order. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 271-286 Issue: 2 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.775785 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.775785 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:2:p:271-286 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: André Bank Author-X-Name-First: André Author-X-Name-Last: Bank Author-Name: Roy Karadag Author-X-Name-First: Roy Author-X-Name-Last: Karadag Title: The ‘Ankara Moment’: the politics of Turkey’s regional power in the Middle East, 2007–11 Abstract: Around 2007 Turkey became a regional power in the Middle East, a status it has maintained at least until the outset of the Arab Revolt in 2011. To understand why Turkey only became a regional power under the Muslim akp government and why this happened at the specific point in time that it did, this article highlights the self-reinforcing dynamics between Turkey’s domestic political-economic transformation in the first decade of this century and the advantageous regional developments in the Middle East at the same time. It holds that this specific linkage—the ‘Ankara Moment’—and its regional resonance in the neighbouring Middle East carries more transformative potential than the ‘Washington Consensus’ or the ‘Beijing Consensus’ so prominently discussed in current global South politics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 287-304 Issue: 2 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.775786 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.775786 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:2:p:287-304 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Neera Chandhoke Author-X-Name-First: Neera Author-X-Name-Last: Chandhoke Title: Realising Justice Abstract: In the recent past the Western-dominated global institutional order has come to be challenged by the bloc of rising powers. The question of whether brics has the ability to reshape global governance is an important one and carries significance for the global South, which has been adversely affected by global institutions. Yet the reliance on the capacity, or the will, of rising powers to speak for the global South, or to prioritise the concerns of their own people might be misplaced. Conceivably the only way both global institutions and governments can be compelled to heed the voices of the poorest of the poor is through sustained activism in civil society. In a globalised world, civil society activism has to be global in scope. Civil society might not be the best solution to the problems of the world, but in a disenchanted post-revolutionary world, it is the only option on offer. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 305-320 Issue: 2 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.775787 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.775787 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:2:p:305-320 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Fahimul Quadir Author-X-Name-First: Fahimul Author-X-Name-Last: Quadir Title: Rising Donors and the New Narrative of ‘South–South’ Cooperation: what prospects for changing the landscape of development assistance programmes? Abstract: This article aims to provide a critical analysis of how the ‘emerging donors’ are redefining the structure of development cooperation in the new millennium. It offers an overview of the growing role of Brazil, China, India and South Africa in shaping the conditionally driven framework of official development cooperation. By reviewing the aid coordination mechanisms of the Southern donors, the article also seeks to provide a context for comprehending the challenges for Southern countries to systematically manage, monitor and deliver aid. It argues that the Southern donors’ interest in changing the dominant conditionality driven narrative of aid has opened up the possibility for constructing a new aid paradigm that focuses more on the strategic needs of the partner countries than on advancing the ideological interests of the donor countries. However, without assuming a much greater role in providing overseas aid and without building a unified platform based on a shared development vision, Southern donors will not be able to meaningfully alter the current dac-dominated aid architecture. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 321-338 Issue: 2 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.775788 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.775788 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:2:p:321-338 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Oliver Stuenkel Author-X-Name-First: Oliver Author-X-Name-Last: Stuenkel Title: Rising Powers and the Future of Democracy Promotion: the case of Brazil and India Abstract: The dominant position established powers have traditionally held in global affairs is slowly eroding. One of the issues profoundly affected by this process will be democracy promotion, an area traditionally dominated by the USA and Europe on both the policy and the academic level. While several rising democracies—such as Brazil and India—may seem, from a Western point of view, to be ideal candidates to assist the USA and Europe in promoting democracy in a ‘post-Western World’, emerging powers like these are reluctant to embrace the idea. What does this mean for the future of democracy promotion once the USA’s and Europe’s international influence declines further? Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 339-355 Issue: 2 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.775789 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.775789 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:2:p:339-355 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephan Klingebiel Author-X-Name-First: Stephan Author-X-Name-Last: Klingebiel Title: Transnational public goods provision: the increasing role of rising powers and the case of South Africa Abstract: The paper delineates three debates, which will be conflated. One line of discussion relates to public goods at a transnational level. Here, the referencing of debates regarding the characteristics of ‘a common good’ will be of significance. A second strand addresses the group of countries known as the ‘rising powers’ and the role these countries could play towards a globalised common good. A third discussion thread analyses South Africa as a case study for the main rising power on the African continent. By creating connections between the lines of discussion, this paper drives forward the debates on how the role of rising powers can be conceptually repositioned in the light of a changing global context, and explores how these countries can respond to global challenges. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 175-188 Issue: 1 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1333887 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1333887 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:1:p:175-188 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Caitlin Ryan Author-X-Name-First: Caitlin Author-X-Name-Last: Ryan Title: Large-scale land deals in Sierra Leone at the intersection of gender and lineage Abstract: There is wide engagement with large-scale land deals in sub-Saharan Africa, particularly from the perspectives of development and international political economy. Recently, scholars have increasingly pointed to a gendered lacuna in this literature. Engagement with gender tends to focus on potential differential impacts for men and women, and it also flags the need for more detailed empirical research of specific land deals. This paper draws from ethnographic data collected in Northern Sierra Leone to support the claim that the impacts of land deals are highly gendered, but it also argues that lineage in a land-owning family and patronage intersect with these gendered impacts. This data supports my claim that analysis of land deals should start from an understanding of the context-dependent, complex arrays of power and marginality. Such a starting point allows for a wider and ‘messier’ range of impacts and experiences to emerge. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 189-206 Issue: 1 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1350099 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1350099 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:1:p:189-206 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Carol Thompson Author-X-Name-First: Carol Author-X-Name-Last: Thompson Title: Philanthrocapitalism: rendering the public domain obsolete? Abstract: Engaging the lively debates about the next expression of neoliberalism, this study suggests that it is evolving into philanthrocapitalism. After a brief discussion of the trajectories from neoliberalism, the article addresses the core ideology of philanthrocapitalism. The central thesis explores how philanthrocapitalism is moving beyond the requirement of ‘business practices’ for recipients of donor funds, into enforcing ‘business rule’ on to the public domain. Although philanthrocapitalism is most debated in the fields of health care and education, this article uses empirical analysis of international agricultural policies trying to enlist Southern Africa policies. It explores how philanthrocapitalist rule is reducing transparency, participation and deliberation within the public domain, well beyond requesting efficient business practices for greater food security. It concludes with how smallholder farmers are actively organising to resist business rule over their genetic resources and farming practices.  Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 51-67 Issue: 1 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1357112 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1357112 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:1:p:51-67 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nerea San-Martín-Albizuri Author-X-Name-First: Nerea Author-X-Name-Last: San-Martín-Albizuri Author-Name: Arturo Rodriguez-Castellanos Author-X-Name-First: Arturo Author-X-Name-Last: Rodriguez-Castellanos Title: Crises and unpredictability in developing countries Abstract: Developing countries have suffered most of the financial crises in the context of the process of economic and financial globalisation. Both current and previous crises have revealed that unpredictability is a feature common to all the episodes which occurred during the process of globalisation. Although certain alarms went off, any of those external financial crises were actually predicted by the advanced methods in use for prediction and country risk analysis. Taking into consideration the information above, the aim of this paper is to check the ability to foresee external financial crises in developing countries of both the country risk index published by Euromoney and the Credit Ratings variable included therein. We have focused on the external financial crises that took place between 1992 and 2011, that is, in a full globalisation era. The results are negative. It appears that neither the index nor the sovereign ratings are able to reflect early enough the vulnerabilities that arise previously to the setting off the crisis episodes. This leads us to conclude that the existing models of country risk have limits. Thus, it would necessary to develop new instruments to measure this risk, considering uncertainty as an essential feature of the current economic and financial environment. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 35-50 Issue: 1 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1368378 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1368378 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:1:p:35-50 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pierre-Marie Aubert Author-X-Name-First: Pierre-Marie Author-X-Name-Last: Aubert Author-Name: Matthieu Brun Author-X-Name-First: Matthieu Author-X-Name-Last: Brun Author-Name: Peter Agamile Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Agamile Author-Name: Sébastien Treyer Author-X-Name-First: Sébastien Author-X-Name-Last: Treyer Title: From aid negotiation to aid effectiveness: the case of food and nutrition security in Ethiopia Abstract: This paper looks at aid ownership through the lens of negotiations that take place between a country and its development partners (DPs). Based on the case of Ethiopian food security policies, it combines a structural analysis of the negotiation capital of both parties with an actor-oriented analysis of the institutional setting through which negotiations take place. First, it shows that the growing influence donors have come to have in the shaping of Ethiopian public policies results from the relative loss of legitimacy the government has experienced after the 2005 political crisis and its greater need for external economic assistance. Second, the more recent creation of a negotiation platform between the Government of Ethiopia (GoE) and its DPs has allowed the GoE to enhance donor’s alignment with its development policies and regain some control over its development agenda, while giving them more room to contribute to several food and nutrition security policy reforms which have been positively evaluated. The paper stresses the need for donors to better recognise the centrality of politics in any aid intervention. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 104-121 Issue: 1 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1368379 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1368379 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:1:p:104-121 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Medinat A. Abdulazeez Author-X-Name-First: Medinat A. Author-X-Name-Last: Abdulazeez Author-Name: Temitope B. Oriola Author-X-Name-First: Temitope B. Author-X-Name-Last: Oriola Title: Criminogenic patterns in the management of Boko Haram’s human displacement situation Abstract: This article interrogates the management of the internal displacement caused by the activities of Boko Haram in Nigeria. The study utilizes qualitative methods to explicate the lived realities of internally displaced persons (IDPs) at three IDP camps. It accentuates the invention of criminogenic patterns that have fostered several state crimes in the management of the displacement situation. A series of cyclical patterns is highlighted: these patterns are constituted by and constitutive of the social conditions of the IDPs. The operations of a constellation of institutional and non-institutional actors in the displacement situation has led to (1) hoarding, diversion and theft of relief materials, (2) embezzlement of funds meant for IDPs, (3) use of ghost IDPs, (4) sexual and gender-based violence and (5) human trafficking and other forms of violence. The article concludes that this situation portends grave risks for state efforts to combat Boko Haram, as it may result in renewed grievances against the government. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 85-103 Issue: 1 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1369028 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1369028 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:1:p:85-103 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dan Honig Author-X-Name-First: Dan Author-X-Name-Last: Honig Author-Name: Nilima Gulrajani Author-X-Name-First: Nilima Author-X-Name-Last: Gulrajani Title: Making good on donors’ desire to Do Development Differently Abstract: Foreign aid donors are increasingly focused on changing the way their development agencies function. This discourse has focused on desired qualities, including greater knowledge of local contextual realities, appropriate adaptation to context and greater flexibility to respond to changing circumstances. We argue that more attention needs to be devoted to the achievement of these qualities and turn to contingency theory to identify some under-exploited ways to ‘do development differently’. The qualities sought by donors are emergent properties of complex organisational systems and will only be achieved through a micro-level and interlinked focus on the fundamentals of organisation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 68-84 Issue: 1 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1369030 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1369030 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:1:p:68-84 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gerard Clarke Author-X-Name-First: Gerard Author-X-Name-Last: Clarke Title: UK development policy and domestic politics 1997–2016 Abstract: Debate surrounds the relative importance of development aid and development policy in donor efforts to support international development. Likewise, the literature on UK development policy points to its putative stability and consistency over time. Both perspectives, however, underplay the political contention which characterises UK development policy and its variable effects. This article, therefore, examines UK development policy between 1997 and 2016 and the varying extent to which it gave rise to contentious politics over time. It explores three politically-significant periods in the context of UK development policy between 1997 and 2016: the first between 1997 and 2003, characterised, I argue, by political consensus and managed contention; a second between 2003 and 2010, characterised by transition and emerging political contention; and a third, between 2010 and 2016, characterised by contentious politics and political fracturing. I associate the first period with effective political vision and direction and the third with a significant erosion of both, to the detriment of UK development policy and its efficacy. In conclusion, I argue that UK development policy has been most effective when it has been underpinned by a clear and consensual political vision. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 18-34 Issue: 1 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1369032 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1369032 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:1:p:18-34 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stefania Panebianco Author-X-Name-First: Stefania Author-X-Name-Last: Panebianco Author-Name: Iole Fontana Author-X-Name-First: Iole Author-X-Name-Last: Fontana Title: When responsibility to protect ‘hits home’: the refugee crisis and the EU response Abstract: While the Syrian refugee crisis unravels at the EU’s doorstep and as the death toll in the Mediterranean continues unabated, questions about the international community’s duty to act on behalf of the afflicted people inevitably arise, thereby fuelling convoluted debates about Responsibility to Protect (R2P). In light of the international community’s inertia and of the EU’s incapacity to adequately manage the worst humanitarian crisis of recent times, this article argues that time is ripe to explore other ways to implement R2P. There is a ‘missing’ link between R2P and refugee protection and the duty to protect refugees can be framed within the R2P discourse. Building on the idea that asylum is central to the implementation of R2P, we suggest that the acknowledgment of the linkage between R2P and refugee protection is helpful not only to improve the EU management of the current crisis, but also to uphold R2P when the international community is at a stalemate. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-17 Issue: 1 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1369035 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1369035 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:1:p:1-17 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrea Purdeková Author-X-Name-First: Andrea Author-X-Name-Last: Purdeková Author-Name: Filip Reyntjens Author-X-Name-First: Filip Author-X-Name-Last: Reyntjens Author-Name: Nina Wilén Author-X-Name-First: Nina Author-X-Name-Last: Wilén Title: Militarisation of governance after conflict: beyond the rebel-to-ruler frame – the case of Rwanda Abstract: In this article, we develop and expand the rebel-to-ruler literature to go beyond ‘rebel transformations’, in order to examine the transformation and militarisation of the entire post-genocide society in Rwanda. Through a historical and socio-political analysis of the military’s influence in post-genocide Rwanda, we argue that the adoption of military norms and ethos, drawn from an idealised and reconstructed pre-colonial history rather than simply an insurgent past, motivates the military’s centrality and penetration of all society’s sectors, economically, politically and socially, with the ultimate aim of retaining power in the hands of the rebels turned rulers. As such, the case demonstrates the need for an expansion of the rebel-to-ruler literature (1) beyond its concern with parties and regime type to a broader palette of governance effects and (2) beyond its singular focus on insurgent past and towards a longue-durée understanding of complementary causes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 158-174 Issue: 1 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1369036 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1369036 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:1:p:158-174 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vusi Gumede Author-X-Name-First: Vusi Author-X-Name-Last: Gumede Title: Social policy for inclusive development in Africa Abstract: The paper revisits the discourse on development in Africa, following in the footsteps of leading development thinkers and focusing on social policy. Some of the thinkers and scholars have specifically and directly discussed development discourse in Africa. Others have made insightful points regarding inclusive development in Africa even though not directly engaging with development discourse. The paper also acknowledges earlier thinking regarding development in Africa, including perspectives that deal with underdevelopment. The paper concerns itself with the critical role that social policy can play in ensuring inclusive development in Africa. The interface between economic and social policy is emphasised. Although Africa faces many intractable challenges, most of which are externally imposed, robust social policies will go a long way in bringing about effective social and economic development. In the main, though, Africa needs a comprehensive socio-economic development approach that can ensure lasting inclusive development. Social policies are critical for any development endeavour in African countries. Another main point that the paper makes is that economic transformation is not enough to fully advance wellbeing in Africa (and probably the world at large). By restructuring economies in Africa, not much would be achieved though some gains would be made. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 122-139 Issue: 1 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1374834 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1374834 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:1:p:122-139 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Malin Hasselskog Author-X-Name-First: Malin Author-X-Name-Last: Hasselskog Title: A capability analysis of Rwandan development policy: calling into question human development indicators Abstract: This article provides a capability analysis of Rwandan development policy. It is motivated by impressive progress on human development indicators in combination with highly centralised policymaking, giving ambiguous signs regarding a capability approach. It is based on extensive original empirical material, along with large numbers of official documents and academic sources. The analysis is structured around three issues that concern the relation between individual agency and government policy, and that are debated among capability scholars as well as in relation to Rwandan development policy: participation, transformation and paternalism. The finding that Rwandan development policy reflects an approach very different from a capability approach is not surprising, but establishes that the assumed link between human development indicators and the capability approach needs to be questioned. This brings our attention to shortcomings in any quantitative measurements of development, or in the use of and importance attached to them, as well as to the problem of assuming that certain outputs go hand in hand with certain processes. While this is valid for contexts far beyond Rwanda, it also sheds light specifically on the polarisation that exists in the scholarly debate on Rwanda. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 140-157 Issue: 1 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1374840 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1374840 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:1:p:140-157 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Erratum Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: (iii)-(iii) Issue: 1 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1375270 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1375270 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:1:p:(iii)-(iii) Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sydney Calkin Author-X-Name-First: Sydney Author-X-Name-Last: Calkin Title: Post-Feminist Spectatorship and the Girl Effect: “Go ahead, really imagine her” Abstract: Women and girls are currently positioned as highly visible subjects of global governance and development, from the agendas of the United Nations and the World Bank to the corporate social responsibility campaigns of Nike, Goldman Sachs and Coca Cola. This paper examines the representations of empowerment in visual (image and video) material from the Nike Foundation’s ‘Girl Effect’ campaign. Drawing on the works of Angela McRobbie and Lilie Chouliaraki, I suggest that this campaign is reflective of a mode of ‘post-feminist spectatorship’ that is now common to corporatised development discourses; it is manifested both in terms of the conservative mode of neoliberal empowerment proposed for distant others and the mode of ironic spectatorship imagined for the viewer. I conclude that the relations constructed in the ‘Girl Effect’ campaign between the (empowered) Western spectator and the (yet-to-be-empowered) Third World Girl work to erode bonds of solidarity and entrench structural inequalities by positioning economically empowered girls as the key to global poverty eradication. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 654-669 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1022525 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1022525 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:4:p:654-669 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter Marcus Kristensen Author-X-Name-First: Peter Marcus Author-X-Name-Last: Kristensen Title: How can emerging powers speak? On theorists, native informants and quasi-officials in International Relations discourse Abstract: Emerging powers like China, India and Brazil are receiving growing attention as objects in International Relations (IR) discourse. Scholars from these emerging powers are rarely present as subjects in mainstream IR discourse, however. This paper interrogates the conditions for scholars in emerging powers to speak back to the mainstream discipline. It argues, first, that ‘theory speak’ is rare from scholars based in periphery countries perceived to be ‘emerging powers’. Despite increasing efforts to create a ‘home-grown’ theoretical discourse in China, India and Brazil, few articles in mainstream journals present novel theoretical frameworks or arguments framed as non-Western/Southern theory or even as a ‘Chinese school’ or ‘Brazilian concepts’. Second, scholars from emerging powers tend to speak as ‘native informants’ about their own country, not about general aspects of ‘the international’. Third, some scholars even speak as ‘quasi-officials’, that is, they speak for their country. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 637-653 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1023288 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1023288 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:4:p:637-653 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rajesh Venugopal Author-X-Name-First: Rajesh Author-X-Name-Last: Venugopal Title: Democracy, development and the executive presidency in Sri Lanka Abstract: This paper examines the developmental causes and consequences of the shift from a parliamentary to a semi-presidential system in Sri Lanka in 1978, examining its provenance, rationale and unfolding trajectory. Drawing on a wide range of sources, it sets out an argument that the executive presidency was born out of an elite impulse to create a more stable, centralised political structure to resist the welfarist electoral pressures that had taken hold in the post-independence period, and to pursue a market-driven model of economic growth. This strategy succeeded in its early years, 1978–93, when presidents retained legislative control, maintained a strong personal commitment to market reforms and cultivated alternative sources of legitimacy. In the absence of these factors, the presidency slipped into crisis from 1994–2004 as resistance to elite-led projects of state reform mounted and as the president lost control of the legislature. Between 2005–14, the presidency regained its power, but at the cost of abandoning its original rationale and function as a means to recalibrate the elite–mass power relationship to facilitate elite-led reform agendas. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 670-690 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1024400 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1024400 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:4:p:670-690 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Naser Ghobadzdeh Author-X-Name-First: Naser Author-X-Name-Last: Ghobadzdeh Author-Name: Shahram Akbarzadeh Author-X-Name-First: Shahram Author-X-Name-Last: Akbarzadeh Title: Sectarianism and the prevalence of ‘othering’ in Islamic thought Abstract: The current sectarian conflicts in the Middle East did not arise solely from renewed geopolitical rivalries between regional powers. They are also rooted in a solid, theological articulation proposed by classic Islamic political theology. The exclusivist approach, which is a decisive part of the political, social and religious reality of today’s Middle East, benefits from a formidable theological legacy. Coining the notion of ‘othering theology’, this paper not only explores the ideas of leading classical theologians who have articulated a puritanical understanding of faith, but also explicates the politico-historical context in which these theologians rationalised their quarrels. Given the pervasive presence of these theologies in the contemporary sectarian polemics, the study of classical othering theology is highly relevant and, indeed, crucial to any attempt to overcome sectarianism in the region. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 691-704 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1024433 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1024433 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:4:p:691-704 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stacy Banwell Author-X-Name-First: Stacy Author-X-Name-Last: Banwell Title: Globalisation masculinities, empire building and forced prostitution: a critical analysis of the gendered impact of the neoliberal economic agenda in post-invasion/occupation Iraq Abstract: Adopting a transnational feminist lens and using a political economy approach, this article addresses both the direct and indirect consequences of the 2003 war in Iraq, specifically the impact on civilian women. Pre-war security and gender relations in Iraq will be compared with the situation post-invasion/occupation. The article examines the globalised processes of capitalism, neoliberalism and neo-colonialism and their impact on the political, social and economic infrastructure in Iraq. Particular attention will be paid to illicit and informal economies: coping, combat and criminal. The 2003 Iraq war was fought using masculinities of empire, post-colonialism and neoliberalism. Using the example of forced prostitution, the article will argue that these globalisation masculinities – specifically the privatisation agenda of the West and its illegal economic occupation – have resulted in women either being forced into the illicit (coping) economy as a means of survival, or trafficked for sexual slavery by profit-seeking criminal networks who exploit the informal economy in a post-invasion/occupation Iraq. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 705-722 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1024434 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1024434 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:4:p:705-722 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jon Harald Sande Lie Author-X-Name-First: Jon Harald Sande Author-X-Name-Last: Lie Title: Developmentality: indirect governance in the World Bank–Uganda partnership Abstract: The instituted order of development is changing, creating new power mechanisms ordering the relationship between donor and recipient institutions. Donors’ focus on partnership, participation and ownership has radically transformed the orchestration of aid. While the formal order of this new aid architecture aimed to alter inherently asymmetrical donor–recipient relations by installing the recipient side with greater freedom and responsibility, this article – drawing on an analysis of the World Bank’s Poverty Reduction and Strategy Paper (PRSP) model and its partnership with Uganda – demonstrates how lopsided aid relations are being reproduced in profound ways. Analysed in terms of developmentality, the article shows how the donor aspires to make its policies those of the recipient as a means to govern at a distance, where promises of greater inclusion and freedom facilitate new governance mechanisms enabling the donor to retain control by framing the partnership and thus limiting the conditions under which the recipient exercises the freedom it has been granted. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 723-740 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1024435 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1024435 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:4:p:723-740 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sophie King Author-X-Name-First: Sophie Author-X-Name-Last: King Title: Political capabilities for democratisation in Uganda: good governance or popular organisation building? Abstract: Opinion is divided about the capacity of civil society organisations (CSOs) to enhance the political capabilities of disadvantaged groups in neo-patrimonial contexts, and particularly through a hegemonic paradigm which seeks to advance poverty reduction through good governance. Drawing on a qualitative study of CSOs in western Uganda, this paper argues that strategies focused on increasing the participation of rural citizens in formal decentralised planning spaces may be less effective in enhancing their political capabilities than those facilitating social mobilisation through the formation of producer groups and federations. This has important implications for thinking and practice around popular empowerment in sub-Saharan Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 741-757 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1024436 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1024436 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:4:p:741-757 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Meltem Yilmaz Sener Author-X-Name-First: Meltem Yilmaz Author-X-Name-Last: Sener Title: How the World Bank manages social risks: implementation of the Social Risk Mitigation Project in Turkey Abstract: This paper aims to assess the World Bank’s social risk management approach to poverty by focusing on the implementation details of the Social Risk Mitigation Project in Turkey, a World Bank project that depends on this approach. The paper looks at the approach through the concept of neoliberal governmentality, as an attempt to produce responsible poor citizens during a period when the responsibility for providing social services is transferred to the market and the family. By using field research it demonstrates that, with the intervention of local factors, several unintended consequences emerge in the implementation of a social risk management project. The article concludes that these outcomes, although not planned or intended, have all been instrumental in depoliticising poverty and the poor in the country. Moreover, in spite of all the problems and dissatisfaction, thanks to the Bank’s own portrayal, this project has contributed to the image of the Bank as a development institution that achieves successes in its fight with poverty. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 758-775 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1024437 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1024437 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:4:p:758-775 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hakkı Taş Author-X-Name-First: Hakkı Author-X-Name-Last: Taş Title: Turkey – from tutelary to delegative democracy Abstract: Guillermo O’Donnell’s influential work ‘Delegative Democracy’ set the discourse on a peculiar type of democracy. Lying between representative democracy and authoritarianism, the uniqueness of delegative democracy lies in its features, including an absence of horizontal accountability, strong centralised rule, individual leadership with unchecked powers, a cult figure embodying the nation and clientelist practices. While delegative democracies seem to arise out of presidential systems, Turkey, though a parliamentary system, has also displayed the distinctive features of delegative democracies. This paper identifies three characteristics of delegative democracy, which are responsible for the lack of democratic consolidation, if not the erosion of democracy itself: anti-institutionalism, an anti-political agenda and clientelism. Arguing that delegative democracy is the best concept with which to examine contemporary Turkey, the paper lays out how, post-2011, Turkey has demonstrated the three elements of delegative democracy. The final section discusses the implications of the Turkish case for scrutinising the very possibility of delegative democracy in parliamentary regimes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 776-791 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1024450 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1024450 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:4:p:776-791 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Seifudein Adem Author-X-Name-First: Seifudein Author-X-Name-Last: Adem Title: Ali A Mazrui: a great man, a great scholar Abstract: In 2013, Ali A Mazrui gave a lecture in Muscat (Oman) about Barack Obama, the 44th president of the USA, in which he suggested that Obama was a great man but not yet a great president. Mazrui said we would have to wait and see if Obama would become a great president. I think Mazrui was right. But we would not have to wait any longer to say: ‘Ali A Mazrui: a great man, a great scholar’. On 12 October 2014, Ali Mazrui passed away at the age of 81. He was indeed a great man and an extraordinary scholar. This essay is a special tribute to him. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 792-801 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1024451 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1024451 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:4:p:792-801 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marcin Wojciech Solarz Author-X-Name-First: Marcin Wojciech Author-X-Name-Last: Solarz Author-Name: Małgorzata Wojtaszczyk Author-X-Name-First: Małgorzata Author-X-Name-Last: Wojtaszczyk Title: Population Pressures and the North–South Divide between the first century and 2100 Abstract: This article examines the relationship between the populations of the more and less developed societies between the first century and 2100. Such an analysis reveals a changing dependency between the level of development (and GDP) achieved and population numbers between the first century and 1998. In relation to the past the article suggests a dynamic model for dividing the world into more and less developed areas. In relation to the present and the future it bases the population analysis on the developmental division of the world as published by one of the co-authors of this article. The article largely uses population estimates (with those referring to the past taken from Angus Maddison and those referring to the future from the most recent projections by the United Nations). Taking the 2013 UN projection as a model, it discusses three variants for demographic development in the North and South up to 2100. It argues that the more restrictive population growth variants of the UN projection predict a greater relative ‘Third Worldisation’ of the world than does the most dynamic projection. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 802-816 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1024452 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1024452 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:4:p:802-816 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Brandon Valeriano Author-X-Name-First: Brandon Author-X-Name-Last: Valeriano Author-Name: John Benthuysen Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Benthuysen Title: When States Die: geographic and territorial pathways to state death Abstract: State death, understood as the formal loss of control over foreign policy, is an important but neglected issue in the international relations literature. When do states die and why? How do states exit the system? The consequences of state death can be wide-ranging, from forced migration movements, regional instability, to general famine. Despite these severe consequences, political scientists have yet to adequately study the causes of state death. Fazal finds that states are prone to death when they are located as a buffer between two rivals; this suggests that being a buffer state is a cause of state death. Our expansion of current research seeks to add the concept of territorial disputes to the state death literature. We suggest that states are at greater risk of death when they become involved in territorial disputes that raise the stakes of conflict. The resulting research demonstrates that a reliable predictor of state death is engagement in a territorial dispute. Territorial disputes are the most prevalent issue that leads to war and can also be a leading cause of state death. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1165-1189 Issue: 7 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.691826 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.691826 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:7:p:1165-1189 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Behrooz Morvaridi Author-X-Name-First: Behrooz Author-X-Name-Last: Morvaridi Title: Capitalist Philanthropy and Hegemonic Partnerships Abstract: Over the past 10 years individual capitalists have become increasingly involved in philanthropy, setting up charitable foundations targeted at helping to reduce social problems such as poverty, disease and food security. This form of neoliberal capitalist philanthropy is both politically and ideologically committed to market-based social investment through partnerships, to make the market work or work better for capital. The new structures of philanthropy have received much praise in the media for imbuing capitalist business principles into the non-profit sector and for their potential for social transformation. While philanthropic activities may be considered worthy in themselves, this article examines the relationship between giving and business interest and the agency associated with neoliberal capitalist philanthropy. It questions partnerships between philanthropists and private corporations and their motivations for engaging in poverty-related philanthropy. The discussion focuses on capitalist philanthropic foundations' involvement in the process of agricultural commodification in sub-Saharan Africa through the New Green Revolution and genetically modified (gm) technologies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1191-1210 Issue: 7 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.691827 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.691827 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:7:p:1191-1210 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Serge Elie Author-X-Name-First: Serge Author-X-Name-Last: Elie Title: The Production of Social Science Knowledge beyond Occidentalism: the quest for a post-exotic anthropology Abstract: This article makes the case for a post-exotic anthropology as an alternative disciplinary practice adapted to the emerging historical conjuncture that is reconfiguring the political and epistemic relations between different parts of the world. This is raising anew a legitimation challenge to mainstream social sciences but especially academic anthropology, as its a practice is still characterised by a chronic exoticist inflection thanks to its allegiance to the epistemology of Occidentalism. The article calls for a revision of anthropology's geo-theoretical premises in light of an emergent post-exotic historical conjuncture, which entails the abandonment of the duopoly exercised by the epistemic regimes of postmodernism and postcolonialism, in favour of a post-exotic standpoint. It suggests the adoption of mesography as the optimum means of operationalising a post-exotic anthropology as well as an alternative mode of social science knowledge production. Finally, it proposes an ethic of reciprocity to rectify the extractive fieldwork practices that sustain the illiberal politics of interpretation of academic anthropology. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1211-1229 Issue: 7 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.691828 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.691828 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:7:p:1211-1229 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Clive Gabay Author-X-Name-First: Clive Author-X-Name-Last: Gabay Title: The Millennium Development Goals and Ambitious Developmental Engineering Abstract: Donor governments have been accused of not doing enough to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (mdgs), while the mdgs have been accused from other quarters of not doing enough for development. The former position takes the mdgs as an unquestionable good, while the latter posits them as a Western ruse for the sedimentation of core–periphery relations. This paper transcends this debate, identifying in the goals a logic of ambitious social, cultural and spatial engineering. Inspired by Foucauldian development anthropology, the paper highlights three themes implicit in mdg texts, requiring biopolitical interventions on bodies, societies and spaces, namely risk, sex, gender and family; Homo Economicus; and the city. The paper concludes with a reflection on the likelihood of resistance to such interventions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1249-1265 Issue: 7 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.691829 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.691829 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:7:p:1249-1265 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Yahia Zoubir Author-X-Name-First: Yahia Author-X-Name-Last: Zoubir Author-Name: Erzsébet Rózsa Author-X-Name-First: Erzsébet Author-X-Name-Last: Rózsa Title: The End of the Libyan Dictatorship: The Uncertain Transition Abstract: The 42-year dictatorship in Libya finally collapsed in October 2011; it took the Western-backed armed uprising seven months of intensive fighting to defeat Qaddafi's loyalist forces. The fall of the Qaddafi regime is a welcome development in the Middle East and North Africa region. But, unlike Tunisia or Egypt, Libya does not have a standing army or a reliable potential force that can bring the necessary stability for a political transition. The tribal nature of the country and the difficulty of disarming the rebels and other groups pose serious challenges to the new authorities in Tripoli. Unless these issues are handled effectively, Libya will undergo a long period of unpredictability. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1267-1283 Issue: 7 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.691830 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.691830 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:7:p:1267-1283 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ersun Kurtulus Author-X-Name-First: Ersun Author-X-Name-Last: Kurtulus Title: Exploring the Paradoxical Consequences of State Collapse: the cases of Somalia 1991–2006 and Lebanon 1975–82 Abstract: Relative social and economic well-being in the aftermath of a state's collapse is usually explained on the basis of a single case, Somalia, and with reference to the impact of endogenous factors such as the repressive and predatory nature of the state which collapsed and the ability of civil society actors and institutions to fulfil those functions that are normally performed by a state. This article challenges this theoretical view. As can be seen from a study of Lebanon, relative well-being after state collapse is more common than it appears to be at first glance. Moreover, given the limited role that the Lebanese state played in the economic and political spheres before the breakdown of state authority in 1975, the repressive and predatory nature of the collapsed state cannot be the explanatory variable in this case. Exogenous factors, such as remittances from abroad, international loans bestowed upon residual state institutions and ‘political money’ from foreign powers, are the decisive factors generating such paradoxical developments. Study of Somalia and Lebanon also shows the limitations of the conceptualisations of state collapse prevalent in the literature. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1285-1303 Issue: 7 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.691831 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.691831 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:7:p:1285-1303 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stacey Hunt Author-X-Name-First: Stacey Author-X-Name-Last: Hunt Title: Everyday Engagement in Spectacular Situations: popular participation in Colombian security provision Abstract: In the past three decades, citizen participation has been heralded as the hallmark of democracy and economic transparency. Yet citizen participation has not been limited to political and economic processes. In this paper I consider the incorporation of participatory measures in an arena frequently overlooked: security provision. I trace the origins, evolution and effects of efforts to increase citizen participation in security provision in Colombia. Despite notorious images of paramilitary forces, guerrilla insurgents and vigilante groups, citizen participation in security provision tends to be banal, boring and not particularly effective, as average people attend local meetings, work through state bureaucracy, and comply with new policy initiatives. I argue that insecurity in Colombia is neither a product of apathetic citizens nor of violent, uncontrollable mobs, but rather part and parcel of an emerging form of governance in which citizens are made responsible for their own security provision. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1305-1321 Issue: 7 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.691832 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.691832 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:7:p:1305-1321 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nina Wilén Author-X-Name-First: Nina Author-X-Name-Last: Wilén Title: A Hybrid Peace through Locally Owned and Externally Financed in Rwanda? Abstract: This article aims to critically examine Rwanda's security sector reform and disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (ssr–ddr) process through a theoretical framework outlining four different models of peace processes in order to identify the sort of peace that can emerge from Rwanda's ssr–ddr approach. The author analyses how the Rwandan government has managed to keep the process ‘locally’ owned, while largely financed by external actors, despite strong criticism of its apparent lack of democratisation. The ‘genocide credit’, the Rwandan government's preference for national, rather than international solutions and its recent troop contribution to peacebuilding operations in the region are identified as the main reasons for this development. The paper argues that the peace emanating from the ssr–ddr process may be considered a hybrid form of state formation and state building, because of the local agency's preference for security and stability while simultaneously enjoying financial and technocratic support for its ‘liberal’ peacebuilding actions in the region. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1323-1336 Issue: 7 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.691833 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.691833 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:7:p:1323-1336 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rhys Jenkins Author-X-Name-First: Rhys Author-X-Name-Last: Jenkins Title: Latin America and China—a new dependency? Abstract: Economic relations between China and Latin America have grown rapidly over the past decade. This paper documents the growth of trade, foreign direct investment (fdi) and other financial flows between China and Latin America and identifies the interests of China in the region as a source of raw materials, a market for exports of manufactured goods and an area of diplomatic competition with Taiwan. It points to the asymmetric nature of the relationship in terms of the relative importance of bilateral trade to each partner, the composition of trade flows, and the balance of fdi flows. It shows that these show many of the characteristics of centre–periphery relations. However, China is far from becoming a new hegemonic power in Latin America and the latter's relations with the USA and Europe continue to be more significant than those with China. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1337-1358 Issue: 7 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.691834 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.691834 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:7:p:1337-1358 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Monica DeHart Author-X-Name-First: Monica Author-X-Name-Last: DeHart Title: Remodelling the Global Development Landscape: the China Model and South–South cooperation in Latin America Abstract: China's explosive growth and growing international influence have prompted policy makers and scholars to question how that country will reshape the global development landscape. While Western observers have used the concept of the China Model to describe China's development strategies and the potential threat they pose to Western liberal traditions, Chinese policy makers have promoted South–South cooperation to emphasise China's goal of a harmonious world order based on nation-state sovereignty and mutual benefits. This article explores these two competing organising principles with a focus on how each concept frames global development politics and China's relations with its development partners. Drawing on ethnographic research on China's new relationship with Costa Rica, I examine the assumptions and effects of these concepts in terms of how they shape specific development encounters. These examples suggest the intransigence of historical development inequalities and identities, which both support and limit China's global impact in significant ways. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1359-1375 Issue: 7 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.691835 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.691835 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:7:p:1359-1375 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sanjay Seth Author-X-Name-First: Sanjay Author-X-Name-Last: Seth Title: Modernity without Prometheus: on re-reading Marshall Berman's Abstract: This essay revisits Marshall Berman's extremely influential book, All that is Solid Melts into Air, some thirty years after its first publication. Berman provided an analysis of modernity as something including, but not limited to, capitalism, and as something which encompassed not just `social processes' but also new subjectivities, not just new world(s) but new ways of inhabiting them. He also offered a passionate defense of modernity an its possibilities, and of modernism as a mode of engaging and affirming these possibilities. In asking how well this analysis reads 30 years later, this essay provides a sympathetic critique, in the course of which it provides elements of an alternative, postcolonial reading of modernity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1377-1386 Issue: 7 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.691836 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.691836 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:7:p:1377-1386 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sam Hickey Author-X-Name-First: Sam Author-X-Name-Last: Hickey Title: Turning Governance Thinking Upside-down? Insights from ‘the politics of what works’ Abstract: Mainstream thinking within international development around what constitutes ‘pro-poor’ forms of politics is increasingly at odds with the growing evidence-base on the politics of development. Ideological bias towards Weberian modes of governance and rational actor models of political behaviour, and a growing belief in the power of ‘evidence-based policy making’ fail to reflect the extent to which informal and patronage-based forms can sometimes play a positive role in enabling poverty reduction, as well as the fact that political elites respond to a wider range of incentives than commonly assumed, including a role for political ideology and discourse rather than evidence per se. These findings offer further support for a fundamental rethinking around the role of politics in shaping development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1231-1247 Issue: 7 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.695516 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.695516 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:7:p:1231-1247 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adriana Erthal Abdenur Author-X-Name-First: Adriana Erthal Author-X-Name-Last: Abdenur Title: Emerging powers and the creation of the UN: three ships of Theseus Abstract: What role did the present emerging powers play in the creation of the United Nations? Drawing on Plutarch’s ‘ship of Theseus’ paradox, this article analyses how, and the extent to which, Brazilian, Chinese and Indian representatives influenced key debates leading up to the UN’s foundation. At the time Brazil was ruled by a fascist-inspired military regime, yet it had supported Allied efforts during World War II; China was split among Nationalists and Communists; and India was still a British colony. These national delegations reflected the main social and political struggles of their respective countries. While these three countries were able to influence the design, procedures and substance of the burgeoning organisation, their agency was limited by their primary focus on internal issues. By comparison, in the present era they have been able to extend their influence in global governance debates by coordinating certain reformist positions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1171-1186 Issue: 7 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1154432 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1154432 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:7:p:1171-1186 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Amitav Acharya Author-X-Name-First: Amitav Author-X-Name-Last: Acharya Title: ‘Idea-shift’: how ideas from the rest are reshaping global order Abstract: An ‘idea-shift’ is taking place that may be of greater consequence for global governance than is the ongoing ‘power shift’ or the rise of new powers. A number of non-Western thinkers and practitioners - who may be called idea-shifters - have contributed to new concepts and approaches that have radically altered the way we think about development, security and ecology, among other areas. Their ideas are often dismissed or downgraded in the West as imitation, or the product of the Western education of their creators, or of partnership with Western collaborators, governments, donor agencies and multilateral institutions dominated by the Western powers. Challenging this view, this essay holds that ideas from the postcolonial world, its thinkers and policymakers have played an important role in the making of the postwar norms of governance, such as universal sovereignty, human rights, international development and regionalism. Moreover, some of the important recent ideas about development (human development from Mahbub ul Haq and Amartya Sen), security (responsible sovereignty from Francis Deng and colleagues) and ecology (sustainable development from Wangari Maathai) have come from people who, while trained in the West, are deeply influenced by their local context or point of origin. Appreciating how much this local origin and context matters allows us to consider these as ‘ideas-from-below’ and a powerful driver of the unfolding global idea-shift. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1156-1170 Issue: 7 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1154433 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1154433 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:7:p:1156-1170 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adekeye Adebajo Author-X-Name-First: Adekeye Author-X-Name-Last: Adebajo Title: The revolt against the West: intervention and sovereignty Abstract: Debates on intervention and sovereignty since 1945 can be summarised as a tale of two cities, San Francisco and Bandung, and of two countries, Rwanda and Libya. All are symbolic of different phases of these debates. The UN was born in San Francisco in 1945 with very little substantive participation by Asian and African governments. The great powers established a system in which they would determine when, where and how military interventions could take place. The 1955 Bandung Conference saw Asian and African countries seek to use new norms of intervention to regain their sovereignty. The 1994 Rwandan genocide, however, forced African countries to dilute notions of absolute sovereignty to allow military interventions for human protection purposes. The 2011 NATO military intervention in Libya did potentially irreparable damage to future UN-mandated interventions and was widely seen in the Global South as an abuse of the responsibility to protect (R2P). Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1187-1202 Issue: 7 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1154434 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1154434 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:7:p:1187-1202 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dan Plesch Author-X-Name-First: Dan Author-X-Name-Last: Plesch Title: The South and disarmament at the UN Abstract: This article analyses the Global South’s role in disarmament. It offers evidence of a customarily ignored Southern agency in UN processes and suggests that the later work of Hans Morgenthau explains both this agency and contrary state policies. The article looks at the recent agreement with Iran as an example of constructive convergence and sets out the structure of an emerging and Southern-supported disarmament initiative. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1203-1218 Issue: 7 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1154435 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1154435 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:7:p:1203-1218 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas G. Weiss Author-X-Name-First: Thomas G. Author-X-Name-Last: Weiss Author-Name: Pallavi Roy Author-X-Name-First: Pallavi Author-X-Name-Last: Roy Title: The UN and the Global South, 1945 and 2015: past as prelude? Abstract: The United Nations is hardly a popular pursuit in today’s academic and policy literatures, and so it is unsurprising that an examination of that multilateral structure before 1945 shows an even more egregious absence of analytical attention. Such ignorance conveniently ignores the forgotten genius of 1942–45, namely in the wide substantive and geographic relevance of multilateralism during World War II and in the foundations for the contemporary world order. This collection of papers critically reviews the worlds of 1945 and 2015, of then and now, to determine the role of continuity and change, of the ongoing bases for compromise, and for the clashes between the Global South and Global North. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1147-1155 Issue: 7 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1154436 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1154436 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:7:p:1147-1155 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mohammad-Mahmoud Ould Mohamedou Author-X-Name-First: Mohammad-Mahmoud Ould Author-X-Name-Last: Mohamedou Title: Arab agency and the UN project: the League of Arab States between universality and regionalism Abstract: Discussion of the contemporary Arab state system overlooks the engagement of the nascent League of Arab States with the debates about world politics and the purposes of the UN system emerging from World War II. The early experience of that body did not articulate a full expression of universalism, and the integrative cooperation of the Arab League was confined to a limited security policy framework. It did not subsequently seek lastingly to influence the nature of those ideas and institutions that would come to shape the United Nations. The Arab League was also never wedded to a Global Southern logic. Yet the UN has seldom been disavowed in the League’s diplomatic processes, which have been used by member states tactically as a conduit to maximise regional interpretations of the challenges from global order and as a forum for advancing the sub-region’s provincial interests. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1219-1233 Issue: 7 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1154437 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1154437 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:7:p:1219-1233 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bertrand G. Ramcharan Author-X-Name-First: Bertrand G. Author-X-Name-Last: Ramcharan Title: Normative human rights cascades, North and South Abstract: This essay submits that events preceding and leading to the establishment of the United Nations, in the 1940s, saw the emergence of foundational human rights ideas that have shaped the international order ever since. While the major wartime powers were the sponsoring actors, there were strong demands for justice and equality in countries of the South. It was a combination of Northern, Southern and NGO contributions that shaped the content of the normative human rights framework. No country came to this with fully clean hands. The leading powers sought to shield themselves from colonialism, gulags and racial segregation but had to agree to principles and norms that would triumph in the end. Southern representatives, some partly educated in the West but mostly taking their essence from their own soils, argued for high principles and norms, and then many proceeded to violate them once they had gained control of their countries. Many Latin American leaders advanced lofty principles while presiding over exploitative feudal societies at home. The gulf between principles and practice continues in our times, with numerous violations of human rights worldwide. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1234-1251 Issue: 7 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1154438 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1154438 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:7:p:1234-1251 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Fantu Cheru Author-X-Name-First: Fantu Author-X-Name-Last: Cheru Title: Developing countries and the right to development: a retrospective and prospective African view Abstract: The end of World War II, and the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, unleashed great expectations of a brave new world, in which the promotion and protection of human rights would become the central organising principle of international relations. This article examines the long struggle that African countries, joined by other developing countries, have waged at the UN for a New International Economic Order (NIEO) and for the right to development to be recognised as legally enforceable and universal. To date, however, the right to development has not entered the practical realm of planning and implementation at the national and international levels. The article assesses the internal and external factors that have prevented countries in the Global South from fulfilling the rights of their citizens to development and from moving the agenda forward. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1268-1283 Issue: 7 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1154439 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1154439 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:7:p:1268-1283 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pallavi Roy Author-X-Name-First: Pallavi Author-X-Name-Last: Roy Title: Economic growth, the UN and the Global South: an unfulfilled promise Abstract: The most visible success of the UN system has been to foster a multilateral structure of international governance that has proved resilient since World War II. However, this structure has failed to provide a financing mechanism to help developing countries achieve the structural transformations required for broad-based economic growth. Indeed, the Global South has also had many chances to reorder the international financing system but has failed thus far to do so. The global distribution of power remains with the USA and the West; even rising China plays by the contract-enforcement rules of the North in terms of global economic governance. Another critical reason why financing has not been readily available, despite the magnitude of capital flows between developed and developing economies, is that it comes with conditions that induce little ‘effort’ to result in capability development. Policies should be devised to overcome this weakness but they are unlikely within a multilateral framework. However, if the USA and China agree to work together on alternative multilateral systems promoted by the Global South, the potential for positive change increases. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1284-1297 Issue: 7 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1154440 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1154440 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:7:p:1284-1297 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nico Schrijver Author-X-Name-First: Nico Author-X-Name-Last: Schrijver Title: Managing the global commons: common good or common sink? Abstract: The global commons, comprising the areas and resources beyond the sovereignty of any state, build upon the heritage of Grotius’s idea of mare liberum – an idea that aimed to preserve the freedom of access for the benefit of all. However, the old mare liberum idea digressed into ‘first come, first served’ advantages for industrialised countries. Especially at the initiative of developing countries, it has now been replaced by a new law of international cooperation and protection of natural wealth and resources beyond the limits of national jurisdiction. The global commons have thus served as the laboratory for testing new legal principles and the rights and corollary duties emanating from them. Occasionally path-breaking innovations in regulation have been practised, most notably the imposition of a ban on whaling, penalties for the production and use of ozone-depleting substances and the freezing of claims to sovereignty over Antarctica. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1252-1267 Issue: 7 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1154441 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1154441 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:7:p:1252-1267 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rachel Hayman Author-X-Name-First: Rachel Author-X-Name-Last: Hayman Title: Budget Support and Democracy: a twist in the conditionality tale Abstract: Budget support—aid delivered directly to developing country government budgets—accounts for a growing proportion of overseas development assistance. In theory it has multiple benefits over other forms of aid in terms of attaining poverty reduction and development objectives. However, recent years have seen several incidents of budget support being frozen, halted or redirected because of slippage in the democratic credentials of certain countries, including Ethiopia, Uganda, Nicaragua, Honduras, Madagascar and Rwanda. This article analyses these incidents in relation to debates over aid conditionality. It finds that donors are willing to apply political conditionality when otherwise good performing governments go politically astray, but it questions whether budget support is a viable instrument for pushing for democratic change. Co-ordinated donor action appears to be increasing, but aid flows to the countries discussed remain high and the governments in question tend to be dismissive in the face of such pressure. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 673-688 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.566998 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.566998 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:4:p:673-688 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ziya Önis Author-X-Name-First: Ziya Author-X-Name-Last: Önis Title: Power, Interests and Coalitions: the political economy of mass privatisation in Turkey Abstract: Privatisation has been on the policy agenda in Turkey since the mid-1980s. Yet progress was slow throughout the first two decades of the Turkish neoliberal experiment. More recently, however, Turkey has experienced a major privatisation boom in the aftermath of the 2001 crisis. This paper tries to understand the nature of the recent privatisation boom from a political economy perspective and attempts to account for the paradox of the mass or hyper-privatisation experience of Turkey, comparable with Mexico and Argentina in the 1990s. A key concept here is the ‘pro-privatization coalition’. An attempt is made to understand how this coalition is progressively strengthened while the power of the anti-privatisation coalition has been undermined in the post-2001 era. An interesting insight in this context concerns the importance of legal and institutional changes which also help to shift the balance from the anti- to the pro-privatization coalition. The final part of the paper aims to study the changing nature of resistance to privatisation by selective references to the opposition to some of the major privatisation deals in Turkey. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 707-724 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.567004 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.567004 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:4:p:707-724 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Katrina Lee-Koo Author-X-Name-First: Katrina Author-X-Name-Last: Lee-Koo Title: Horror and Hope: (re)presenting militarised children in global North–South relations Abstract: This article examines the (re)presentations of militarised children in contemporary global politics. In particular, it looks at the iconic image of the 21st century's child soldier, the subject of which is constructed as a menacing yet pitiable product of the so-called new wars of the global South. Yet this familiar image is a small, one-dimensional and selective (re)presentation of the issues facing children who are associated with conflict and militarism. In this sense it is a problematic focal point for analysing the insecurity and human rights of children in and around conflict. Instead, this article argues that the image of the child soldier asserts an important influence in its effect upon global North–South relations. It demonstrates how the image of the child soldier can assist in constructing knowledge about the global South, and the global North's obligations to it, either through programmes of humanitarianism, or through war. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 725-742 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.567005 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.567005 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:4:p:725-742 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jaremey McMullin Author-X-Name-First: Jaremey Author-X-Name-Last: McMullin Title: Reintegrating Young Combatants: do child-centred approaches leave children—and adults—behind? Abstract: This article uses recent experience in Angola to demonstrate that young fighters were not adequately or effectively assisted after war ended in 2002. The government's framework excluded children from accessing formal disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programmes, and its subsequent attempts to target children have largely failed. More critically the case of Angola calls into question the broader effectiveness and appropriateness of child-centred DDR. First, such targeting is inappropriate to distinct post-conflict contexts and constructs a ‘template child’ asserted to be more vulnerable and deserving than adult ex-combatants, which does little to further the reintegration of either group, or the rights of the child in a conflict context. Second, child-centred reintegration efforts tend to deny children agency as actors in their own reintegration. Third, such efforts contribute to the normalisation of a much larger ideational and structural flaw of post-conflict peace building, wherein ‘success’ is construed as the reintegration of large numbers of beneficiaries back into the poverty and marginalisation that contributed to conflict in the first place. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 743-764 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.567006 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.567006 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:4:p:743-764 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tatek Abebe Author-X-Name-First: Tatek Author-X-Name-Last: Abebe Author-Name: Sharon Bessell Author-X-Name-First: Sharon Author-X-Name-Last: Bessell Title: Dominant Discourses, Debates and Silences on Child Labour in Africa and Asia Abstract: Drawing on the relevant literature, this article explores key debates and controversies on child labour in the context of Africa and Asia. It first identifies and analyses three dominant discourses on child labour: 1) the work-free childhoods perspective; 2) the socio-cultural perspective; and 3) the political economy perspective. Against the backdrop of these discourses, the article goes on to critically examine aspects of child labour that are underrepresented in the literature and in international policy circles. It concludes by highlighting the importance of grounding children's gendered work within the complex material social practices of interconnected histories and geographies in which their livelihoods unfold. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 765-786 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.567007 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.567007 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:4:p:765-786 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Séverine Deneulin Author-X-Name-First: Séverine Author-X-Name-Last: Deneulin Title: Development and the Limits of Amartya Sen's Abstract: This review article critically analyses the contribution of Amartya Sen's The Idea of Justice to development studies. On the basis of examples of unjust situations derived from Sen's writings, the article discusses the limited reach of The Idea of Justice in addressing concrete cases of injustice. It contends that remedying injustice requires an understanding of how justice is structural, which recognises that discussion of justice is inseparable from reasoning about the nature of the good society. The article concludes by pointing out The Idea of Justice's ambiguous relationship with liberalism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 787-797 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.567008 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.567008 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:4:p:787-797 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: James Scott Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Scott Author-Name: Rorden Wilkinson Author-X-Name-First: Rorden Author-X-Name-Last: Wilkinson Title: The Poverty of the Doha Round and the Least Developed Countries Abstract: Two distinct literatures have emerged on the World Trade Organization's Doha Development Agenda (DDA) and its likely benefits for developing countries. One is built on the use of computable general and partial equilibrium simulations, while another explores the political economy of the negotiation process to explore the opportunities a concluded round will bring for developing countries. Both literatures generate important insights into the DDA, and both highlight that the deal on offer to developing countries is very weak. However, there has been little engagement between these two bodies of thought. This paper seeks to begin to redress this, fusing a review of the simulations of likely DDA gains with an examination of the passage of the Doha negotiations. It argues that through this process we can arrive at a fuller understanding of how limited, and problematic, the results of the DDA are likely to be for the less developed countries. If the DDA is to deliver on its mandate, a qualitative shift in the negotiations is required. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 611-627 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.569322 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.569322 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:4:p:611-627 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lloyd Gruber Author-X-Name-First: Lloyd Author-X-Name-Last: Gruber Title: Globalisation with Growth and Equity: can we really have it all? Abstract: As plentiful and productive as recent empirical work has been, we still know very little about globalisation's long-run impact on economic development. This is only partly because of data limitations. At least as important, this article suggests, have been theoretical limitations: economists and political scientists have yet to resolve a number of key conceptual points. This article brings these remaining theoretical puzzles to the surface, starting with the link between openness and growth. It then turns to the relationship between trade and inequality. Both links—the one from trade to growth, the other from trade to inequality—have been subjects of heated debate among development economists. By contrast, the main focus of this article is the relationship between these two strands of research. How growth and equity interact is a theoretical puzzle which, though no less basic than the others, has to date received far less attention. The article concludes by laying out a back-to-basics research agenda for future-oriented globalisation research in which this growth/equity trade-off is restored to its rightful place at the theoretical centre of the wider development literature. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 629-652 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.569324 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.569324 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:4:p:629-652 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Malreddy kumar Author-X-Name-First: Malreddy Author-X-Name-Last: kumar Title: Postcolonialism: interdisciplinary or interdiscursive? Abstract: This essay critically examines the nature and scope of postcolonial interdisciplinarity. Although postcolonial studies claims to operate on, and forge in, an interdisplinary approach, its intentions are largely interdiscursive. In spite of the vague and elusive claims evident in the catalogue of introductory texts on postcolonial theory, neither postcolonial theorists nor its exponents have adequately established the disciplinary bounds or their methodological fusion(s) specific to, and required for, interdisciplinarity. Drawing from the disciplinary foundations of literature, history and philosophy, this essay demonstrates that postcolonial theory has developed an implicit oppositional critique to eurocentrism. This oppositional critique, while discursive in intention and formulaic in application, is subsequently borrowed by a host of social science disciplines—anthropology, geography and development studies— as a proxy methodology that protects against the perils of eurocentric longings. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 653-672 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.569325 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.569325 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:4:p:653-672 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Janet Conway Author-X-Name-First: Janet Author-X-Name-Last: Conway Author-Name: Jakeet Singh Author-X-Name-First: Jakeet Author-X-Name-Last: Singh Title: Radical Democracy in Global Perspective: notes from the pluriverse Abstract: In this article we contrast the theoretical tradition of radical democracy developed by Chantal Mouffe with an alternative tradition of radical democracy rooted in the practices of subaltern social movements. While the former is wedded to the context and aspirations of Western modernity, the latter consists of place-based forms of ‘colonial difference’ within the Third and Fourth Worlds that are subalternised by the (aggressively globalising) modern tradition of democracy. Working within a ‘modernity/coloniality’ framework, we contrast these traditions of radical democracy along three main axes: 1) the logic of articulation among diverse struggles and movements; 2) the orientation towards, and aspirations with respect to, the state; and 3) the relation to the global scale and vision of the ‘pluriverse’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 689-706 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.570029 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.570029 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:4:p:689-706 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Matthew Louis Bishop Author-X-Name-First: Matthew Louis Author-X-Name-Last: Bishop Author-Name: Peter Clegg Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Clegg Author-Name: Rosemarijn Hoefte Author-X-Name-First: Rosemarijn Author-X-Name-Last: Hoefte Title: Hemispheric reconfigurations in Northern Amazonia: the ‘Three Guianas’ amid regional change and Brazilian hegemony Abstract: Regional and hemispheric reconfigurations in Latin America and the Caribbean are increasingly mediated by Brazilian power, and the engagement of Guyana, Suriname and French Guiana with this emerging context is intriguing. They are tentatively moving away from a Caribbean region with which they are culturally contiguous, towards a South American continent in which they are geographically located. This is partly a reflection of the gradual opening up of the Northern Amazonian space that they share collectively, and also with Venezuela and Brazil. These processes are occurring as cause and effect of Brazil’s emergence as a regional – and even regionally hegemonic – power. With reference to wider debates on regionalism and hegemony, we analyse the uncertain consequences of these shifts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 356-378 Issue: 2 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1135397 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1135397 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:2:p:356-378 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sibonginkosi Mazibuko Author-X-Name-First: Sibonginkosi Author-X-Name-Last: Mazibuko Title: The Freedom Charter: the contested South African land issue Abstract: The Freedom Charter represents a desire to create a society that is based on common citizenship and democracy in a society divided in all aspects of its life. This paper problematises and interrogates the Charter’s theoretical and philosophical claim on land. It uses the methodology of Afrocentricity and Africana critical theory to dispute the theoretical and philosophical basis of the Freedom Charter. The paper argues that the understanding, desire and vision of the Freedom Charter are irreconcilable. It concludes that the Charter reconciles the dispossessed with their dispossession, reflecting coloniality and white domination in South Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 436-449 Issue: 2 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1142368 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1142368 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:2:p:436-449 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Linda Tabar Author-X-Name-First: Linda Author-X-Name-Last: Tabar Title: From Third World internationalism to ‘the internationals’: the transformation of solidarity with Palestine Abstract: This paper examines the formation of the concept of ‘the internationals’ in Palestine. The post-Oslo term began to be used in the second intifada to denote white solidarity activists in the colony. In tracing the rise of the concept, the paper charts some of the ways solidarity with the Palestinian people has been domesticated under the Oslo ‘peace process’. Situating and analysing the rise of the concept of ‘the internationals’ within the assemblage of apparatuses and ideological forces inscribed during Oslo, it explains how these material structures have contributed to shifting the notion and praxis of solidarity. Taking Third World internationalist and anti-imperialist feminist practices of solidarity as its starting point, the paper historicises and theorises some of the changes that have taken place over time. It offers an anti-colonial, anti-racist, feminist critique of the individualisation of solidarity and centres indigenous Palestinian perspectives. It concludes by surveying the ways Palestinians are creating alternatives and rebuilding international solidarity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 414-435 Issue: 2 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1142369 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1142369 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:2:p:414-435 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hanna Laako Author-X-Name-First: Hanna Author-X-Name-Last: Laako Title: Understanding contested women’s rights in development: the Latin American campaign for the humanisation of birth and the challenge of midwifery in Mexico Abstract: This article builds on the recent debates on human rights and development to discuss the case of reproductive rights and midwifery activism as part of the broader mobilisation for the humanisation of birth and against obstetric violence in Latin America and Mexico. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, the analysis shows how human rights continue to form a significant contentious and constructed terrain among women in the global South. The mobilisation for the humanisation of birth and against obstetric violence indicates how the clinical developmental view of reproductive rights is challenged by these activists as not necessarily safeguarding the rights of women during birth. In Mexico this campaign is essentially linked to the struggle to bring back and strengthen midwifery as a way of ensuring improved human rights in birth. The article concludes, however, that this campaign might be challenged by Indigenous rights in the near future. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 379-396 Issue: 2 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1145046 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1145046 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:2:p:379-396 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hannes Baumann Author-X-Name-First: Hannes Author-X-Name-Last: Baumann Title: A failure of governmentality: why Transparency International underestimated corruption in Ben Ali’s Tunisia Abstract: This article critiques the Foucauldian approach to governance indicators. Transparency International’s (TI) Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) underestimated Tunisian corruption levels under President Ben Ali: his regime was highly corrupt but foreign investors were less affected. CPI methodology meant it reflected primarily the needs of foreign investors. The Foucauldian approach specifically excludes analysis of governance indicators’ methodologies. It thus fails to demonstrate the effectiveness of governance indicators as a technology of government, and it fails to show how the production of the CPI is embedded in a wider global political economy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 467-482 Issue: 2 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1153417 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1153417 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:2:p:467-482 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alina Sajed Author-X-Name-First: Alina Author-X-Name-Last: Sajed Title: Peripheral modernity and anti-colonial nationalism in Java: economies of race and gender in the constitution of the Indonesian national teleology Abstract: This analysis investigates the limits of colonial modernity in the 20th century Dutch East Indies at a time that coincided with the building of the Indonesian national project. I am interested in the constitution of the national teleology as an inexorable socio-political project, deploying specific racial and gendered economies. As a locus of investigation I choose the literary narratives of two celebrated Indonesian intellectuals (and participants in the anti-colonial struggle), Pramoedya’s Buru Quartet and Mangunwijaya’s Durga/Umayi. Were the impulses of anti-colonial resistance intrinsically national in their orientation? Through what erasures and re-appropriations has the nationalism/modernity paradigm become the medium of decolonisation? Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 505-523 Issue: 2 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1153419 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1153419 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:2:p:505-523 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adrian Paylor Author-X-Name-First: Adrian Author-X-Name-Last: Paylor Title: The social–economic impact of shale gas extraction: a global perspective Abstract: This article explores the global social–economic impact of shale gas extraction, comparing the differing social and economic impacts shale gas extraction may have on communities in developed and developing countries. It argues that the benefits of fracking are more likely to be enjoyed by communities in highly and very highly developed countries rather than by those in countries with low or medium levels of development . Additionally, it shows that the potential risks and drawbacks of shale gas and its extraction are more likely to be experienced by communities in these latter countries than by those in highly or very highly developed countries. However, it also demonstrates that even communities in developed countries are vulnerable to environmental and health risks associated with shale gas extraction. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 340-355 Issue: 2 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1153420 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1153420 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:2:p:340-355 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Iain Watson Author-X-Name-First: Iain Author-X-Name-Last: Watson Title: Resilience and disaster risk reduction: reclassifying diversity and national identity in post-earthquake Nepal Abstract: This paper discusses disaster resilience in the context of disaster risk reduction. It focuses on how the Nepali state, through disaster risk reduction and resilience strategies, is reinventing the ‘diversity’ question in Nepal. Disaster risk management and disaster risk reduction are being used to create a specific form of national identity that paradoxically both segregates and excludes ethnic and traditional communities through a variety of strategies of paternalism and inclusivity. The emerging state-led use of exploiting and capturing ethnic and indigenous ‘traditional knowledge’ is part of the government’s disaster risk strategy. This is sanctioned by multilateral bodies, which further legitimates subtle practices of exclusion through state-led monitoring. This has wider implications for contested narratives on Nepali democracy and federalism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 483-504 Issue: 2 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1159913 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1159913 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:2:p:483-504 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roos Haer Author-X-Name-First: Roos Author-X-Name-Last: Haer Title: The study of child soldiering: issues and consequences for DDR implementation Abstract: An increasing number of children are actively participating in armed groups, drawing attention to the issue of child soldiering from both international humanitarian organisations and the academic community. Despite this interest, there is a lack of explicit attempts to bring the insights of these two arenas together. More specifically the theoretical issues raised by the scholarly community have not been incorporated into disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (DDR) practices. This article combines these two arenas to show that questions related to age, gender, agency and the recruitment of child soldiers in particular have not yet been resolved, leading to problems in the implementation of child-centred DDR programmes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 450-466 Issue: 2 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1166946 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1166946 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:2:p:450-466 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Timothy Donais Author-X-Name-First: Timothy Author-X-Name-Last: Donais Author-Name: Erin McCandless Author-X-Name-First: Erin Author-X-Name-Last: McCandless Title: International peace building and the emerging inclusivity norm Abstract: This paper draws on constructivist theory to assess the contemporary debate around inclusion within peace-building and state-building processes and on inclusivity as an emerging norm within international policy processes. Within the wider context of an ongoing but still incomplete normative shift in terms of how peace building is both understood and practised, it focuses on the case of the New Deal for Engagement in Fragile States, and makes the case that the inclusivity agenda marks a significant shift towards fulfilling a longstanding commitment to respecting national ownership of peace-building processes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 291-310 Issue: 2 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1191344 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1191344 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:2:p:291-310 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nir Kshetri Author-X-Name-First: Nir Author-X-Name-Last: Kshetri Title: The economics of the Internet of Things in the Global South Abstract: While the Internet of Things (IoT) is not new, its key components are becoming increasingly affordable now, which makes the technology extremely attractive for the Global South. By collecting data from various IoT sources, combining them with data from other sources and using big data analytics, decisions can be made and actions can be taken that can have important economic, social, ecological and environmental implications in these countries. The most visible impacts of the IoT in these countries include improvements in agricultural and food systems, enhancement of environmental security and resource conservation, achievement of better healthcare, public health and medicine, and enhancement of the efficiency of key industries. This paper provides an overview of how the IoT is currently being used in the Global South. It also discusses the opportunities and challenges that IoT initiatives present there. The analysis indicates that the IoT may address some of the institutional bottlenecks, technological challenges and key sources of high transaction costs. On the other hand, various sources of underdevelopment may act as barriers to full utilisation of the IoT. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 311-339 Issue: 2 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1191942 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1191942 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:2:p:311-339 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: André Barrinha Author-X-Name-First: André Author-X-Name-Last: Barrinha Author-Name: Sarah da Mota Author-X-Name-First: Sarah Author-X-Name-Last: da Mota Title: Drones and the uninsurable security subjects Abstract: This paper engages with the security dynamics underlying the use of drones and their impact on security subjects – individuals and groups that are the ultimate recipients of specific security policies, regardless of whether these have beneficial effects on them. Using Mark Duffield’s distinction between the insured Global North and the non-insured Global South, this paper discusses how drones generate a radical dissociation between the intervener and the intervened that ultimately produces new security environments at the margins of the international system. These new security environments are defined by the articulation between space, technologies and bodies: bodies of invisible subjects; bodies that are uninsurable. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 253-269 Issue: 2 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1205440 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1205440 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:2:p:253-269 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marylynn Steckley Author-X-Name-First: Marylynn Author-X-Name-Last: Steckley Author-Name: Tony Weis Author-X-Name-First: Tony Author-X-Name-Last: Weis Title: Agriculture in and beyond the Haitian catastrophe Abstract: Although the devastation from Haiti’s 2010 earthquake was concentrated in Port-au-Prince, it had deep agrarian roots. This paper situates Haiti’s urban poverty in the chronic exploitation of the country’s peasant classes as a basis for assessing the competing contemporary visions for agricultural development. We argue that the post-earthquake reconstruction has fortified a neoliberal development that is incompatible with the aspirations of the Haitian peasantry. Given the interrelated power of domestic elites and international donors, and the proliferation of disconnected development projects, we conclude that any prospect for pro-poor development hinges on the growth and collaboration of peasant movements. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 397-413 Issue: 2 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1256762 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1256762 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:2:p:397-413 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Samuel Spiegel Author-X-Name-First: Samuel Author-X-Name-Last: Spiegel Author-Name: Hazel Gray Author-X-Name-First: Hazel Author-X-Name-Last: Gray Author-Name: Barbara Bompani Author-X-Name-First: Barbara Author-X-Name-Last: Bompani Author-Name: Kevin Bardosh Author-X-Name-First: Kevin Author-X-Name-Last: Bardosh Author-Name: James Smith Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Smith Title: Decolonising online development studies? Emancipatory aspirations and critical reflections – a case study Abstract: Academics in high-income countries are increasingly launching development studies programmes through online distance learning to engage practitioner-students in low-income countries. Are such initiatives providing opportunities to critically tackle social injustice, or merely ‘mirroring’ relations of global inequality and re-entrenching imperial practices? Building on recent scholarship addressing efforts to ‘decolonise development studies’ and the complex power dynamics they encounter, we reflect on this question by analysing experiences of faculty and students in a United Kingdom-based online development studies programme, focusing particularly on perspectives of development practitioner-students working from Africa. We discuss barriers to social inclusivity – including the politics of language – that shaped participation dynamics in the programme as well as debates regarding critical development course content, rethinking possibilities for bridging counter-hegemonic development scholarship with practice-oriented approaches in a range of social contexts. Our analysis unpacks key tensions in addressing intertwined institutional and pedagogic dilemmas for an agenda towards decolonising online development studies, positioning decolonisation as a necessarily unsettling and contested process that calls for greater self-reflexivity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 270-290 Issue: 2 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1256767 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1256767 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:2:p:270-290 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Radhika Desai Author-X-Name-First: Radhika Author-X-Name-Last: Desai Title: Introduction: nationalisms and their understandings in historical perspective Abstract: This introduction provides the historical and intellectual historical context for our thesis of the transition from developmental to cultural nationalisms. After settling issues of definition and periodisation in relation to nations, nationalisms and the international order, I outline how, in all the main phases in the three-century long birth of the international world out of one of empires, capitalist and precapitalist, in tandem with the spread of capitalism (and initially, imperialism), nations and nationalisms were understood and, often revealingly, misunderstood. Three main distorting factors accounted for the misunderstandings: 1) the implication of nations and nationalisms in the spread of capitalism was ignored; 2) their role, in comparison with imperialism, the other major geopolitical dynamic of the past few centuries, was underestimated; and 3) capitalism was understood, one-sidedly, as a universalising force, a prejudice reinforced by imperialism (especially when it was largely the imperialism of one country, England, in the 19th century). The universal Enlightenment intellectual temper also played a role and it is not surprising, in retrospect, that scholarship on nationalism burgeoned precisely at the time, in the last third of the 20th century, when attention to difference and particularity and the questioning of universal thinking became the leading intellectual trend. This scholarship, however, only accentuated the dominant tendency to understand nations culturally, in separation from political economy and it proved unable to stall the force of the mistaken ‘globalisation' thesis about the decline of nations and nationalisms. Throughout this discussion critical insights which more-or-less escaped these distortions and detected the intertwining of culture and political economy in nationalism are noted. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 397-428 Issue: 3 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590801931413 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590801931413 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:3:p:397-428 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sumit Sarkar Author-X-Name-First: Sumit Author-X-Name-Last: Sarkar Title: Nationalism and poverty: discourses of development and culture in 20th century India Abstract: This paper interrogates the terms ‘developmental nationalism’ and ‘cultural nationalism’ to conclude that, because developmental nationalisms always have cultural elements and cultural nationalisms, developmental ones, the precise, and varied, meanings of ‘development’ and ‘culture’ demand careful scrutiny, as do the shifting proportions of their combinations in different ideological – political formations and in the confrontations and partial accommodations between, and across, diverse nationalist traditions. The central argument is that we might get a better purchase on the developmental/cultural nationalism transition in the Indian case in juxtaposition with the problematic of poverty. Indian intellectuals turning towards self-conscious nationalism often placed the poverty of the country at the heart of their nationalism, making it basically a critique and the nation still in need of ‘making’ or constitution. The alternative has been to project the nation (or, with votaries of ‘communal’ politics—religious communities, Hindu or Muslim) as in every case an always already established glorious entity, with a resplendent history and culture, free of blemishes other than those imposed by external invasion or domination. Through four sets of case studies of these opposing traditions at four moments in the history of modern India, the focus here is on degrees of fetishisation of the nation, and their consequences in terms of the strengthening, or subversion, of hierarchies and power relations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 429-445 Issue: 3 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590801931421 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590801931421 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:3:p:429-445 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Laura Hein Author-X-Name-First: Laura Author-X-Name-Last: Hein Title: The Cultural Career of the Japanese Economy: developmental and cultural nationalisms in historical perspective Abstract: This essay explores the connection between the economy and cultural identity in Japanese nationalism and the intellectual discourses that have historically defined it. Nationalism in the pre-war period was closely associated with the anxiety that Japanese modernity was deformed. After World War II Japan was part of the global trend towards developmental nationalism, including a transformation of its economy into both a wealthy and a highly egalitarian one. In the 1970s and 1980s ethnic nationalism re-emerged, this time arguing that economic success was the product of Japanese cultural uniqueness rather than of the developmental nationalist policies of the previous quarter-century. The economic downturn of the 1990s thus challenged Japan both economically and culturally, and reawakened anxieties about Japanese deformity. At first, this crisis led to a critical re-evaluation of national culture, manifested as serious attempts to both resolve tensions with Asia dating from World War II and to dismantle domestic social hierarchies. By the mid-1990s, however, this moment had passed and government and business leaders adopted fully fledged neoliberal policies, reversing the long postwar trend towards income equality, also expressing a more strident and militarist cultural nationalism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 447-465 Issue: 3 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590801931439 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590801931439 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:3:p:447-465 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Guoguang Wu Author-X-Name-First: Guoguang Author-X-Name-Last: Wu Title: From Post-imperial to Late Communist Nationalism: historical change in Chinese nationalism from May Fourth to the 1990s Abstract: This article compares Chinese nationalism of the 1990s with the historic beginning of modern Chinese nationalism in the 1910s and argues that they are two different nationalisms. While the post-imperial May Fourth nationalism of the 1910s arose in a poor and backward China to seek wealth and power for the nation, the 1990s saw the resurgence of nationalism rooted in China's late communist authoritarian prosperity. Following a Weberian framework to examine nationalism's connections with material interests, political power and cultural orientations, the paper finds that the Chinese nationalism of the 1990s reversed all the radical features of early 20th century developmental and cosmopolitan nationalism, as it defended the Chinese model of development, endorsed political authoritarianism, and sought sources of legitimacy and identity in traditional Chinese culture. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 467-482 Issue: 3 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590801931454 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590801931454 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:3:p:467-482 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Saeed Rahnema Author-X-Name-First: Saeed Author-X-Name-Last: Rahnema Title: Radical Islamism and Failed Developmentalism Abstract: The rise of radical Islamism in recent years does not limit the applicability of the concept of cultural nationalism. Rather the two are intertwined in ways which this article will attempt to highlight. Islam took specific national forms as modern nation-states arose and the contemporary resurgence of radical Islamism also follows that modern pattern. I examine the emergence of the three most important movements in the Islamic world, namely, the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Jama'at-e Islami in Pakistan and Khomeinism in Iran. I argue that imperialism, authoritarianism and the contemporary rise of radical Islamism are closely related. More particularly, the latter is the complex product of failed modernisation programmes, failed developmentalism under the auspices of international capital and in collaboration with the local propertied classes, and corrupt, undemocratic governments throughout the Islamic world. The failure of secular left and liberal nationalist movements to attract mass-based support has also contributed to the strengthening of radical Islamists. The article concludes that the mobilising power and populist appeal of radical Islamists can be challenged effectively only if the social, economic and political factors that give rise to these movements in the first place are eliminated. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 483-496 Issue: 3 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590801931462 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590801931462 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:3:p:483-496 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ann Anagnost Author-X-Name-First: Ann Author-X-Name-Last: Anagnost Title: From ‘Class’ to ‘Social Strata': grasping the social totality in reform-era China Abstract: Reform era China has witnessed the simultaneous production of a middle class and increasing socioeconomic inequality. The ideological counterpart of this development is a new form of cultural nationalism that stands in striking contrast to Maoist developmentalism and in striking conformity with neoliberal logics. This article explores this shift in Chinese nationalism and national ideology by looking at the rejection of the language of class and the adoption of social strata as the language of social analysis. This shift has produced a new model of citizenship which seeks to manage the newly stratified society by articulating inequality as cultural difference in a hierarchy of national belonging. At the same time this neoliberal ethos is in dialogue with calls for social responsibility by left-liberal intellectuals in the wake of a rising number of popular protests and a growing concern about social inequality. This essay will discuss aspects of middle-class formation in China's economic reforms, first, by exploring its textual production as a category for social scientific analysis and social critique. Then it will explore how middle-classness becomes represented in mass media forms such as advertising as a new form of identity that is staged in anticipation of its realisation as a widespread social phenomenon. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 497-519 Issue: 3 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590801931488 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590801931488 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:3:p:497-519 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Joshua Barker Author-X-Name-First: Joshua Author-X-Name-Last: Barker Title: Beyond Bandung: developmental nationalism and (multi)cultural nationalism in Indonesia Abstract: This article argues that the Indonesian case is characterised by at least two important variations on the thesis of a transition from developmental to cultural nationalism. First, the transition took place with the establishment in 1966 of Soeharto's New Order, much earlier than in most other countries, and was associated less with neoliberal policies than with a pronounced capitalist bias which could be combined either with statist or economically liberal policies. Second, the variants of cultural nationalism that have been most openly adopted by Indonesia's postcolonial state have been multicultural rather than exclusionary in orientation. The article provides an overview of the transition from developmental to (multi)cultural nationalism in Indonesia in the mid-1960s. These changes are highly visible in the Indonesian context because each successive political regime has defined its identity in large measure by its particular nationalism. Since the Indonesian state has historically been the main site for power struggles within the political elite, the changes over time in nationalist ideology reflect quite closely the changing political and economic fortunes of particular elements within this elite. They also indicate how elites are trying to define their relations to other groups in Indonesian society, and how they are adapting to constraints imposed, and opportunities presented, by a changing national and global political economy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 521-540 Issue: 3 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590801931496 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590801931496 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:3:p:521-540 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Haideh Moghissi Author-X-Name-First: Haideh Author-X-Name-Last: Moghissi Title: Islamic Cultural Nationalism and Gender Politics in Iran Abstract: Over two decades of women's resistance and ceaseless efforts to overcome gender barriers in post-revolutionary Iran demonstrate that developmentalist policies of the ancien régime positively changed women's self-image and expectations. Regardless of the incomplete, deformed and debased character of modernisation forces, they opened possibilities for women that the new regime has not been able to take back through re-Islamisation policies, whether by persuasion or coercion. More important than small successes in pushing back the Islamists’ offensives is women's new-found confidence in challenging the Muslim reformists’ position on issues of women's rights, exposing the limits of reforms achievable under a religious state. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 541-554 Issue: 3 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590801931504 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590801931504 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:3:p:541-554 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mohammed Bamyeh Author-X-Name-First: Mohammed Author-X-Name-Last: Bamyeh Title: Hermeneutics against Instrumental Reason: national and post-national Islam in the 20th century Abstract: Islamic identity and secular anti-colonial nationalism implied initially similar approaches to modernity in the Middle East. Islamic currents of the time reinterpreted Islam in an ‘instrumental’ fashion as an accompaniment to developmental nationalisms, elaborating their cultural aspects. However, new Islamic currents of recent decades reject secularism in favour not of instrumental Islam but of a hermeneutic one. Unlike instrumental Islam, in which the project was to organise society, the goal in the emerging hermeneutic movement is to organise knowledge. While instrumental Islam mirrored the nationalism of the time, articulating many of its themes in spiritual format, the hermeneutic movement seems to be moving away from it. Therefore it does not easily fit the concept of cultural nationalism, appearing to go beyond the nation towards a post-national and postmodern world-view in which questions of development and cultural identity are subordinated to questions of universality, human existence and the possibility of knowledge. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 555-574 Issue: 3 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590801931512 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590801931512 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:3:p:555-574 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thongchai Winichakul Author-X-Name-First: Thongchai Author-X-Name-Last: Winichakul Title: Nationalism and the Radical Intelligentsia in Thailand Abstract: The prominent Thai scholar, Chatthip Natsupha, has gone from being a Marxist intellectual in the 1970s to a cultural nationalist advocate of a genuine Thai essence which, he believes, is an antidote to the dominance of the Western neoliberal capitalism. His case is not an anomaly. The intellectual path from the Marxist left to the cultural nationalist right is well-trodden and reflects broader changes in nationalism in the country. The cultural nationalist Thai ex-left rejected what it called ‘bad’ nationalism and embraced a ‘good’ one. However, its ideas were significantly drawn from conservative nationalism. Such nationalism, which is widespread among the Thai intelligentsia, was an important factor in their support for the military coup which, in 2006, ousted an elected government on the dubious grounds that it was a proxy for global capitalism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 575-591 Issue: 3 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590801931520 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590801931520 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:3:p:575-591 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Farzana Shaikh Author-X-Name-First: Farzana Author-X-Name-Last: Shaikh Title: From Islamisation to Shariatisation: cultural transnationalism in Pakistan Abstract: Pakistan features an exceptional and complex form of the transition from developmental to cultural nationalism. This paper traces the emergence of an Islamist cultural nationalism beginning in the 1970s that eventually surrendered to a trans-national ‘Shariatisation’ of Pakistani nationalism under pressure from Pakistan's involvement in geopolitical processes beyond its control. However, the roots of these varied discourses also lie in trends that became influential among British India's Muslims in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Their further development was shaped by the formative weaknesses of the Pakistani state and nationalism, which matured in the context of the Afghan civil war and the onset of the US ‘war on terror’ in the new century. Together they gave rise to the paradoxical evolution of an Islamic cultural nationalism into a trans-national ideology which challenged the very basis of the state. Given the vulnerability of civil society since the 1980s, and the subordination of Islamic parties to a military-dominated state that has resorted to Islam as a legitimiser, the role of the armed forces in shaping this nationalism acquired greater importance than in most other societies. The paper concludes with some reflections on the implications of Pakistan's unique trajectory for the fate of nations and nationalisms generally. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 593-609 Issue: 3 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590801931553 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590801931553 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:3:p:593-609 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jonathan Spencer Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan Author-X-Name-Last: Spencer Title: A Nationalism without Politics?The illiberal consequences of liberal institutions in Sri Lanka Abstract: This paper examines the relationship between developmental and cultural nationalism through an extended case study of the Sri Lankan conflict. It highlights, in particular, the deeply political process of the construction of nations in which the usual opposition between politics and an anti-political realm of the nation or culture itself plays an important role. The conflict, it is argued, has to be understood first of all in political terms, as the outcome of a specific history of electoral politics which, from the 1930s on, was structured along ‘ethnic’ lines. Appeals to the national or the cultural, which often appear in rhetorical opposition to the divisive forces of everyday politics, are nevertheless themselves products of the very political processes they claim to transcend. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 611-629 Issue: 3 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590801931561 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590801931561 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:3:p:611-629 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Martin Bunton Author-X-Name-First: Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Bunton Title: From Developmental Nationalism to the End of Nation-state in Iraq? Abstract: This article argues that a strong form of developmental nationalism lay at the root of the consolidation of the nation-state in Iraq. The Islamic communal and cultural nationalisms which came with the failures of developmentalism and the slide towards progressively liberal economic policy were exacerbated successively by the privations of war with Iran, the sanctions regime and the ongoing civil war. The last, in particular, casts doubt on the continuation of the Iraqi nation-state. Iraq may thus represent the direst unfolding of the transition from developmental to cultural nationalisms threatening the end of the nation-state itself. Drawing on comparisons with the economic strategies of other Middle Eastern states—where the politics of nationalism were highly implicated in the development agendas of the 1950s and 1960s and the economic liberalisation policies of the 1970s and 1980s—the article argues that the policies of the Iraqi state became the main focus of political action within its borders as soon as the state came into existence. Contrary to widespread notions about the ‘artificiality’ of the Iraqi state, and thus the ‘naturalness’ of its possibly impending dismemberment along ethnic and religious lies, Iraq's unravelling, if it happens, will have been the result of the increasing competition for control over local resources by regional and sectarian leaders—a struggle made possible, even necessary, by the disintegration of the mechanisms of centralised governance under the US- and Britain sponsored regime. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 631-646 Issue: 3 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590801931595 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590801931595 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:3:p:631-646 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Radhika Desai Author-X-Name-First: Radhika Author-X-Name-Last: Desai Title: Conclusion: from developmental to cultural nationalisms Abstract: That developmental and cultural nationalisms had opposite foci should not imply that developmental nationalisms comprised only political economy and cultural nationalisms only cultural politics. It does mean, however, that within each of these historical types of nationalism (and presumably other such historical categories may be elaborated by improving the still rudimentary framework we propose and extending it to other periods in nationalisms' history) both aspects acquired a distinctive settled form. This conclusion indicates the chief ways in which the contributions illuminate, elaborate and interrogate the political economy and cultural politics of developmental nationalisms and of cultural nationalisms and the transitions between them. One-sidedly, it emphasizes coherence, conformity and elaboration, where possible in the voices of the contributors themselves, leaving the task of reflecting on dissonances and the outstanding questions the contributors raise, fittingly perhaps, for a future station in the journey of this idea. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 647-670 Issue: 3 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590801931603 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590801931603 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:3:p:647-670 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Acknowledgements Journal: Pages: 391-392 Issue: 3 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590801931611 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590801931611 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:3:p:391-392 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Notes on Contributors Journal: Pages: 393-395 Issue: 3 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590801931637 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590801931637 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:3:p:393-395 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gearoid Millar Author-X-Name-First: Gearoid Author-X-Name-Last: Millar Title: Investing in peace: foreign direct investment as economic restoration in Sierra Leone? Abstract: In peace-building and transitional justice literature economic restoration is considered central to sustainable peace in post-conflict societies. However, it is also widely recognised that many post-conflict states cannot afford mechanisms to provide restoration. Not only are many such states poor to begin with, but violent conflict further degrades their economic capacity. As a result, in their need to provide jobs, generate tax revenues, spur development and promote sustainable peace, many post-conflict states turn to alternative processes of economic restoration. This paper examines the potential for foreign direct investment (FDI) to serve as one alternative means by which to provide economic restoration in post-conflict states. Presenting findings from six months of fieldwork evaluating one such project in rural Sierra Leone, the paper describes how local people experience such projects and explores whether employment and land-lease payments can provide experiences of economic restoration so far unforthcoming from the state. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1700-1716 Issue: 9 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1044960 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1044960 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:9:p:1700-1716 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Karin Aggestam Author-X-Name-First: Karin Author-X-Name-Last: Aggestam Author-Name: Fabio Cristiano Author-X-Name-First: Fabio Author-X-Name-Last: Cristiano Author-Name: Lisa Strömbom Author-X-Name-First: Lisa Author-X-Name-Last: Strömbom Title: Towards agonistic peacebuilding? Exploring the antagonism–agonism nexus in the Middle East Peace process Abstract: Many contemporary conflicts are framed as antagonistic and difficult to resolve because of their zero-sum framing among the disputants. This article addresses the antagonism–agonism nexus and the political and contested nature of building peace. It has a three-fold aim: (1) to critically assess the interplay between constructive and destructive dynamics; (2) to analyse the circumstances under which conflict may move from antagonism to agonism; and (3) to advance the novel notion of agonistic peacebuilding. The Middle East Peace process is used as a critical case of intractable conflict to elucidate the enabling and restraining conditions for agonistic peacebuilding. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1736-1753 Issue: 9 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1044961 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1044961 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:9:p:1736-1753 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Philip Roberts Author-X-Name-First: Philip Author-X-Name-Last: Roberts Title: Passive revolution in Brazil: struggles over hegemony, religion and development 1964–2007 Abstract: This article examines transformations of the role of religion in Brazil, focused on two transitions within the national political economy. A Gramscian framework of analysis is used to investigate the shift from import substitution industrialisation to neoliberalism, and the varying role of religion within class struggles in each period. The central argument is that Brazil has moved from a period of ‘passive revolution’ to one of ‘hegemony’, and that the role of religion has changed significantly in this period. The article examines ideas, institutions and social forces, with particular attention to the Landless Workers Movement and its relationship with Liberation Theology. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1663-1681 Issue: 9 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1045861 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1045861 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:9:p:1663-1681 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Karl Adalbert Hampel Author-X-Name-First: Karl Author-X-Name-Last: Adalbert Hampel Title: The dark(er) side of ‘state failure’: state formation and socio-political variation Abstract: Scholars concerned with the formation of states, specifically the relationship between state formation and war, hold one of two positions. Some agree with Charles Tilly’s historiological conclusion that war is decisive for the establishment of stateness and specify key concepts, in order to explain presumed discrepancies between past and present. Others point towards the international sphere in its current form and advocate a ‘war breaks states’ perspective. This paper argues that both standpoints neglect the ‘sub-national’ level. While proponents of the ‘war breaks states’ thesis are missing para-sovereign zones of rule, supporters of the ‘war makes states’ approach take a juridical view of statehood and focus on ‘state strength’. The failed states paradigm guiding contemporary security and development policy hinders an adequate analysis of the actual situation on the ground. Discussing the shortcomings of failed states approaches and state formation theorising, the paper proposes a conceptualisation in terms of socio-political variation instead of a mere dichotomisation of order. Some conclusive questions are raised, indicating future research directions linked to the historical sociology of state formation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1629-1648 Issue: 9 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1045862 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1045862 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:9:p:1629-1648 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jennifer Y.J. Hsu Author-X-Name-First: Jennifer Y.J. Author-X-Name-Last: Hsu Title: China’s development: a new development paradigm? Abstract: The emergence of China as a development actor across the global South has raised significant questions regarding the extent to which the country presents new development opportunities to its compatriots in the South. My aim is to reflect on and parse out the experiences and policies that have shaped China’s development to assess how it can inform the field of development studies. I argue that we need to critically engage in China’s development process, as China’s own development has led to the emergence of many more problems than solutions, ranging from increasing inequality to exclusionary development practices pertaining to ethnic minorities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1754-1769 Issue: 9 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1046985 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1046985 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:9:p:1754-1769 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Antonios Vlassis Author-X-Name-First: Antonios Author-X-Name-Last: Vlassis Title: Culture in the post-2015 development agenda: the anatomy of an international mobilisation Abstract: Throughout 2012–15 several actors were advocating that culture be explicitly integrated within the post-2015 UN development agenda. My article offers an anatomy of the recent international mobilisation in order to understand the cleavages and the contrasting visions. In doing so, it seeks to analyse the policy process through which the agenda is made, why and how a critical mass of actors is attempting to embrace the inclusion of culture in the post-2015 agenda and the political reactions vis-à-vis this mobilisation. The article argues, on the one hand, that the promotion of culture in the post-2015 agenda is largely based on UNESCO’s will to advance its policy agenda and enhance its position within the UN system and, on the other hand, that this mobilisation lacks political support from the most influential governments; therefore its chances of success are more than contingent. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1649-1662 Issue: 9 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1052064 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1052064 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:9:p:1649-1662 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ilan Kapoor Author-X-Name-First: Ilan Author-X-Name-Last: Kapoor Title: The queer Third World Abstract: This article attempts to align ‘queer’ and ‘Third World’ – grouping them in their common inheritance of subjugation and disparagement and their shared allegiance to non-alignment and a politics aimed at disrupting domination and the status quo. In assembling both terms one is struck by how, in the mainstream discourse of international development, the Third World comes off looking remarkably queer: under Western eyes it has often been constructed as perverse, abnormal and passive. Its sociocultural values and institutions are seen as deviantly strange – backward, effete, even effeminate. Its economic development is depicted as abnormal, always needing to emulate the West, yet never living up to the mark (‘emerging’ perhaps, but never quite arriving). For their part, postcolonial Third World nation-states have tended to disown and purge such queering – by denying their queerness; indeed often characterising it as a ‘Western import’ – yet at the same time imitating the West and pursuing neoliberal capitalist growth. I want not only to make the claim that the Western and Third World stances are two sides of the same discourse but, drawing on Lacanian queer theory, also to suggest that a ‘queer Third World’ would better transgress this discourse by embracing queerness as the site of structural negativity and destabilising politics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1611-1628 Issue: 9 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1058148 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1058148 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:9:p:1611-1628 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rebecca Richards Author-X-Name-First: Rebecca Author-X-Name-Last: Richards Author-Name: Robert Smith Author-X-Name-First: Robert Author-X-Name-Last: Smith Title: Playing in the sandbox: state building in the space of non-recognition Abstract: For unrecognised states in the international system recognition of sovereign statehood is the ultimate goal. Not being ‘a state’ means being excluded from global networks. However, even in the most basic definitions and criteria for unrecognised states there is a period of relative autonomy accorded due to non-recognition. This is a period when political actors can use isolation to establish the state’s narrative, identity and structure. It is this period that provides the foundations for external interaction. It is in this period that the state is born. This article examines another side to the politics of recognition: the politics of non-recognition. Drawing on the contemporary examples of Somaliland and Kurdistan, the article assesses the benefits as well as the costs of non-recognition. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1717-1735 Issue: 9 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1058149 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1058149 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:9:p:1717-1735 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Giulia Piccolino Author-X-Name-First: Giulia Author-X-Name-Last: Piccolino Title: Winning wars, building (illiberal) peace? The rise (and possible fall) of a victor’s peace in Rwanda and Sri Lanka Abstract: The literature on peacebuilding dedicates very little space, empirically and theoretically, to countries that are emerging from a war waged to a decisive outcome. This review essay looks at Sri Lanka and Rwanda, two countries where a victorious leadership has led the process of post-conflict reconstruction, largely by employing illiberal means. It looks at the effect of decisive war on statebuilding and at the role of local agency and illiberal practices in a post-victory context. It concludes by assessing the global significance and long-term sustainability of post-victory illiberal statebuilding. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1770-1785 Issue: 9 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1058150 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1058150 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:9:p:1770-1785 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anthony W. Pereira Author-X-Name-First: Anthony W. Author-X-Name-Last: Pereira Title: and democracy in Brazil Abstract: The conditional cash transfer (CCT) programme Bolsa Família (Family Allowance), introduced in Brazil in 2003, is one of the largest such programmes in the world. Bolsa Família has played a role in the recent reduction of poverty and income inequality in Brazil. But what has been its impact on democracy? An assumption in the literature on social policy, derived from the European experience, is that targeted programmes such as Bolsa Família divide citizens, erode trust between citizens and between citizens and the state, and weaken democracy. This article challenges that assumption, showing that there is considerable evidence that Bolsa Família has strengthened the citizenship rights of the poor and enhanced democracy. The Brazilian experience suggests that, in highly unequal developing countries under conditions of 21st-century capitalism, the argument that targeted social programmes will inevitably undermine democracy is incorrect. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1682-1699 Issue: 9 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1059730 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1059730 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:9:p:1682-1699 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Zakia Shiraz Author-X-Name-First: Zakia Author-X-Name-Last: Shiraz Title: Drugs and Dirty Wars: intelligence cooperation in the global South Abstract: Intelligence is a subject dominated by an Anglospheric lexicon. Little is known of intelligence in the global South, still less of intelligence cooperation. Since 9/11 Western democracies have sought to intensify their intelligence alliances across the world in the Middle East, Latin America, Africa and Asia as part of a US-led ‘war on terror’. However, the conceptualisation of intelligence and the nature of secret service cooperation—often referred to as ‘liaison’—remains dominated by concepts derived from Western technocratic Cold War surveillance. This article calls for a re-examination of intelligence cooperation based on activity ‘beyond the Anglosphere’. It attempts to redefine what intelligence is in the global South and explores the texture of South–South cooperation using Latin American examples. It offers an alternative model of intelligence liaison focused on opportunistic cooperation in the context of drugs and dirty wars. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1749-1766 Issue: 10 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.851886 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.851886 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:10:p:1749-1766 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Navid Pourmokhtari Author-X-Name-First: Navid Author-X-Name-Last: Pourmokhtari Title: A Postcolonial Critique of State Sovereignty in : the contradictory legacy of a ‘West-centric’ discipline Abstract: This paper presents a postcolonial critique of state sovereignty as it is understood in ir. It is argued that the colonial relation between Orient and Occident has informed the development and practice of sovereignty. The Orient has been on the losing end of this relationship, as its experiences, trajectories and sociocultural and political life have been reduced to a set of homogeneous deficiencies. The result has been to consign it to a zone of ‘Otherness’, wherein sovereignty has become synonymous with inferiority and difference vis-à-vis the Occident. In demonstrating that ir has been dominated by a Western intellectual tradition that privileges the concept of sovereignty, I will critically question the epistemological privileging of the West, and in particular of Europe, as a source of knowledge regarding state sovereignty and interrogate how the East–West dichotomies—eg civilised–uncivilised, modern–traditional, democratic–undemocratic—that underpin ir studies make the practice of sovereignty a ‘conditional’ virtue for non-Western states, in both theory and practice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1767-1793 Issue: 10 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.851888 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.851888 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:10:p:1767-1793 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jan Van Ballegooijen Author-X-Name-First: Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Van Ballegooijen Author-Name: Roberto Rocco Author-X-Name-First: Roberto Author-X-Name-Last: Rocco Title: The Ideologies of Informality: informal urbanisation in the architectural and planning discourses Abstract: This paper discusses how urban informality in the developing world has been understood in the West, and how it has been incorporated in the discourse of urban architects and planners in the developed world. It proposes a genealogy of this understanding through the identification of discourses with major ideological currents. It explains the evolution of the relationship between the understanding of urban informality and anarchism; the empowerment of the urban poor and finally the role of this understanding as a neoliberal discourse against state intervention. It finds that, although the incorporation of urban informality in urban architectural discourses is presented as a relative novelty, it is in reality at least 60 years old, dating from John Turner’s writings about the barriadas of Lima. From a progressive and empowering understanding of how the grassroots are able to take their lives into their own hands, it has become a tool for neoliberal discourses defending the dismissal of the state as a valid articulator of urban development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1794-1810 Issue: 10 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.851890 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.851890 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:10:p:1794-1810 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christian Bueger Author-X-Name-First: Christian Author-X-Name-Last: Bueger Title: Practice, Pirates and Coast Guards: the grand narrative of Somali piracy Abstract: In this article I develop a practice–theoretical account to provide the first systematic investigation of the justification of Somali piracy. Arguing for an understanding of piracy as a ‘community of practice’, I show how this community is organised by a ‘grand narrative’ that projects piracy as a quasi-state practice of the protection of sovereignty against foreign intruders. Paying attention to narrative provides an explanation for the persistence of piracy and assists us in understanding the phenomenon. Relying on publicly available interviews with pirates, I deconstruct this grand narrative and detail the different functions of the narrative in the light of situations in which it is told. The article develops an alternative perspective on piracy based on the study of practice, narrative and situation that provides new avenues for the study of clandestine, illicit or violent practices. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1811-1827 Issue: 10 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.851896 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.851896 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:10:p:1811-1827 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gorm Rye Olsen Author-X-Name-First: Gorm Rye Author-X-Name-Last: Olsen Title: Whole-of-Government Approaches to Fragile States in Africa Abstract: For a number of years fragile states have been high on the foreign policy agendas of the USA and the EU. Both actors look upon fragile states with great concern and consider them as security threats. Officially they give priority to ‘whole-of-government approaches’ (wga) when addressing the threats from these states. However, there is a gap between the policy declarations and the policies implemented by the two actors. The missing link in the implementation of wga in Africa is explained by two variables: on the one hand, material interests in the continent and, on the other hand, the institutions in Washington and Brussels involved in policy making. It is the lack of a strong foreign policy priority for Africa that explains the inadequate US implementation of wga. In the case of the EU, it is the multitude of institutions and institutional interests that explains the lack of implementation, rather than a lack of European interests in the fragile states on continent. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1828-1842 Issue: 10 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.851898 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.851898 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:10:p:1828-1842 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Simon Mabon Author-X-Name-First: Simon Author-X-Name-Last: Mabon Title: Aiding Revolution? Wikileaks, communication and the ‘Arab Spring’ in Egypt Abstract: This article explores the role of external actors in facilitating the uprisings in Egypt that have become known as the Arab Spring. It analyses several of the diplomatic cables released by the Wikileaks organisation that possess an Egypt focus. The article suggests that while the cables did not make surprising revelations to Egyptians, the release of this information offered a source of external legitimacy for the protesters by detailing a history of oppression and human rights abuses; conversely, the cables delegitimised the Mubarak regime. The data were then spread via different channels of communication to aid the protest movements both internally and externally. The article concludes by suggesting that while this information was incredibly important, as were the channels of communication used to facilitate events and spread the information, one must be careful not to diminish the importance of agency. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1843-1857 Issue: 10 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.851901 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.851901 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:10:p:1843-1857 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adam Simpson Author-X-Name-First: Adam Author-X-Name-Last: Simpson Author-Name: Susan Park Author-X-Name-First: Susan Author-X-Name-Last: Park Title: The Asian Development Bank as a Global Risk Regulator in Myanmar Abstract: The Asian Development Bank (adb) is engaged in development projects throughout the Greater Mekong Subregion, although for most of the past two decades it has boycotted Myanmar (Burma) because of donor government sanctions. Despite being criticised for its neoliberal focus and its lack of transparency and accountability, the adb’s operations compare favourably to those of the Myanmar government and many transnational corporations constructing and financing projects there. This article engages with the concept of risk, which increasingly frames how development in fragile states like Myanmar is understood, to critically analyse the adb’s nascent re-engagement in Myanmar according to the risks this poses for five constituencies: the adb itself; donor states; the Myanmar government and military; private capital; and marginalised communities. While deeper engagement in Myanmar poses different risks for each group, critical analysis suggests that the adb must increase the genuine participation of civil society actors in its activities to address the most significant risks of all, those facing marginalised communities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1858-1871 Issue: 10 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.851911 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.851911 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:10:p:1858-1871 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Catherine Locke Author-X-Name-First: Catherine Author-X-Name-Last: Locke Author-Name: Janet Seeley Author-X-Name-First: Janet Author-X-Name-Last: Seeley Author-Name: Nitya Rao Author-X-Name-First: Nitya Author-X-Name-Last: Rao Title: Migration, Reconfigurations of Family Relations and Social (In)Security: an introduction Abstract: This introduction reviews the contributions this collection of articles makes to understanding migration, social reproduction and social protection. Migration necessarily involves reconfigurations of family relations and these entail changes in the patterning of social (in)security. Our expansive interpretation of the concepts of social reproduction and social protection situate the reorganisation of gendered family lives as integral to the migration–development nexus. Life-course thinking informs analysis of how migrants ‘do family’ and what this means for gender, identity and (in)security. The collection explores how ‘care deficits’ are managed, both discursively through the negotiation of gendered ideologies about gender identity and the family, and through the everyday practice of social reproduction. The resulting reorganisation of social security involves taking on new risks and vulnerabilities for migrants and their families. For both internal and international migrants the challenges involved in securing social reproduction are powerfully shaped by welfare and migratory regimes and raise important questions about the relationship between social protection and broader social policy and citizenship issues. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1872-1880 Issue: 10 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.851933 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.851933 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:10:p:1872-1880 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Catherine Locke Author-X-Name-First: Catherine Author-X-Name-Last: Locke Author-Name: Janet Seeley Author-X-Name-First: Janet Author-X-Name-Last: Seeley Author-Name: Nitya Rao Author-X-Name-First: Nitya Author-X-Name-Last: Rao Title: Migration and Social Reproduction at Critical Junctures in Family Life Course Abstract: This review paper focuses on low-income migrants in (or from) developing countries and their social reproduction, and asks what this means for their social protection. We focus on the recognition that migration involves (re)negotiations of social reproduction by migrants and their families. These renegotiations are heavily inflected with gendered power relations in ways that are specific to individual and family life course. As such, migration involves taking on new risks and dynamic vulnerabilities in sustaining everyday and intergenerational social reproduction. These are sharpened by the increasing feminisation of migration flows and obstructed by wider changes in social provisioning and exclusionary citizenship regimes. The resulting social protection challenges unfold over lifetimes, and are especially marked at critical periods of transition. Life-course thinking has the potential to theoretically integrate emerging insights from rich empirical studies; doing this supports the rationale for revaluing the importance of social reproduction within debates about migration and social protection. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1881-1895 Issue: 10 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.851948 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.851948 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:10:p:1881-1895 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roy Huijsmans Author-X-Name-First: Roy Author-X-Name-Last: Huijsmans Title: ‘Doing Gendered Age’: older mothers and migrant daughters negotiating care work in rural Lao PDR and Thailand Abstract: In this article I analyse the reconfiguration of the intersection of relations of gender and age manifesting between older mothers and their migrant daughters. For this I study the negotiation of care work between differently positioned women, drawing on material from Lao PDR and Thailand. Theoretically I draw on the constructivist notion of ‘doing gendered age’, which allows us to integrate the performance of gender–age subject positions with structural changes, most notably the generational dynamics of rural transformation, an expanding neoliberal labour market and demographic transition. I conclude that gender–age subject positions hold women accountable for ‘doing gendered age’ in a particular manner. This forms an important basis for informal mechanisms of social protection. However, these subject positions are neither pre-given nor voluntary but are enacted through everyday social interaction and subject to change. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1896-1910 Issue: 10 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.851952 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.851952 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:10:p:1896-1910 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rosa Mas Giralt Author-X-Name-First: Rosa Author-X-Name-Last: Mas Giralt Title: Negotiating Ethnic Recognition Systems in the UK: the soft pan-ethnic identifications of Latin American migrants in the north of England Abstract: Despite aiming to provide minority ethnic groups with material equality and protection from discrimination, the British ethno-cultural system of recognition has perpetuated social differentiation which is difficult to transcend. Drawing from interviews with informants and 10 in-depth case studies with Latin American and Latino-British families in the Yorkshire and Greater Manchester regions of the north of England, the paper explores the fraught relationship between these migrants and their multicultural framework of incorporation. Significant here are the contested understandings of the Latin American collective identity, combined with the diversity of migration trajectories, socioeconomic backgrounds and life-course needs of migrants and their children, which contribute to soft pan-ethnic identifications among the participant population. It is argued that, by encouraging migrants and their descendants to seek recognition through absolute ethnic differences, multicultural recognition systems can reproduce colonial categories and fail to respond to the diverse social and life-course needs of migrants. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1911-1926 Issue: 10 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.851955 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.851955 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:10:p:1911-1926 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Brenda SA Yeoh Author-X-Name-First: Brenda SA Author-X-Name-Last: Yeoh Author-Name: Heng Leng Chee Author-X-Name-First: Heng Leng Author-X-Name-Last: Chee Author-Name: Grace HY Baey Author-X-Name-First: Grace HY Author-X-Name-Last: Baey Title: The Place of Vietnamese Marriage Migrants in Singapore: social reproduction, social ‘problems’ and social protection Abstract: While the literature on ‘global care chains’ has focused on the international transfer of paid reproductive labour in the form of domestic service and care work, a parallel trend takes the form of women marriage migrants, who perform unpaid labour to maintain households and reproduce the next generation. Drawing on our work with commercially matched Vietnamese marriage migrants in Singapore, we analyse the existing immigration–citizenship regime to examine how these marriage migrants are positioned within the family and nation-state as dependants of Singaporean men with no rights to work, residency or citizenship of their own. Incipient discussions on marriage migrants in civil society discourse have tended to follow a ‘social problems’ template, requiring legislative support and service provisioning to assist vulnerable women. We argue for the need to adopt an expansive approach to social protection issues, depending not on any one single source—the state, civil society and the family—but on government action to ensure that these complement one another and strengthen safety nets for the marriage migrant. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1927-1941 Issue: 10 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.851959 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.851959 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:10:p:1927-1941 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Editorial Board Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: ebi-ebi Issue: 10 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.871465 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.871465 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:10:p:ebi-ebi Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Malreddy Kumar Author-X-Name-First: Malreddy Author-X-Name-Last: Kumar Title: (An)other Way of Being Human: ‘indigenous’ alternative(s) to postcolonial humanism Abstract: This essay articulates the ways in which the Indigenous People's Movement leading to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of the Indigenous Peoples (2007) succeeds in what postcolonial theory has conventionally set out to emancipate, but has failed to do. Postcolonial theory challenges all eurocentric and liberal humanist discourses on rights which place the Western subject as the ideal subject figure of all histories and societies, and appeals for a language that would articulate other ways of being human and humanist. Yet recent trends in postcolonial theory have come to embrace the language of cosmopolitanism and humanism as viable alternatives for a postcolonial future. Drawing upon the principle thematic of the UN Declaration on the Rights of the Indigenous Peoples, the article suggests that the Declaration provides an alternative to postcolonial theory's revisionist humanism—the re-cognition of difference. As part of the international legal discourse, the Declaration is particularly noted for its political victory in the legitimisation of collective rights in postcolonial societies. Furthermore, as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) remains an integral part of the collective rights of the Indigenous Peoples, the article suggests that the Indigenous People's Movement succeeds in negotiating a language that would legitimise other ways of being human without being adversarial or antithetical to euro-humanism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1557-1572 Issue: 9 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.618624 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.618624 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:9:p:1557-1572 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Anderson Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Anderson Title: Conservative Christianity, the Global South and the Battle over Sexual Orientation Abstract: This article explores conservative Christian contributions to debates over sexual orientation, focusing in particular on the way in which Northern Christians struggling to win their battles at home look to the global South for allies and support. This is made easier by the fact that global Christianity is once more overwhelmingly a Southern religion that generally adheres to traditionalist understandings in the sphere of sexual relations. The article looks at how this has played out at church, state and international levels by examining the conflicts over sexuality within the Anglican Communion, the domestic and international debates about the controversial Ugandan draft law on homosexuality, and discussions about sexual orientation in UN institutions. It concludes by rejecting simplistic suggestions that these are part of a one-way process, in which Northern conservatives use their counterparts in the global South to promote their own agendas. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1589-1605 Issue: 9 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.618648 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.618648 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:9:p:1589-1605 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michael Gunter Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Gunter Title: Arab–Kurdish Relations and the Future of Iraq Abstract: The Iraqi Kurds now not only possess their most powerful regional government since the creation of Iraq following World War I (the Kurdistan Regional Government—krg), but also play a prominent role in the Iraqi government in Baghdad, holding the posts of president, foreign minister and several other cabinet positions. After a great deal of wrangling, the Kurds managed to maintain their strong position in al-Maliki's new Baghdad government finally cobbled together in December 2010. This dual governmental role stood in marked contrast to the situation that existed before the events of 1991 and 2003, when the Kurds were treated as second class citizens and worse. The ultimate question is for how long this unique Kurdish position of strength will last. Many Arabs still resent the Kurdish claims to autonomy as a challenge to the Arab patrimony and see a federal state for the Iraqi Kurds within Iraq as simply a prelude to secession forced upon the Arabs at a moment of temporary weakness following the war in 2003. When will the Iraqi Arabs organise themselves and start trying to reduce the power of the Kurds again? This paper will analyse this developing situation and tentatively conclude that the two sides are most likely to continue to coexist in a troublesome but peaceful relationship. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1623-1635 Issue: 9 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.618649 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.618649 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:9:p:1623-1635 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Neil Burron Author-X-Name-First: Neil Author-X-Name-Last: Burron Title: Curbing ‘Anti-Systemic’ Tendencies in Peru: democracy promotion and the US contribution to producing neoliberal hegemony Abstract: Critical scholars and investigative journalists have developed a significant body of evidence demonstrating how US democracy assistance programmes undermine left and centre-left governments in Latin America. This article draws upon original research to examine how democracy promotion has sought to stabilise neoliberal polyarchy in Peru, a longtime regional ally of the US. It contributes to a neo-Gramsican theorisation of democracy programmes by examining how ‘soft’ tactics have contributed to the state's efforts at creating an inclusive neoliberal social order, a project which has ultimately failed. Particular attention is paid to the way in which US programmes were configured and carried out to respond to the rise of the ‘anti-systemic’ Peruvian nationalist party of Ollanta Humala, who won the recent presidential elections in June 2011. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1655-1672 Issue: 9 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.618651 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.618651 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:9:p:1655-1672 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mark Lacy Author-X-Name-First: Mark Author-X-Name-Last: Lacy Title: Intellectuals, International Relations and the Constant Emergency Abstract: In this essay, I return to Hans Morgenthau's and Hannah Arendt's writings on the Vietnam war and US foreign policy, which explored questions of bureaucracy, technology, emergency. On one level the essays they wrote illustrate the extent to which the discipline of International Relations (IR) has now caught up with the analyses of politics and war that they were developing in the 1960s and 1970s. We begin to see how lines of thought in Morgenthau's writing connect directly with the work of a younger generation of scholars interested in the work of intellectuals like Giorgio Agamben on the dangers of a security-obsessed politics in a ‘state of emergency’ or ‘state of exception’, or how Arendt's and Morgenthau's work on bureaucracy and war is explored in contemporary work; from a pedagogical perspective, drawing out these connections creates the possibility of a different, potentially more subversive, way of introducing students to the discipline of ir. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1673-1690 Issue: 9 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.618652 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.618652 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:9:p:1673-1690 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ali Usul Author-X-Name-First: Ali Author-X-Name-Last: Usul Title: Academia and the Legitimising of International Politics: studies of democratisation and world politics Abstract: This article aims to highlight the connection between academic studies and international politics and to provide an academic justification of foreign policies with particular reference to the case of democratisation studies. It embodies a two-way relationship. On the one hand, the conjunctures of international politics influence the nature of academic studies in the discipline of Political Science; on the other hand, academic studies may sometimes be employed as sources of legitimisation of the foreign policies of states. The article discusses these connections, providing particular examples of academic studies of the democratisation process during the Cold War and the post-cold war era. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1691-1702 Issue: 9 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.618655 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.618655 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:9:p:1691-1702 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Milja Kurki Author-X-Name-First: Milja Author-X-Name-Last: Kurki Title: Human Rights and Democracy Promotion: reflections on the contestation in, and the politico-economic dynamics of, rights promotion Abstract: This contribution seeks to engender more nuanced reflection on the role of human rights advocacy and specifically its role in democracy promotion. The two agendas have been seen as conjoined and harmonious by most aid donors; yet, interestingly and perceptively, some commentators have recently criticised the notion that they are agendas that are straightforwardly compatible or coherent. I examine here from a theoretical perspective the plausibility and the consequences of the claim that the two agendas share a more complex and controversial relationship than is often assumed. Specifically, I seek to highlight the importance of paying attention to the possibility that rights themselves are inherently ‘contradictory’ in nature and that therein lies their contribution to the democratisation agenda. Indeed, by drawing on Samuel Bowles's and Herbert Gintis's view of rights claims as ‘clashing’ and ‘politico-economically’ grounded, the aim of this article is to argue for a more politicised and openly contradiction-accepting approach to rights and democracy promotion. I contextualise this (theoretically motivated but practically consequential) argument in the context of the EU's human rights and democracy promotion policies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1573-1587 Issue: 9 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.619848 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.619848 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:9:p:1573-1587 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Amrita Narlikar Author-X-Name-First: Amrita Author-X-Name-Last: Narlikar Title: Is India a Responsible Great Power? Abstract: To what extent does rising responsibility accompany rising power in international relations? This article focuses on India to address the question: is a responsible great power in the making? Following a brief theoretical discussion on the notion of responsibility and its relationship to rising power, the article offers an empirical overview of India's achievements thus far, and also the international and domestic challenges that it faces today. It argues that despite the attempts by observers to thrust greatness upon India, the country is yet to achieve greatness. The article further illustrates that India's record of assuming global responsibility has been lacklustre at best. A central argument of the article is that India's reluctance to share the burden of providing global public goods is inseparably bound with the nature of its rise to power. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1607-1621 Issue: 9 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.619880 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.619880 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:9:p:1607-1621 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julien Mercille Author-X-Name-First: Julien Author-X-Name-Last: Mercille Title: Violent Narco-Cartels or US Hegemony? The political economy of the ‘war on drugs’ in Mexico Abstract: Mainstream analysis and commentary on drug trafficking and related violence in Mexico focuses overwhelmingly on the narco-cartels as sources of the problem and presents the US as a well intentioned player helping to conduct a ‘war on drugs’ out of concern for addiction, crime and violence. This article offers an alternative interpretation, grounded in critical political economy, showing that in addition to fuelling the narcotics industry in Mexico thanks to its large drug consumption and loose firearms regulations, the US shares much responsibility for its expansion thanks to its record of support for some of the main players in the drugs trade, such as the Mexican government and military, and by implementing neoliberal reforms that have increased the size of the narcotics industry. The war on drugs has served as a pretext to intervene in Mexican affairs and to protect US hegemonic projects such as nafta, rather than as a genuine attack on drug problems. In particular, the drugs war has been used repeatedly to repress dissent and popular opposition to neoliberal policies in Mexico. Finally, US banks have increased their profits by laundering drug money from Mexico and elsewhere; the failure to implement tighter regulations testifies to the power of the financial community in the US. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1637-1653 Issue: 9 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.619881 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.619881 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:9:p:1637-1653 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Eve Bratman Author-X-Name-First: Eve Author-X-Name-Last: Bratman Title: Development's Paradox: is Washington DC a Third World city? Abstract: This article examines an urban centre in the heart of the First World through a critical development lens. It contends that traits of the Third World entail certain characteristics which remain consequential as axes of analysis for a variety of economic, political and geographic settings, including new applications in contexts that are typically excluded from the focus of international development practice and scholarship. The article discusses characteristics of ‘third worldality’ in relation to Washington DC. It posits that, despite being emblematic as a power centre, the city exhibits many of the characteristics of a Third World city. Highlighting disenfranchisement, socioeconomic inequality, and environmental health issues, the article reveals a paradox: underdevelopment in the heart of the ‘developed’ world. The article calls for greater recognition of the paradoxes of development theory and practice so as to confront persistent problems of orientalism and lack of self-reflexivity in the field of international development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1541-1556 Issue: 9 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.620349 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.620349 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:9:p:1541-1556 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andy Sumner Author-X-Name-First: Andy Author-X-Name-Last: Sumner Title: Poverty, Politics and Aid: is a reframing of global poverty approaching? Abstract: This paper argues that a significant reframing of global poverty is likely to emerge in the next decade as world poverty becomes less about the transfer of aid and more about domestic distribution and thus domestic politics. This proposition is based on a discussion of the shift of much of global poverty towards middle-income countries. There are questions arising related to how countries are classified and to administrative capacities, as well as to domestic political economy, but it is argued that many of the world’s extreme poor already live in countries where the total cost of ending extreme and even moderate poverty is not prohibitively high as a percentage of gdp. By 2020, even on fairly conservative estimates, most of world poverty may be in countries that do have the domestic financial resources to end at least extreme poverty; this could imply a reframing of global poverty. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 357-377 Issue: 3 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.784593 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.784593 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:3:p:357-377 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rhys Jenkins Author-X-Name-First: Rhys Author-X-Name-Last: Jenkins Author-Name: Peter Newell Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Newell Title: , Tax and Development Abstract: This article explores and critically examines the connections between tax and development on the one hand and tax and corporate social responsibility (csr) on the other. It does so because, while there is increasing recognition of the importance of taxation to efforts to resource the state and to finance ways of tackling poverty, there is a surprising lack of attention to tax avoidance and evasion as a csr issue for transnational corporations operating in the South, even among those companies that pride themselves on being csr leaders. We review evidence of these trends, provide an empirical analysis of how leading firms deal with tax in their corporate reporting and make the case for including taxation as a new frontier in progressive csr. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 378-396 Issue: 3 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.784596 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.784596 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:3:p:378-396 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jonathan Harwood Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan Author-X-Name-Last: Harwood Title: Has the Green Revolution been a Cumulative Learning Process? Abstract: Most members of the development community take for granted that policy should be evidence-based. Accordingly declarations of the need to ‘learn the lessons of history’ are a commonplace in the literature. At the same time there are also indications that this task is not usually taken very seriously in policy formulation. Summarising the history of peasant-friendly plant breeding from Central Europe around 1900 to the global South today, this paper argues that attempts to assist smallholder agriculture since 1945 have repeatedly failed to take into account the success or failure of earlier approaches. The evidence suggests that this neglect has been the result less of ignorance of past experience than of indifference toward it. The paper concludes by briefly considering possible reasons for this. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 397-404 Issue: 3 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.784599 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.784599 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:3:p:397-404 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tobias Denskus Author-X-Name-First: Tobias Author-X-Name-Last: Denskus Author-Name: Daniel Esser Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Esser Title: Social Media and Global Development Rituals: a content analysis of blogs and tweets on the 2010 Summit Abstract: Social media content generated by web logs (‘blogs’) and Twitter messages (‘tweets’) constitute new types of data that can help us better understand the reproduction of global rituals in the context of international development policies and practice. Investigating the United Nations High-level Plenary Meeting of the General Assembly on the Millennium Development Goals (mdgs), a three-day event held at UN Headquarters in New York in 2010, as a case study, we examine a sample of 108 blog entries discussing the meeting, as well as 3007 related tweets. We find that topics receiving the densest coverage mirrored existing priorities as defined by the mdgs. Although most blog entries created content which, in contrast to tweets, went beyond spreading mere factual or referential information on the event and even included some critical commentary, sustained debates did not emerge. Our findings suggest that social media content accompanying the Summit reproduced global development rituals and thus failed to catalyse alternative priorities for and approaches to international development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 405-422 Issue: 3 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.784607 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.784607 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:3:p:405-422 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roberto Roccu Author-X-Name-First: Roberto Author-X-Name-Last: Roccu Title: David Harvey in Tahrir Square: the dispossessed, the discontented and the Egyptian revolution Abstract: Starting from the empirical distinction between ‘discontented’ and ‘dispossessed’ created by processes of accumulation by dispossession necessary for neoliberalism to succeed, this paper suggests how the broader historical–geographical framework developed by David Harvey helps us make sense of the 2011 Egyptian revolution. The paper focuses on the underlying tension between the ever more frequent encroachments of ‘the molecular processes of capital accumulation in space and time’ within the political sphere and the persisting relevance of forms of territorial government and governance for the success of capital accumulation itself. This seeming contradiction allows us to account both for the penetration of neoliberalism in Egypt and for the different forms of hybridisation and domestication that accompanied it. It suggests that, by looking at the social consequences of neoliberalism, one can see a sharp class polarisation, with the emergence of both a private capitalist oligarchy and embryonic forms of alliance between the dispossessed and the discontented, which had a central role in the 2011 revolution. This perspective also permits us to go beyond the dominant liberal narrative of the Arab Spring focusing on demands for freedom (horreya) and democracy (dimuqratya), recovering the neglected yet vital dimension of social justice (‘adala igtimaya). Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 423-440 Issue: 3 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.785338 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.785338 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:3:p:423-440 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michael Gunter Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Gunter Title: The Kurdish Spring Abstract: The purpose of this article is to survey the Kurdish Spring (demands for meaningful democracy along with cultural, social, and political rights and their immediate implementation) that has occurred in the aftermath of the much better known Arab Spring which began in late 2010. To this end it analyses the situation in Turkey, Iraq and Syria. In Turkey the failure of the government’s much heralded Kurdish Opening and the prospects for its renewal are investigated. This includes the continuing kck arrests and sentencings that seem more a war on dissent than on terror. In Iraq the rise of the Gorran Party, anti-government demonstrations which occurred in 2011, and Kurdistan Regional Government (krg) president Massoud Barzani’s recent hints that the krg will declare independence are discussed. The failure to agree on a hydrocarbons law and on a boundary for the krg are two major reasons for Barzani’s position. For Syria the article analyses the assassination of Mishaal Tammo in October 2011 and the rise of the pkk-affiliated pyd against the background of Syria suddenly becoming a major factor in the Kurdish Spring. Iran’s relative quiescence will also be noted. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 441-457 Issue: 3 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.785339 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.785339 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:3:p:441-457 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sanjeev Kumar Author-X-Name-First: Sanjeev Author-X-Name-Last: Kumar Title: Constructing the Nation’s Enemy: , popular culture and the Muslim ‘other’ in Bollywood cinema Abstract: This paper aims to investigate how in contemporary India the process of ‘othering’ of the Muslim minority has been the product of politically motivated and manipulated majoritarian cultural assertiveness, reflected in the Hindu right’s clamour to underline the significance of drawing the geographic and cultural boundaries of what its ideologues call the Hindu nation. Situating cinema as a crucial distribution source of popular culture, the paper contends that Bollywood cinema has exhibited an overt bias towards producing films that capitulate to this radical nationalist discourse professed by the Hindutva ideologues. Making a discourse analysis of selected films produced by Bollywood since the 1990s, the premise of this contention is interrogated by examining how Hindi cinema’s portrayal of the image of Muslims has been carried out in a pejorative manner which stems from the strong grounding of its stories in a Hindu majoritarian setting. The paper concludes by arguing that, with such a penchant, Bollywood cinema has actively engaged in the politics of nationalism engendered by the right-wing neo-fundamentalist Hindutva movement. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 458-469 Issue: 3 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.785340 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.785340 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:3:p:458-469 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tanja Müller Author-X-Name-First: Tanja Author-X-Name-Last: Müller Title: The Long Shadow of Band Aid Humanitarianism: revisiting the dynamics between famine and celebrity Abstract: This paper traces the emergence of Band Aid celebrity humanitarianism and its ongoing legacy, making use of Tester’s concept of ‘common-sense humanitarianism’ and Fassin’s reasoning on ‘humanitarian governance’. Using different examples of celebrity engagement during the 1983–85 famine in Ethiopia and the 2011 famine in Somalia, it argues that the, in essence, anti-political understanding of disaster propagated by celebrity humanitarians not only masks the underlying dynamics of power and of social and economic relations that underpin every famine, but at the same time manufactures a truth about ‘Africa’ and other places perceived as destitute. In doing so celebrity humanitarianism more generally legitimises a global hegemonic system characterised by increasing inequalities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 470-484 Issue: 3 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.785342 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.785342 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:3:p:470-484 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mary Mostafanezhad Author-X-Name-First: Mary Author-X-Name-Last: Mostafanezhad Title: ‘Getting in Touch with your Inner Angelina’: celebrity humanitarianism and the cultural politics of gendered generosity in volunteer tourism Abstract: Reporting on the growth of volunteer tourism, a recent Time magazine article explains, ‘Getting in touch with your inner Angelina Jolie is easier than it used to be!’. In myriad ways celebrities like Angelina Jolie and Madonna have made international volunteering sexy. These women and their adopted children from the so-called ‘Third World’ have come to symbolise popular humanitarianism in the West. This paper addresses the cultural politics of female celebrity humanitarianism and the corollary implications of this practice for 20-something female volunteer tourists in northern Thailand. Based on 16 months of ethnographic fieldwork, I argue that the cultural politics of gendered generosity in these encounters overshadows the institutional and historical relationships on which the experience is based and that, in a neoliberal sleight of hand, the political is displaced by the individual with celebrity sheen. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 485-499 Issue: 3 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.785343 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.785343 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:3:p:485-499 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adrian Flint Author-X-Name-First: Adrian Author-X-Name-Last: Flint Author-Name: Jill Payne Author-X-Name-First: Jill Author-X-Name-Last: Payne Title: Intellectual Property Rights and the Potential for Universal Access to Treatment: , and / medicine Abstract: Where hiv/aids is concerned, the twin goals of ‘zero new infections’ and an ‘aids-free generation’ are now, due to advances in treatment (and treatment as prevention), a realistic possibility. However, these goals can only be achieved through the scaling-up of treatment to the point of universal access. It is inevitable that the success of any scaling-up will be predicated on cost, particularly of hiv/aids medicines. This article argues that recent changes in the global intellectual property landscape—effected by way of bilaterally- and plurilaterally-negotiated trade agreements initiated by developed countries—jeopardise the target of universal access. Enhanced protection of international intellectual property rights increasingly poses a threat to the development of, and international trade in, generic medicines. Unless developing countries move to reinvigorate moribund multilateral institutions, particularly the wto, they will lose control of the intellectual property agenda, and thus the ability to impose an alternative vision regarding universal access. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 500-515 Issue: 3 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.785344 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.785344 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:3:p:500-515 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Miranda Forsyth Author-X-Name-First: Miranda Author-X-Name-Last: Forsyth Author-Name: Sue Farran Author-X-Name-First: Sue Author-X-Name-Last: Farran Title: Intellectual Property and Food Security in Least Developed Countries Abstract: This paper analyses the impact of intellectual property laws on food security in Least Developed Countries (LDCs), taking the Pacific Islands countries as an example. It argues that ip laws are increasingly impacting upon food security, but are not being adequately taken into account in national policy development. Consequently, national ip regimes are developing in ways that undermine, rather than promote, food security. The paper argues that the particular context of LDCs, including a lack of technological development and reliance upon traditional agricultural systems, requires an approach to intellectual property that is substantially different from the ‘one size fits all’ approach mandated by the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 516-533 Issue: 3 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.785345 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.785345 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:3:p:516-533 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marcus Taylor Author-X-Name-First: Marcus Author-X-Name-Last: Taylor Title: Who Works for Globalisation? The challenges and possibilities for international labour studies Abstract: This introductory article to the special issue surveys the field of international labour studies and examines the key areas of growth over the past decade. It locates three core areas of the new literature: 1) the social construction of new labour forces across an expanding international division of labour; 2) the self-organising potential of workers, particularly within non-traditional sectors; and 3) the possibilities for transborder labour movements to help address the asymmetrical power relationships between globalised capital and localised labour. It argues that international labour studies as a field needs to make explicit its challenge to mainstream political economy by detailing how struggles over the construction, reproduction, utilisation and restructuring of labour forces are the contested social foundations upon which the global economy stands. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 435-452 Issue: 3 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902742230 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902742230 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:3:p:435-452 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Étienne Cantin Author-X-Name-First: Étienne Author-X-Name-Last: Cantin Title: Modes of Production, Rules for Reproduction and Gender: the fabrication of China's textile manufacturing workforce since the late Empire Abstract: Textile production by rural households has been a major component of political economies in China since at least the late Empire. The petty commodity production of textiles first developed within a pre-capitalist context, marked by the interaction of owner-operator peasant households with a tributary mode of production. Initially petty commodity production led neither to ‘industrialisation’ nor to the replacement of pre-capitalist forms of household-based production. Instead, it continued to be carried out by people as members of households to which they had unbreakable economic obligations, and over whom kin seniors could exercise state-sanctioned patriarchal power to operate gender transfers. As cheap imports of machine-spun cotton yarns threatened to undercut China's domestic textile industry in the late 19th century, capitalist investors began to operate factories employing the rural women who were the first proletarians to manufacture textiles outside the household, and the forebears of China's new working class of internal rural migrants. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 453-468 Issue: 3 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902742255 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902742255 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:3:p:453-468 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Juanita Elias Author-X-Name-First: Juanita Author-X-Name-Last: Elias Title: Gendering Liberalisation and Labour Reform in Malaysia: fostering ‘competitiveness’ in the productive and reproductive economies Abstract: This paper seeks to examine how and why gender needs to be brought into the analysis of state developmentalism in Asia. In doing so, the paper focuses on ongoing processes of labour market and industrial relations reform that have accompanied Malaysia's economic development since the early 1970s. Understanding these reforms from a gender perspective means that we must recognise both the significant contribution that women make to the growth of export manufacturing industries and the role that social relations of reproduction play in underpinning economic reform and transformation. The analysis explores how gendered social relations (of production and reproduction) have been central to the labour politics of Malaysia's state-led developmentalism and how ideas of maintaining ‘competitiveness’ through the attempts to transition to a more knowledge-centred economy have entailed particular roles and responsibilities for women. Attempts to maintain economic competitiveness in Malaysia have rested upon ideas concerning the need to integrate women more fully into the formal labour market and a greater recognition of the contribution of social relations of reproduction to capitalist accumulation. The article discusses some of the tensions and contradictions that have emanated from this policy shift. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 469-483 Issue: 3 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902742263 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902742263 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:3:p:469-483 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Haiyan Wang Author-X-Name-First: Haiyan Author-X-Name-Last: Wang Author-Name: Richard Appelbaum Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Appelbaum Author-Name: Francesca Degiuli Author-X-Name-First: Francesca Author-X-Name-Last: Degiuli Author-Name: Nelson Lichtenstein Author-X-Name-First: Nelson Author-X-Name-Last: Lichtenstein Title: China's New Labour Contract Law: is China moving towards increased power for workers? Abstract: China's new labour law is a significant reform that offers workers greater employment security and income protection. It is a product of both unprecedented industrial unrest as well as the Chinese government's decision to move its economy to a higher-wage, higher-technology future. The law has energised many workers, who are now using the courts and the Communist Party-controlled trade unions to press their claims. But the law has also evoked a sharp reaction from many employers, who have sought to circumvent its purposes in two ways. First, they coerce many employees to resign their posts—thereby forfeiting important seniority claims—and then rehire them as new employees. Second, many labour-intensive manufacturers have begun to shutter their factories and shift production to even lower-wage regions of China or Southeast Asia. Although long an instrument of labour control and intimidation, the All-China Federation of Trade Unions has sought to use the new labour law to win for itself a measure of institutional and ideological legitimacy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 485-501 Issue: 3 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902742271 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902742271 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:3:p:485-501 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Leigh Binford Author-X-Name-First: Leigh Author-X-Name-Last: Binford Title: From Fields of Power to Fields of Sweat: the dual process of constructing temporary migrant labour in Mexico and Canada Abstract: This article examines the social construction of migrant labour forces through an analysis of the exterior and interior conditioning in an agricultural contract labour programme between Mexico and Canada. I argue that forms of exterior conditioning, especially employers' point-of-production control, establishes the context within which migrant workers' experience unfolds, for which reason it contributes to their ‘interior conditioning’. But I argue as well that the result is shaped by workers' employment of a ‘dual frame of reference’ through which they gauge Canadian wages and working conditions the only way they can, which is in relationship to Mexican ones. Given that neoliberal policies have reduced the options available in Mexico, and diminished the attractiveness of those that remain, contract labour in Canada presents one of the few opportunities many poor, rural Mexicans have to acquire the income necessary for a minimally dignified life. Consequently most workers in this programme do everything possible to please their employers and continue in the programme. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 503-517 Issue: 3 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902742297 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902742297 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:3:p:503-517 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ben Selwyn Author-X-Name-First: Ben Author-X-Name-Last: Selwyn Title: Disciplining Capital: export grape production, the state and class dynamics in northeast Brazil Abstract: The globalisation of food and agriculture over the past three decades has entailed the emergence of fresh fruit and vegetable production in new global regions, and the concentration and centralisation of retailer capital and its augmented power vis-à-vis suppliers. Much contemporary literature often assumes (or asserts) that globalisation reduces states' and labour's capacity to bargain with and win concessions from increasingly mobile capital. It is therefore important for empirical studies to investigate the nature of state–capital–labour relations under contemporary globalisation. This article does so by focusing on the emergence, expansion and integration into global retail chains of the São Francisco valley grape branch in northeast Brazil. It investigates the following interconnected processes: the state's role in facilitating and promoting the emergence of the grape branch and in regulating the new labour force; the changing nature of the labour process and workers' bargaining power; and firm strategies of recruiting and retaining workers. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 519-534 Issue: 3 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902742305 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902742305 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:3:p:519-534 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jennifer Jihye Chun Author-X-Name-First: Jennifer Jihye Author-X-Name-Last: Chun Title: Legal Liminality: the gender and labour politics of organising South Korea's irregular workforce Abstract: Irregular employment (bij[ocheck]nggyujik) has become the dominant form of employment in South Korea, with upwards of 70% of women employed in this sector. This transformation has not only affected the demographics of the labour market, but it has also fundamentally reshaped how unions can organise workers and build collective power. In particular, irregular workers are faced with a state of legal liminality in which workers are neither fully protected by nor fully denied the rights of formal employment, resulting in classification struggles over the terms and conditions of irregular employment. Drawing from recent cases, this paper discusses the limits of masculinised forms of labour militancy and the prospects for developing more inclusive forms of unionism across gender and employment status. Interrogating how workers and their collective organisations are challenging the ‘legal liminality’ associated with downgraded forms of irregular employment is crucial for understanding the new dynamics of economic marginality and social exclusion in Korea as well as in the broader global economy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 535-550 Issue: 3 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902742313 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902742313 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:3:p:535-550 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Leung Pak Nang Author-X-Name-First: Leung Pak Author-X-Name-Last: Nang Author-Name: Pun Ngai Author-X-Name-First: Pun Author-X-Name-Last: Ngai Title: The Radicalisation of the New Chinese Working Class: a case study of collective action in the gemstone industry Abstract: The repositioning of China as a ‘ world workshop’ rests upon the nurturing of a new Chinese working class. This article focuses on questions of collective action of migrant workers who are now the major force of a new working class that actively strives to alter its fate through labour struggles. By studying the collective actions of migrant workers in the gemstone industry, we examine a process in which workers' resistance has developed from a single means to multiple means, from single-factory to cross-factory participation, from engaging only in legal action to launching varied collective action. Three primary questions are raised: first, what forms of collective labour action have arisen and what are their mechanisms of mobilisation? Second, how do shop-floor industrial relationships, legal systems and other institutional arrangements shape such collective resistance? Third, how do workers nurture class consciousness through their participation in collective action and, most importantly, how do they make sense of their struggle through a radicalisation process? Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 551-565 Issue: 3 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902742321 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902742321 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:3:p:551-565 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Don Wells Author-X-Name-First: Don Author-X-Name-Last: Wells Title: Local Worker Struggles in the Global South: reconsidering Northern impacts on international labour standards Abstract: The offshoring of production from the global North to the South has been crucial to the ‘race to the bottom’ in global labour standards. The corporate social responsibility (CSR) policies of Northern transnational corporations—particularly their ‘corporate codes of conduct’—have received much attention for their putative function of limiting this race by regulating labour standards in Southern workplaces. Similar attention has been given to campaigns by Northern anti-sweatshop ‘transnational advocacy networks’ (TANs) in promoting enforcement of labour standards in the South. However, evidence suggests that these CSR policies have little effect on labour standards enforcement, and that this ineffectiveness is embedded in structural constraints in the global political economy. Case studies of the role of the anti-sweatshop TANs suggests that, while they have provided important support to local worker struggles in the South, that support is less central than has often been understood. Instead, local workers, their organisations and community allies in the South have played more pivotal roles in this ‘globalisation from below’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 567-579 Issue: 3 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902742339 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902742339 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:3:p:567-579 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gay Seidman Author-X-Name-First: Gay Author-X-Name-Last: Seidman Title: Labouring under an Illusion? Lesotho's ‘sweat-free’ label Abstract: In 2007 Lesotho's apparel manufacturers took a remarkable step: they voted unanimously to adopt a national ‘sweat-free’ strategy, promising to protect and strengthen workers' rights in the tiny, landlocked country. This paper seeks first to explain why manufacturers supported the move, in the context of changing market prospects as well as global pressure from multinational brands and international agencies. The paper then asks whether Lesotho offers a shining example or a cautionary tale for developing countries facing similar dilemmas about how to protect citizens' rights at work. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 581-598 Issue: 3 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902742347 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902742347 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:3:p:581-598 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jeroen Merk Author-X-Name-First: Jeroen Author-X-Name-Last: Merk Title: Jumping Scale and Bridging Space in the Era of Corporate Social Responsibility: cross-border labour struggles in the global garment industry Abstract: Global outsourcing arrangements in the garment industry, and elsewhere, provide one type of company—brands or retailers—with the possibility of distancing themselves from the organisational questions related to (mass) labour processes. By externalising the labour-intensive aspects of production, global sourcing companies no longer have to take responsibility for the majority of workers involved in the process. This has given these companies an opportunity to break out of unionised and established industrial areas with strict institutionalised labour processes, and has undermined traditional strategies that labour has used to protect itself against exploitation, turning the global supply chain into a barrier to organising and collective bargaining. Spatial strategies are by no means exclusive to firms. Workers too can pursue their causes on a broader socio-geographic terrain, a process often referred to as ‘jumping scale’ or ‘bridging space’. Drawing upon concepts derived from social and labour geography, this paper is a critical inquiry into the nature, possibility and limits to cross-border solidarity campaigns in the global garment industry. The paper starts by emphasising that workers remain active participants in a process of contestation that constantly reshapes the dynamics of workplace control and its accompanying power balances and relations. Then we discuss how the increased attention being paid to working conditions by activists, consumers, journalists and branded corporations adds an extra-local dimension to workplace relations, (potentially) restricting management from exercising more despotic forms of labour relations. The final part discusses how the Clean Clothes Campaign's urgent appeal system provides a grassroots-based system to build labour solidarity across space, which may help to regain leverage over capital. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 599-615 Issue: 3 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902742354 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902742354 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:3:p:599-615 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrew Stevens Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Stevens Title: Power, Production and Solidarity: trends in contemporary international labour studies Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 627-633 Issue: 3 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902742370 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902742370 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:3:p:627-633 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ronaldo Munck Author-X-Name-First: Ronaldo Author-X-Name-Last: Munck Title: Afterword: beyond the ‘new’ international labour studies Abstract: The ‘new’ international labour studies set out some 30 years ago to define a new object of study and a new trans-disciplinary methodological approach. How does that project translate into present day concerns with globalisation and labour? The achievements and limitations of this paradigm are surveyed here, taking up many of the insights of this collection and charting some options for the future. I would argue that current attention to gender issues does not seem to be matched by a focus on ‘race’/ethnicity divisions between workers and the increasing impact these might well have. More broadly migration studies should, arguably, be more closely integrated into the new international labour studies. In methodological terms we need to shift from the structuralism of the 1970s to a post-structuralism that will allow us to critically deconstruct mainstream approaches to labour and development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 617-625 Issue: 3 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590902743287 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590902743287 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:3:p:617-625 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michelle A. Munroe Author-X-Name-First: Michelle A. Author-X-Name-Last: Munroe Author-Name: Damion K. Blake Author-X-Name-First: Damion K. Author-X-Name-Last: Blake Title: Governance and disorder: neoliberalism and violent change in Jamaica Abstract: Structural adjustment policies (SAPs) facilitate the hollowing out of the traditional roles performed by states. As a consequence, private entities (some perverse) offer services the state is incapable of or unwilling to provide. Beginning in the 1980s, SAPs plunged neighbourhoods in Latin America and the Caribbean into socioeconomic, and political disorder. This paper assesses the relationship between neoliberal reforms to the Jamaican state and the metamorphosis of violence since the mid-1980s. Neoliberalism transformed violence in Jamaica by increasing inter-gang conflicts, shootings and gang-related murders in Kingston’s garrisons. It also transformed political enforcers into community dons who use violence as a tool for business transactions in the international drug trade, and as a method of gaining local respect and authority. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 580-603 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1188660 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1188660 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:3:p:580-603 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Theodore J. Davis Author-X-Name-First: Theodore J. Author-X-Name-Last: Davis Title: Good governance as a foundation for sustainable human development in sub-Saharan Africa Abstract: Data indicate that good governance and human development continue to be major issues throughout sub-Saharan Africa. The findings show a significant relationship between the measures of good governance and human development. The findings suggest that policies and efforts aimed at improving government effectiveness and political stability would have the most significant impact on human development and poverty reduction efforts. The findings lend support to the adoption of integrated policy approaches that take into consideration political development along with economic development to reduce poverty in sub-Saharan Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 636-654 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1191340 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1191340 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:3:p:636-654 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hany Besada Author-X-Name-First: Hany Author-X-Name-Last: Besada Author-Name: Ben O’Bright Author-X-Name-First: Ben Author-X-Name-Last: O’Bright Title: Maturing Sino–Africa relations Abstract: It is argued that China’s relationship with Africa has transformed into one defined by a dynamism and African agency, thereby lessening the hold the former previously had on Africa in the early days of this evolving alliance. First, the authors will conduct a literature review of historical Sino–African relations, from the early Han dynasty to its contemporary manifestations. The second section will continue with this analysis by focusing exclusively on the status quo of the Sino–African economic relationship, including analysis of trade flows, investments, development, economic cooperation, and Chinese support for regional integration. Finally, this paper will conclude with an elaboration of some key, emerging relationship areas, such as opportunities for China and Africa to collaborate on the achievement of the latter’s Agenda 2063 and African Mining Vision. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 655-677 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1191343 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1191343 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:3:p:655-677 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tsegaye Moreda Author-X-Name-First: Tsegaye Author-X-Name-Last: Moreda Title: Large-scale land acquisitions, state authority and indigenous local communities: insights from Ethiopia Abstract: The convergence of diverse global factors – food price volatility, the increased demand for biofuels and feeds, climate change and the financialisation of commodity markets – has resulted in renewed interest in land resources, leading to a rapid expansion in the scope and scale of (trans)national acquisition of arable land across many developing countries. Much of this land is on peripheral indigenous peoples’ territories and considered a common property resource. Those most threatened are poor rural people with customary tenure systems – including indigenous ethnic minority groups, pastoralists and peasants – who need land most. In Ethiopia large areas have been leased to foreign and domestic capital for large-scale production of food and agrofuels, mainly in lowland regions where the state has historically had limited control. Much of the land offered is classified by the state and other elites as ‘unused’ or ‘underutilised’, overlooking the spatially extensive use of land in shifting cultivation and pastoralism. This threatens the land rights and livelihoods of ethnic minority indigenous communities in these lowlands. This article argues that recent large-scale land acquisitions are part of state strategy for enforcing political authority over territory and people. It examines the implications of such strategy for indigenous ethnic minority groups, focusing particularly on the Benishangul-Gumuz region. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 698-716 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1191941 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1191941 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:3:p:698-716 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Timothy M. Gill Author-X-Name-First: Timothy M. Author-X-Name-Last: Gill Title: Unpacking the world cultural toolkit in socialist Venezuela: national sovereignty, human rights and anti-NGO legislation Abstract: This article examines how the Venezuelan government has discursively justified passing legislation that forbids NGOs that promote political rights from receiving foreign funding. Existing theories of globalisation theory fail to fully explain this phenomenon, including world polity/society and world-systems theories. Instead, I argue that although existing cultural scripts promote the spread of democracy and human rights through NGOs, the Venezuelan government has utilised a discourse of national sovereignty to justify its anti-NGO efforts. I argue that instead of one overarching set of cultural scripts, the world polity/society contains conflicting cultural scripts. In doing so, I develop the concept of the world cultural toolkit in order help us make sense of these contradictory cultural scripts concerning state policy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 621-635 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1199259 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1199259 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:3:p:621-635 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tobias Ide Author-X-Name-First: Tobias Author-X-Name-Last: Ide Title: Space, discourse and environmental peacebuilding Abstract: The concept of environmental peacebuilding is becoming increasingly prominent among peacebuilding scholars and practitioners. This study provides a brief overview about the various discussions contributing to our understanding of environmental peacebuilding and concludes that questions of space have hardly been explicitly considered in these debates. Drawing on discourse-analytic spatial theory, I discuss how the social construction of scale, place and boundaries are relevant for environmental peacebuilding processes and outcomes. This theoretical approach is then applied to the Good Water Neighbours project, which aims at improving the regional water situation and at building peace between Israelis, Palestinians and Jordanians. The results suggest that discursive constructions of space are important in facilitating, impeding or shaping environmental peacebuilding practices. Analyses of environmental peacebuilding, but also of peacebuilding more general, are therefore encouraged to draw more strongly on the findings of spatial theory. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 544-562 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1199261 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1199261 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:3:p:544-562 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Wei Shen Author-X-Name-First: Wei Author-X-Name-Last: Shen Author-Name: Marcus Power Author-X-Name-First: Marcus Author-X-Name-Last: Power Title: Africa and the export of China’s clean energy revolution Abstract: The spectacular scale and speed of China’s domestic renewable energy capacity development and technology catch-up has in recent years been followed by the ‘go out’ of Chinese clean energy technology firms seeking new markets and opportunities in sub-Saharan Africa. This paper explores the growing involvement of China in the development and transfer of renewable energy technologies in Africa and examines the key drivers and obstacles shaping Chinese renewable energy investments and exports. Far from there being some kind of grand or harmonious strategy directed by a single monolithic state, we argue that fragmented and decentralised state apparatuses and quasi-market actors in China are increasingly pursuing their own independent interests and agendas around renewable energy in Africa in ways often marked by conflict, inconsistency and incoherence. Moving beyond the state-centric analysis common in much of the research on contemporary China–Africa relations, we examine the motivations of a range of non-state and quasi-state actors, as well their different perceptions and constructions of risk, policy environments and political stability in recipient countries. The paper explores the case study example of South Africa, where Chinese firms have become increasingly significant in the diffusion of renewable energy technology. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 678-697 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1199262 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1199262 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:3:p:678-697 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julia Maria Schöneberg Author-X-Name-First: Julia Maria Author-X-Name-Last: Schöneberg Title: NGO partnerships in Haiti: clashes of discourse and reality Abstract: This paper analyses the existing and perceived rules and restrictions of the global development dispositif working to maintain inequalities in the interactions of international NGOs (INGOs) and Haitian organisations. It does so by exploring constructions of partnership and their clashing realities. Development organisations and agencies have influenced the fabric of Haitian society and politics not only by their mere presence but also by the rules they impose. The paper identifies positions of power and decision making by drawing on Foucauldian tools of discourse analysis. The analysis is based on empirical fieldwork carried out in Haiti between 2012 and 2014. It identifies a narrative of trickle-down pressures that INGOs draw upon to position themselves as intermediaries in the larger development system. By questioning these narratives, the paper provides the starting point for the development of alternatives that would enable international NGOs to assume a role that supports rather than weakens. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 604-620 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1199946 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1199946 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:3:p:604-620 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Samuel R. Greene Author-X-Name-First: Samuel R. Author-X-Name-Last: Greene Title: Pathological counterinsurgency: the failure of imposing legitimacy in El Salvador, Afghanistan, and Iraq Abstract: Many voices in the US policy community have suggested that El Salvador provided a model for US counterinsurgency operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, based on the unsound contention that elections increased government legitimacy and effectiveness. The same flawed assessments were present in counterinsurgency strategy in Iraq and Afghanistan – unfounded assumptions that elections would increase legitimacy and improve institutional performance and human rights records lead to inaccurate analysis and bad strategy. Indeed, the US experience calls into question the ability of even a great power to impose legitimacy on a partner in order to wage counterinsurgency. Assuming that elections will advance such legitimacy is a dangerous pathology. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 563-579 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1205439 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1205439 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:3:p:563-579 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elizabeth Pisani Author-X-Name-First: Elizabeth Author-X-Name-Last: Pisani Author-Name: Michael Buehler Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Buehler Title: Why do Indonesian politicians promote laws? An analytic framework for Muslim-majority democracies Abstract: Taking the discussion in the existing literature on the adoption of shari’a laws in democratising Muslim-majority countries as a starting point, we posit that there are two broad motivations for democratically-elected politicians to adopt shari’a laws and regulations: ideological conviction on the one hand and response to the expressed or perceived preference of constituents on the other hand. The ‘demand side’ can be further divided into the preferences of individual voters, and the interests of groups which act as power brokers, influencing the voting choices of individual citizens. These groups may be economic, religious, or other actors. These motivations are not mutually exclusive; the passage of a given shari’a regulation may fulfil two or all three of them simultaneously. However, we posit that the interaction between the place, timing, and content of shari’a laws passed in a nation as a whole will vary in various predictable ways, according to the dominant motivations. The dominant motivation may also affect the vigour with which the law is implemented. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 734-752 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1206453 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1206453 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:3:p:734-752 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maja Janmyr Author-X-Name-First: Maja Author-X-Name-Last: Janmyr Title: Human rights and Nubian mobilisation in Egypt: towards recognition of indigeneity Abstract: How are global human rights localised in authoritarian societies? How and what human rights discourses are mobilised by indigenous peoples to further their demands? Building upon original fieldwork among Nubian activists in Egypt, this article explores the complexities regarding human rights framing through a discussion of recognition of Nubian indigeneity. The article finds that the history and political experience of Egypt’s Nubians bring about diverging opinions and also limitations as to how, and what, human rights frameworks rights claimants and their supporters are to employ. It argues that Egyptian nationalism not only affects how Nubian activists mobilise in general, but also helps explain the very limited appeals to a global discourse of human rights. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 717-733 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1206454 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1206454 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:3:p:717-733 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Trevor Parfitt Author-X-Name-First: Trevor Author-X-Name-Last: Parfitt Title: Inhuman development? Technics as enframing or poiesis? Abstract: This paper will examine some of the ways in which development has been influenced by the body of ideas known as techne, or technics. This body of ideas focuses on a central theme that envisages technology broadly defined as developing its own impetus that removes it from the control of human agency and that begins to circumscribe and even control human agency. This can be seen as having various impacts on development, notably a subsumption of any concern for human development to issues concerning process and production of outputs. The paper focuses on the approach of Heidegger as he provides an account that places technology at the centre of human being, whilst helping to distinguish both the negative (enframing) tendencies and the emancipatory (or, as Heidegger might have it, poietic) possibilities of technics. The paper concludes by identifying some of these negative and emancipatory influences in the development context. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 525-543 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1229565 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1229565 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:3:p:525-543 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Joseph Hanlon Author-X-Name-First: Joseph Author-X-Name-Last: Hanlon Title: Following the donor-designed path to Mozambique’s US$2.2 billion secret debt deal Abstract: Strenuous efforts by donors and lenders over four decades turned Mozambique from a socialist success story into a neoliberal capitalist one. The private sector dominates; a domestic elite dependent on foreign companies has been created. But a secret US$2.2 billion arms and fishing boat deal involving Swiss and Russian banks and Mozambican purchases from France, Germany, and Israel, with large profits on all sides, was a step too far down the donor’s capitalist road. The International Monetary Fund cut off its programme and western donors ended budget support. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 753-770 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1241140 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1241140 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:3:p:753-770 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Frédéric Volpi Author-X-Name-First: Frédéric Author-X-Name-Last: Volpi Title: Invoking Political Civility in the Middle East Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 801-806 Issue: 5 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.578952 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.578952 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:5:p:801-806 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Armando Salvatore Author-X-Name-First: Armando Author-X-Name-Last: Salvatore Title: Civility: Between Disciplined Interaction and Local/Translocal Connectedness Abstract: This study explores the question of if and how associative bonds based on violence, control and self-restraint mediated by contractual relationships become institutionalised within societies and discusses the cultural factors that determine this threshold. It investigates the trade-off between formalised forms of interaction that safeguard individual rights and secure state control, and less formal modes of civility that deepen trans-state interconnectedness. It asks whether civility is the result of a global civilising process in the sense highlighted by Norbert Elias, whereby affect control is matched by formal norms guaranteed by legitimate institutions, or whether it is rather the much more complex constellation of specific actualisations of the more general trade-off as just defined. After summarising the current twists of the meaning of civility against the background of liberal and modernist precedents and delineating the alternative patterns of civility within Islamic, especially modern Ottoman, history, the analysis critically interrogates Weber's notion of Verbrüderung as the pre-modern root concept of organised forms of common action, mutual solidarity and civic participation. Finally, it questions whether this idea fits the historic forms of association in the Islamic world, in particular the privileging of a lower threshold of institutionalisation of the associational bond than has traditionally been found in the European experience—and which survives in the current anxieties about resurgent mahalle (neighbourhood) informal governance in the AKP's Turkey. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 807-825 Issue: 5 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.578953 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.578953 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:5:p:807-825 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Frédéric Volpi Author-X-Name-First: Frédéric Author-X-Name-Last: Volpi Title: Framing Civility in the Middle East: alternative perspectives on the state and civil society Abstract: The notion of civility, although commonly invoked in narratives about the Middle East and the Muslim world, fails nonetheless to be adequately framed and investigated in analyses of political change in the region. This contribution confronts this problem by considering, first, how far traditional ‘Western’ notions of civility are relevant to analyses of civility in polities where liberal normativity is not for the most part shared by those individuals and communities involved in everyday civic interactions. It then distinguishes the role that civility is commonly said to play in civil society and, via civil society inthe state-sanctioned framework for a ‘good’ society, from the relevance of civility for society itself. From this perspective the contribution emphasises the importance ofintersubjectivity in the communication of practices of civility, and de-emphasises the primacy of formal liberal norms and values for the recognition of the ‘other’ and the articulation of peaceful societal interactions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 827-843 Issue: 5 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.578954 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.578954 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:5:p:827-843 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Salwa Ismail Author-X-Name-First: Salwa Author-X-Name-Last: Ismail Title: Authoritarian Government, Neoliberalism and Everyday Civilities in Egypt Abstract: This contribution explores how authoritarian governmental practices come to inform everyday civilities—manners and forms of interaction among the subjects of government. With a focus on Egypt it examines how forms of government and rule deployed by the state give rise to particular modes of action, norms of interaction and socio–political dispositions among the citizenry. Central to this analysis is the examination of political subjectivities that develop in regular encounters with the agents and agencies of the state. These subjectivities generate understandings of self in relation to the apparatuses of power—out of intimate knowledge of their workings and of the multiple orders at which they operate. Integral to citizen subjectivities are civilities cultivated in interaction with the state and with fellow subject-citizens. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 845-862 Issue: 5 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.578957 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.578957 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:5:p:845-862 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ewan Stein Author-X-Name-First: Ewan Author-X-Name-Last: Stein Title: An Uncivil Partnership: Egypt's Jama'a Islamiyya and the state after the Abstract: This study will examine the Jama'a Islamiyya (ji) as an example of a group that has, in different ways, tried to shape patterns of civility and position itself as an interface between state and society in Egypt. It charts and offers an explanation for the ji's intellectual and programmatic transition fromaspiring to create a totally new polity based on a Salafi Islamic form of civility to an accommodation with the state and apparently more tolerant posture vis-à-vis society. The study analyses the ji's shifting interpretation of hisba and argues that, although the ji appears reconciled to a more co-operative stance, the group continues to promote an unrealistic vision of state–society relations in Egypt. Whereas before the ‘revisions' the ji proceeded from an idealised conception of the Islamic state and the potential for its realisation in Egypt, its new ideas suggest an equally naive conception of the existing state and its ability to regulate, and police, society. The political and intellectual trajectory of the ji tells us much about the role of societal groups in sustaining authoritarianism in Egypt and suggests that any compact between the ji and a regime like that of Mubarak is likely to remain ‘uncivil’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 863-881 Issue: 5 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.578958 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.578958 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:5:p:863-881 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pedro Marcelino Author-X-Name-First: Pedro Author-X-Name-Last: Marcelino Author-Name: Hermon Farahi Author-X-Name-First: Hermon Author-X-Name-Last: Farahi Title: Transitional African Spaces in Comparative Analysis: inclusion, exclusion and informality in Morocco and Cape Verde Abstract: Departing from the idea that the externalisation of the EU's immigration policy has been tacitly accepted and even incorporated in the legal corpus of nations around the Mediterranean basin, this study argues that the southern European boundary has been redrawn, and gradually dislocated southwards to establish a new de facto border in northern and western Africa. The study adopts a comparative analysis evaluating the social effects of this novel geopolitical dynamic in two of Europe's closest neighbours, Morocco and the Cape Verde Islands, and focuses on the quasi-involuntary development of a new migration paradigm in both countries, based on an informal incorporation nexus. This important change in local socio-political contexts primarily derives from a steady inflow of sub-Saharan migrants, and the challenges they pose to civility in two nations where civil society is only nascent. As passage to Europe becomes increasingly difficult, many migrants are transforming what were until recently two eminent migration source countries into ‘transit countries’, increasingly becoming hosts to permanent states of transience and liminality. Current legal categories used to identify these new migration flows, and the lack of adequate asylum discourses, are also problematised. The study further explores the nexus of inclusion and exclusion, and formal and informal modes of incorporation, of the ‘African other’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 883-904 Issue: 5 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.578962 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.578962 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:5:p:883-904 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tim Jacoby Author-X-Name-First: Tim Author-X-Name-Last: Jacoby Title: Fascism, Civility and the Crisis of the Turkish State Abstract: This study argues that the perception of a state crisis has contributed to the rise of extreme right-wing civil groups in Turkey. It uses Michael Mann's work on interwar European fascism to identify four aspects—economic, military, political and ideological—in which the state has, according to these organisations, been weakened. The study thus outlines the ways in which Turkey's extreme right has both used and been affected by the 2001 financial crash, the armed forces' response to the pkk's ceasefire (1999–2004), the constitutional changes brought about by the EU harmonisation reforms and the incumbent government's challenge to ‘official’ religiosity and secularism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 905-924 Issue: 5 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.578965 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.578965 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:5:p:905-924 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adham Saouli Author-X-Name-First: Adham Author-X-Name-Last: Saouli Title: Hizbullah in the Civilising Process: anarchy, self-restraint and violence Abstract: This study builds on Norbert Elias's ‘civilising process’ theory to examine when, how and why Lebanon's Hizbullah exercises self-restraint or violence in its political interactions. As opposed to studies that focus on how Hizbullah's ideological goals determine its political behaviour, this study argues that Hizbullah's political conduct should be understood by locating the Islamic party at the crossroads of war-making with Israel and state-making in Lebanon. Hizbullah's aim to minimise its vulnerability to Israel led it to rationalise its behaviour in Lebanon by exercising self-restraint and by remoulding its ideology. However, as the political divide in Lebanon has sharpened and the state there weakened, Hizbullah has advanced to fill the void by employing state-like measures, including violence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 925-942 Issue: 5 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.578966 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.578966 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:5:p:925-942 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michaelle Browers Author-X-Name-First: Michaelle Author-X-Name-Last: Browers Title: Official Islam and the Limits of Communicative Action: the paradox of the Amman Message Abstract: After 11 September 2001 many analysts, declaring a ‘crisis of authority’ in Islam, bemoaned the dearth or absence of Islamic moderates who could rise up and lead the way beyond what many worried was an impending ‘clash of civilisations’. The 2004 ‘Amman Message’—which seeks to clarify who and what does and does not constitute ‘true Islam’—was put forth precisely as a response to that challenge. At the same time critical examination of the construction of this declaration, and of the uses to which it has been put, reveals that, as much as this document may seem to provide an example of communicative action, in practice it has all too often served strategic actions. I argue that the embeddedness of the Message in domestic, regional and international political interests undermines the document's authority as the basis for dialogue or action aimed at civility and mutual understanding. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 943-958 Issue: 5 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.578969 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.578969 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:5:p:943-958 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Emma Murphy Author-X-Name-First: Emma Author-X-Name-Last: Murphy Title: The Arab State and (Absent) Civility in New Communicative Spaces Abstract: This study examines how Arab states have constructed national regulatory regimes for satellite television and telecommunications which undermine or inhibit the emergence of the three normative requisites for a civil political culture: freedom, equality and tolerance. Drawing on case studies of Jordan, Egypt and the UAE, the study argues that, by failing to be either self-limiting or to protect civil society from its uncivil components in the new communicative spaces provided by these technologies, the Arab states are attempting to reconstruct their own dominant (new) media spaces and so prevent the conditions which might foster democratic political cultures of civility. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 959-980 Issue: 5 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.578972 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.578972 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:5:p:959-980 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Salwa Ismail Author-X-Name-First: Salwa Author-X-Name-Last: Ismail Title: Civilities, Subjectivities and Collective Action: preliminary reflections in light of the Egyptian Revolution Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 989-995 Issue: 5 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.578976 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.578976 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:5:p:989-995 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: S Sayyid Author-X-Name-First: S Author-X-Name-Last: Sayyid Title: Dis-Orienting Clusters of Civility Abstract: Into what kind of narrative can we fit the recent eruption of the so-called `Arab street' into the public square? It is easy to argue that the reason why we are not certain what the story of the `Arab spring' is, is because it is too early to tell, and there is a degree of merit in this position; however, this simply defers rather than addresses the question. The problem with the recent popular mobilisations that swept many parts of Muslimistan is not purely empirical but rather conceptual. To tell a story presumes a language. Language is not itself a transparent medium, it does not just describe a pre-existing reality, it is also constitutive: it organises concepts, establishes relationships and networks, associations and dis-associations. The language that we use to apprehend the world around us is the residue of struggles of previous times; our vocabularies are crystallisations of specific historical confrontations and settlements. If our discourse (that is, both linguistic and extra-linguistic signifying practices) comes about as result of sedimented remains of historical struggles, then how can our discourse apprehend a world in which those historical forces are no longer in play? Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 981-987 Issue: 5 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.581058 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.581058 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:5:p:981-987 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Daniel S. Lacerda Author-X-Name-First: Daniel S. Author-X-Name-Last: Lacerda Title: The production of spatial hegemony as statecraft: an attempted passive revolution in the favelas of Rio Abstract: In recent years Brazil has deployed a military takeover of dozens of favelas. Presenting data collected from 2012 to 2014 in one of the favelas, I argue that the process of ‘pacification’ is an attempt at passive revolution, which depends more on manufacturing spatial hegemony through non-military strategies than on the war of manoeuvre that is currently being undertaken. This is developed through an articulation of Gramsci’s theoretical framework with Lefebvre’s perspective of the production of space, which exposes the failure to overcome the fragile presence of state in the territory through everyday state formation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1083-1101 Issue: 6 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1109437 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1109437 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:6:p:1083-1101 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Waleed Hazbun Author-X-Name-First: Waleed Author-X-Name-Last: Hazbun Title: Assembling security in a ‘weak state:’ the contentious politics of plural governance in Lebanon since 2005 Abstract: Lebanon is most often depicted as a ‘weak state’ lacking territorial sovereignty and thus fostering the proliferation of violent non-state actors that generate political instability and regional insecurity. In contrast, this essay explores the dynamics of security politics in Lebanon since 2005 through the lens of hybrid sovereignty. It shows how an assemblage of state and non-state actors has been able to navigate between rival understandings of insecurity, producing at times shared, but still contested, understandings which have sustained a system of plural governance over security that has been able to respond to a shifting geography of threats. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1053-1070 Issue: 6 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1110016 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1110016 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:6:p:1053-1070 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: April R. Biccum Author-X-Name-First: April R. Author-X-Name-Last: Biccum Title: What celebrity humanitarianism have to do with empire? Abstract: The aim of this paper is to bring into conversation two apparently disparate debates in the fields of politics and International Relations. The first is a debate over celebrity humanitarianism that is divided between optimistic scholars, who see in it an enhancement of democracy, and pessimistic scholars, who link it to capitalist imperialism or a throwback to older colonial tropes. The second is a debate over a (new) American empire which has prompted scholars in IR to redress IR’s historic ‘elision’ of empire and to offer new network theories of empire. The paper argues that these two debates each address the shortcomings in the other and offers speculation on what celebrity humanitarianism might have to do with empire by bridging the connections between structuralist political theories of empire and the cultural accounts offered by postcolonial theory. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 998-1015 Issue: 6 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1120153 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1120153 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:6:p:998-1015 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ane Cristina Figueiredo Pereira de Faria Author-X-Name-First: Ane Cristina Author-X-Name-Last: Figueiredo Pereira de Faria Author-Name: Issa Ibrahim Berchin Author-X-Name-First: Issa Ibrahim Author-X-Name-Last: Berchin Author-Name: Jéssica Garcia Author-X-Name-First: Jéssica Author-X-Name-Last: Garcia Author-Name: Silvia Natália Barbosa Back Author-X-Name-First: Silvia Natália Author-X-Name-Last: Barbosa Back Author-Name: José Baltazar Salgueirinho Osório de Andrade Guerra Author-X-Name-First: José Baltazar Salgueirinho Osório de Author-X-Name-Last: Andrade Guerra Title: Understanding food security and international security links in the context of climate change Abstract: Food production has been changing significantly in recent years as a result of climate change and of growing demand for food. This article aims to understand the link between food security and international security in the context of climate change, applying a systematic and qualitative analysis of the literature using the bibliometric method. This research observes that climate change tends to affect agricultural productivity, exposing societies to risk and the need for migration. However, good governance, together with international cooperation, can reduce the hazards of food insecurity, strengthening ties between countries and stimulating a fairer and more inclusive form of international trade. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 975-997 Issue: 6 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1129271 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1129271 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:6:p:975-997 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jürgen Rüland Author-X-Name-First: Jürgen Author-X-Name-Last: Rüland Title: Why (most) Indonesian businesses fear the ASEAN Economic Community: struggling with Southeast Asia’s regional corporatism Abstract: By the end of 2015 the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) had ushered in a common market, the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). However, the groups most affected by it – small businesses – were bypassed in the decision-making process. They are the victims of a selectively inclusive state corporatism which member countries have transferred from their domestic political system to the regional level. In this article I argue that the decision to create the AEC was promoted by ASEAN governments together with foreign economic and local corporate interests. This coalition was able to frame the AEC in a way that small businesses perceived it as a win-win scheme. Empirically the article focuses on Indonesia. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1130-1145 Issue: 6 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1133245 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1133245 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:6:p:1130-1145 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Cathrine Thorleifsson Author-X-Name-First: Cathrine Author-X-Name-Last: Thorleifsson Title: The limits of hospitality: coping strategies among displaced Syrians in Lebanon Abstract: Based on qualitative fieldwork in the Sunni village of Bebnine, located between Tripoli and the northern Syrian border, this paper explores how displaced Syrians adjust to life in Lebanon under the threat and actuality of violence. The marginalised refugees do not only appear as passive victims of crisis but draw on a diverse repertoire of coping strategies to deal with displacement and dispossession. Self-settled Syrians have exploited social networks, savings, aid, education and work opportunities to create a new livelihood system for themselves. Nevertheless, everyday life in Lebanon is not conceptualised as a safe zone. Syrian refugees are increasingly being used as scapegoats for the poor economy and political challenges in the country. While practices of hospitality towards the Syrian refugees were widespread, ambivalent feelings and prejudice frequently surfaced. Refugees expressed concern that the Syrian civil war would escalate into further sectarian violence in Lebanon, pushing the country closer to war. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1071-1082 Issue: 6 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1138843 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1138843 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:6:p:1071-1082 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roy Culpeper Author-X-Name-First: Roy Author-X-Name-Last: Culpeper Author-Name: Nihal Kappagoda Author-X-Name-First: Nihal Author-X-Name-Last: Kappagoda Title: The new face of developing country debt Abstract: Developing country debt has been a major preoccupation for development policy makers and practitioners since the debt crisis of 1982. It is a major obstacle to economic and social progress in developing countries. After the resolution of the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s and the debt relief initiatives for low-income countries of 1997–2006 concerns about developing country debt seem to have receded. However, there are a growing number of problems that warrant concern, including the accumulation of domestic debt, short-term debt and private non-guaranteed debt, and increasing recourse by low-income countries to international capital markets. At the same time developing countries have strengthened their capacity to oversee and analyse their debt portfolios. Nonetheless, significant weaknesses remain in debt management capacity at the national level. Moreover, the activities of ‘vulture funds’ and the lack of a sovereign debt restructuring mechanism reveal major shortcomings in the international institutional architecture that need to be addressed urgently. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 951-974 Issue: 6 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1138844 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1138844 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:6:p:951-974 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adam K. Webb Author-X-Name-First: Adam K. Author-X-Name-Last: Webb Title: Can the global South take over the baton? What cosmopolitanism in ‘unlikely’ places means for future world order Abstract: As the West’s centrality fades, the global South may have a decisive influence in shaping future world order. Will that future see a retreat from globalisation to hard-edged particularisms? Or will the emerging post-Westphalian global society let the global South take over the baton of cosmopolitan institution building in its own way? This article draws on a multi-country survey of educated youth to find promising signs of imagined common ground with other countries. It suggests the flavours of cosmopolitan integration that the global South is likely to support in coming decades. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1016-1034 Issue: 6 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1139448 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1139448 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:6:p:1016-1034 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Claire Bénit-Gbaffou Author-X-Name-First: Claire Author-X-Name-Last: Bénit-Gbaffou Title: Do street traders have the ‘right to the city’? The politics of street trader organisations in inner city Johannesburg, post-Operation Clean Sweep Abstract: Street trader organisations are paradoxical objects of study. Their claims resist being analysed through the ‘right to the city’ lens, so contested are rights to inner city spaces between multiple users, not all of them in dominant socioeconomic positions; and so ambiguous is the figure of the street trader, oppressed but also appropriating public space for profit, increasingly claiming, in neoliberalising cities, an entrepreneurial identity. In the aftermath of the 2013 ‘Operation Clean Sweep’ (in which the City of Johannesburg unsuccessfully attempted to evict street traders from its inner city), this paper unpacks the politics of street trader organisations: how they organise their constituencies, frame their claims, forge unlikely alliances and enter into disempowering conflicts in engagements with a divisive municipality. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1102-1129 Issue: 6 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1141660 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1141660 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:6:p:1102-1129 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Benjamin Selwyn Author-X-Name-First: Benjamin Author-X-Name-Last: Selwyn Title: Theory and practice of labour-centred development Abstract: This article outlines the theory and practice of labour-centred development (LCD). Much development thinking is elitist, positing states and corporations as primary agents in the development process. This article argues, by contrast, that collective actions by labouring classes can generate tangible developmental gains and therefore that, under certain circumstances, they can be considered primary development actors. Examples of LCD discussed here include shack-dwellers’ movements in South Africa, the landless labourers’ movement in Brazil, unemployed workers’ movements in Argentina and large-scale collective actions by formal sector workers across East Asia. The article also considers future prospects for LCD. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1035-1052 Issue: 6 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1152884 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1152884 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:6:p:1035-1052 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Waleed Hazbun Author-X-Name-First: Waleed Author-X-Name-Last: Hazbun Title: Corrigendum Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1146-1146 Issue: 6 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1153916 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1153916 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:6:p:1146-1146 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alberto Gomes Author-X-Name-First: Alberto Author-X-Name-Last: Gomes Title: Alter-Native ‘Development’: indigenous forms of social ecology Abstract: The goal of this article is to outline an indigenous form of social ecology offered as an alternative development model. Based on the normative system of the Orang Asli (Malaysian Aborigines), this model is characterised by various social, cultural and ecological ideas and practices undergirding the interconnected conditions of equality, sustainability and peace, which engenders a better life for all within the community. I contend that this model will provide lessons on how we might develop a normative paradigm to serve as an alternative to the current ecological and socially unsustainable mainstream and neoliberal development policy and practice, obsessed with the attainment of economic growth and greater market integration. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1059-1073 Issue: 6 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.681491 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.681491 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:6:p:1059-1073 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vandra Harris Author-X-Name-First: Vandra Author-X-Name-Last: Harris Author-Name: Andrew Goldsmith Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Goldsmith Title: Police in the Development Space: Australia's international police capacity builders Abstract: International police now contribute the second largest proportion of personnel to peacekeeping missions after militaries. They are thus key contributors to post-conflict transitions in developing countries. In the past decade Australian police have played a major role in a range of international missions in the Asia-Pacific region, partially funded by Australia's international development budget. Increasingly the Australian Federal Police, as Australia's lead agency in this area, has explicitly adopted the development language of capacity building to describe a significant part of their role. This paper considers the contribution of Australian police to building or developing the capacity of new and/or re-formed police forces following conflict. It also examines the degree to which international police missions are able to contribute to broader development goals and achievements within these settings. In doing so, it engages with the question of ‘outsiders’ (non-development professionals) performing development work in the increasingly populated space of post-conflict recovery and reconstruction. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1019-1036 Issue: 6 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.681492 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.681492 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:6:p:1019-1036 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Paul Hodge Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Hodge Title: A Progressive Authoritarianism? The case of post-2006 Fiji Abstract: Post-development has matured well beyond the romanticism and celebration of the local of its early proponents. The new ‘conditions of possibility’ that embody the latest contributions to the field are studies in governmentality. This paper explores the heterogeneous postcolonial spaces of post-2006 Fiji by deploying a Foucauldian analysis of Bainimarama's government, particularly focusing on the formation of identities and the attributes of a ‘normalised citizenry’. The analysis aims to help explain why the implementation of a liberal rationality, in the form of racial equality for socio-political change in the country, calls for citizens to be subjected to various arts of government—surveillance, physical and psychological violence and, in some cases, incarceration and torture. An understanding of this brutal and puzzling irony is found in Fiji's colonial legacies and the ongoing contestation over what constitutes a ‘normalised citizenry’ in the country. I propose that Fiji's present contestations and anomalous coalescence of liberal rationalities and non-liberal means are best explained with reference to the paradoxical notion of progressive authoritarian governmentality. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1147-1163 Issue: 6 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.681493 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.681493 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:6:p:1147-1163 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Patrick Kilby Author-X-Name-First: Patrick Author-X-Name-Last: Kilby Title: The Changing Development Landscape in the First Decade of the 21st Century and its Implications for Development Studies Abstract: The first decade of the 21st century has been characterised by complex and interrelated changes that have affected development. Development studies as a discipline has traditionally been concerned with the impact of colonisation and neocolonialism, and with neoliberal-related growth models. This paper argues that, since around the turn of the century, there has been a major shift in development, driven by a series of fundamental changes, including the relative failure of the neoliberal project in the 1980s and 1990s, which by the 2000s was partly replaced by a greater concern with addressing security issues with aid; the rise of China and other middle-income countries as large resource providers for development; and the rapid increase of remittance flows to lower and middle income countries. The paper looks at how both development studies and aid policy in Australia and elsewhere have been relatively slow to engage with this rapidly changing context. The big challenges for development studies will be: engaging with developing countries as development donors with different agendas for development; the decline of much of the current neoliberal paradigm; alternative sources of development finance; and the securitisation of Western aid. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1001-1017 Issue: 6 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.681494 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.681494 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:6:p:1001-1017 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Priya Kurian Author-X-Name-First: Priya Author-X-Name-Last: Kurian Author-Name: Debashish Munshi Author-X-Name-First: Debashish Author-X-Name-Last: Munshi Title: Denial and Distancing in Discourses of Development: shadow of the ‘Third World’ in New Zealand Abstract: Anxieties about development in New Zealand show up in a deep-rooted fear of the ‘Third World’ in the country. We examine how the term ‘Third World’ is deployed in media discourses in economic, social and environmental contexts and how this deployment results in a ‘discursive distancing’ from anything associated with the ‘Third World’. Such distancing demonstrates a fragile national identity that struggles with the contradictions between the nation's desire to be part of the ‘First World’ of global capitalism and the growing disparities in health and wealth within it. The shadow of the ‘Third World’ prevents New Zealand from confronting the realities of its own inequities, which in turn comes in the way of a sound development agenda. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 981-999 Issue: 6 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.681495 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.681495 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:6:p:981-999 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kate Lloyd Author-X-Name-First: Kate Author-X-Name-Last: Lloyd Author-Name: Sarah Wright Author-X-Name-First: Sarah Author-X-Name-Last: Wright Author-Name: Sandie Suchet-Pearson Author-X-Name-First: Sandie Author-X-Name-Last: Suchet-Pearson Author-Name: Laklak Burarrwanga Author-X-Name-First: Laklak Author-X-Name-Last: Burarrwanga Author-Name: Bawaka Country Author-X-Name-First: Bawaka Author-X-Name-Last: Country Title: Reframing Development through Collaboration: towards a relational ontology of connection in Bawaka, North East Arnhem Land Abstract: This paper draws on the collaborative experiences of three female academics and three generations of Yolŋu women from an Aboriginal family from Bawaka, North East Arnhem Land to contribute to debates in development around participation, power and justice. Through a reflection on the process of collaboratively co-authoring two books and associated outputs, the paper discusses the way the collaboration is guided by collective priorities that are held as paramount: trust, reciprocity, relationships and sharing goals. The paper draws particular attention to the essential role that families and non-human agents play in shaping these priorities. The relational ontology which underlies this collaboration is inspired by a Yolŋu ontology of connection that requires us to acknowledge ourselves as connected to each other, to other people and to other things. Guided by this Indigenous ontological framework, we reframe the concept of collaboration and of development as inherently and always relational. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1075-1094 Issue: 6 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.681496 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.681496 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:6:p:1075-1094 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrew McGregor Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: McGregor Author-Name: Laura Skeaff Author-X-Name-First: Laura Author-X-Name-Last: Skeaff Author-Name: Marianne Bevan Author-X-Name-First: Marianne Author-X-Name-Last: Bevan Title: Overcoming Secularism? Catholic development geographies in Timor-Leste Abstract: The Catholic Church has played a key role in the development of Timor-Leste since Dominican friars first began trading with the Timorese in the 16th century. Religious networks and spaces have been essential in delivering development services, while Catholic theologies have shaped how development is pursued and understood. In this paper we outline the changing contribution and character of the Catholic Church through three periods of Timor's tumultuous history—during colonialism, under Indonesian occupation and through independence—with a greater focus on the latter stages. We present the Timorese Church as a heterogeneous organisation that responds in both progressive and conservative ways to the socio-political contexts in which it is embedded. Our aim is to highlight the diverse religious development geographies that exist in Timor-Leste but which are marginalised within contemporary development planning and policy. Drawing upon post-development theory and performative research, we encourage debate about the role of religious institutions in inspiring ‘alternatives-to-development’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1129-1146 Issue: 6 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.681497 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.681497 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:6:p:1129-1146 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Susanne Schech Author-X-Name-First: Susanne Author-X-Name-Last: Schech Title: Development perspectives from the Antipodes: an introduction Abstract: Is there a distinctive Antipodean approach to development? In this introduction I take up Raewyn Connell's challenge to explore the possibilities for knowledge production that reflects Australia's and New Zealand's geographical situation of rich peripheral countries and their history of settler colonisation. While Antipodeans' contributions to development theory have been limited, their work is characterised by close connections between theory and practice. The Antipodes' positioning as global North in the geographical South has stimulated a search for alternative approaches to development knowledge. This is variously pursued through collaborative research relationships with indigenous communities, close engagement with non-Western cultural frameworks, and a focus on marginal spaces and positions. As the centre of global economic power shifts to the South, existing development relationships and established ways of doing development are increasingly challenged by newly constituted subject positions and coalitions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 969-980 Issue: 6 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.681498 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.681498 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:6:p:969-980 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Yvonne Underhill-Sem Author-X-Name-First: Yvonne Author-X-Name-Last: Underhill-Sem Title: Contract Scholars, Friendly Philanthropists and Feminist Activists: new development subjects in the Pacific Abstract: Understanding new actors in development requires a reconsideration of how subjects come to be and how collectivities are formed. This paper works with post-structuralist notions of subjectivities and collectivities as ‘series’ in three distinct cultural historical geographies to show the subtle ambiguities in contemporary practices of development. Working with Iris Marion Young's conceptualisation of seriality, it provides an Antipodean perspective on the entanglements of contemporary critical geography with new development actors through case studies of indigenous scholars in Te Rarawa in Aotearoa/New Zealand, of contract scholars and a philanthropist in West Bengal and of feminist activist scholars in the Pacific. In doing so, it points to the need to radically rethink participation in development by closely analysing the ways in which the subjects are constituted, and the critical role of visions within development narratives, actions and practice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1095-1112 Issue: 6 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.681499 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.681499 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:6:p:1095-1112 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sarah Wright Author-X-Name-First: Sarah Author-X-Name-Last: Wright Title: Emotional Geographies of Development Abstract: Hope, despair, fear, hate, joy, desire and anger; the social scienceshave increasingly recognised the role of emotions in shaping society, and in defining and transforming people and place. Such concerns have clear implications for the study of development. Emotions help create development subjects and define subjectivities. They are imbricated in the production of exclusions and colonialisms yet they can also empower resistance and progressive change. In short, they are intimately bound up with the way development functions in all its messiness. In this paper I begin to explore the generative role of emotions in the discourses and practices of development. I draw on empirical work with land reform participants in the Philippines to consider the ways emotions are central to participants' experiences. Emotions inform how the land tillers act and react, and how they understand the past, present and future. I find that consideration of emotions, and indeed of all that is beyond-the-rational, is imperative if we are to move beyond development's modernist roots towards more postcolonial understandings. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1113-1127 Issue: 6 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.681500 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.681500 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:6:p:1113-1127 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ming Yong Author-X-Name-First: Ming Author-X-Name-Last: Yong Author-Name: Carl Grundy-Warr Author-X-Name-First: Carl Author-X-Name-Last: Grundy-Warr Title: Tangled Nets of Discourse and Turbines of Development: Lower Mekong mainstream dam debates Abstract: Hydropower development on the mainstream of the Mekong River in the Lower Mekong Basin (lmb) has become one of the most pressing issues on the development agenda, being touted as the way forward in solving energy, development and sustainability needs in the region. Despite dominant and compelling arguments in favour of such development, a growing anti-dam lobby has taken to arguing that hydropower development will threaten the economic, social, environmental and food security of some 62 million people living in the lmb. The anti-dam lobby comprises a heterogeneous assemblage of actors, agencies and networks, working to provide critical and alternative geographical (re)imaginations of the lmb. This paper explores these multiple perspectives afforded by the anti-dam lobby through the lens of knowledge production. The anti-dam lobby, it will be seen, engages in a politics of legitimacy and re-scaling with the pro-hydropower lobby, played out through varying strategies, while highlighting urgent and critical knowledge gaps which need to be taken seriously for future development in the lmb. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1037-1058 Issue: 6 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.681501 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.681501 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:6:p:1037-1058 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Goran Hyden Author-X-Name-First: Goran Author-X-Name-Last: Hyden Title: Rethinking justice and institutions in African peacebuilding Abstract: This article argues that conflicts in Africa need to be understood in the context of local conceptions of justice, which differ from those of the liberal peace model. Justice in African society is based on the notion of reciprocity which, when practised, tends to lead to solutions that resemble prisoner dilemma games. Because agreements are more like truces than true peace agreements they are easily abandoned when the costs of adhering are higher. Bringing in these local conceptions are vital for peacebuilding in Africa but so is the need to reform them so that they become more sustainable. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1007-1022 Issue: 5 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1025739 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1025739 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:5:p:1007-1022 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stefanie Kappler Author-X-Name-First: Stefanie Author-X-Name-Last: Kappler Title: The dynamic local: delocalisation and (re-)localisation in the search for peacebuilding identity Abstract: This article challenges the notion of the ‘local’ as a static identity or set position and argues for a processual understanding of localisation, in which constant processes of delocalisation and (re-)localisation serve as tools by which peacebuilding actors position themselves in the political economy and the social landscape of peacebuilding. Peacebuilding agency and -identity are viewed as situated in time and space and subject to constant transformation. Using the cases of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Cyprus, I argue that the positionality of local identity is contingent on the ever-changing social context and political economy of peacebuilding. By viewing processes of (re-)localisation and delocalisation as markers of agency, we can overcome the binary between local and international and investigate more subtle forms of agency in a fluid peacebuilding environment. The article identifies the ways in which peacebuilding agency facilitates the creation of a particular set of identities (identification), before investigating the processes of delocalisation and (re-)localisation in detail. The article goes on to argue that, rather than being mutually exclusive, these two processes tend to happen in parallel and thus challenge the seemingly neat binary between local and international peacebuilding identities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 875-889 Issue: 5 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1025740 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1025740 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:5:p:875-889 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christian Arandel Author-X-Name-First: Christian Author-X-Name-Last: Arandel Author-Name: Derick W. Brinkerhoff Author-X-Name-First: Derick W. Author-X-Name-Last: Brinkerhoff Author-Name: Marissa M. Bell Author-X-Name-First: Marissa M. Author-X-Name-Last: Bell Title: Reducing fragility through strengthening local governance in Guinea Abstract: Improving state–citizen relations at the local level is posited as one of the pathways out of fragility towards peace and stability. This article explores this premise by examining the experience of a recent donor-funded project in Guinea that combined improvements in sectoral service delivery with new modes of collaborative governance between local officials and communities. The analysis finds that the project’s focus on citizen engagement with local officials, coupled with transparency and mutual accountability, led to better services, changed attitudes and increased trust. Individual agency and leadership emerged as important success factors. Prospects for sustainability of these local reforms are challenged by Guinea’s weak state capacities and poverty. Lessons for donors include supporting stability-enhancing governance through incremental interventions that create relationships and coalitions among local actors. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 985-1006 Issue: 5 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1025741 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1025741 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:5:p:985-1006 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hanna Leonardsson Author-X-Name-First: Hanna Author-X-Name-Last: Leonardsson Author-Name: Gustav Rudd Author-X-Name-First: Gustav Author-X-Name-Last: Rudd Title: The ‘local turn’ in peacebuilding: a literature review of effective and emancipatory local peacebuilding Abstract: This article is a literature review of the current local turn in peacebuilding. After a short introduction on the origins of ‘the local’ in peacebuilding, it gives an overview of current research and policy debates on the issue along two different lines. First, it emphasises the local in peacebuilding as a measure to increase peacebuilding effectiveness, as explored in the literature on the benefits of decentralisation and local governments for peace, as well as in the debates on local capacity and ownership as essential parts of peacebuilding policy. Second, it focuses on the local in peacebuilding as a means of emancipation and inclusion of local agency, expressed partly through the emphasis on voices from below and partly within the critical approaches to how the local has been interpreted in peacebuilding so far, arguing for a peacebuilding that is essentially local. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 825-839 Issue: 5 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1029905 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1029905 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:5:p:825-839 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Caroline Hughes Author-X-Name-First: Caroline Author-X-Name-Last: Hughes Title: Poor people’s politics in East Timor Abstract: Poor people attempting to claim a share of resources in post-conflict societies seek allies internationally and nationally in attempts to empower their campaigns. In so doing, they mobilise the languages of liberalism, nationalism and local cultural tradition selectively and opportunistically both to justify stances that transgress the strictures of local culture and to cement alliances with more powerful actors. In the case of poor widows in East Timor the languages of nationalism, ritual and justice were intermingled in a campaign aimed at both international actors and the national state in a bid to claim a position of status in the post-conflict order. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 908-928 Issue: 5 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1029906 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1029906 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:5:p:908-928 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Caroline Hughes Author-X-Name-First: Caroline Author-X-Name-Last: Hughes Author-Name: Joakim Öjendal Author-X-Name-First: Joakim Author-X-Name-Last: Öjendal Author-Name: Isabell Schierenbeck Author-X-Name-First: Isabell Author-X-Name-Last: Schierenbeck Title: The struggle versus the song – the local turn in peacebuilding: an introduction Abstract: This introduction presents how views on ‘the local turn’ in peacebuilding has evolved into a significant discourse. Currently, it has ‘its moment’ and is widely used by theorists and practitioners alike, by normative localists as well as by liberal policy-makers, albeit for different reasons and with differing intensions. We suggest that international interventions for the purpose of peacebuilding cannot be justified a priori, but requires resonance at the ‘receiving end’, which the local dimension potentially offers. It is however an elusive and contested concept that requires thorough scrutiny and critical assessment. Here a collection of conceptual and empirical articles is contextualised and introduced, painting a broad state-of-the-art of the pros and cons of the local turn. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 817-824 Issue: 5 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1029907 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1029907 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:5:p:817-824 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thania Paffenholz Author-X-Name-First: Thania Author-X-Name-Last: Paffenholz Title: Unpacking the local turn in peacebuilding: a critical assessment towards an agenda for future research Abstract: This article undertakes a critical assessment of the local turn in critical peacebuilding scholarship. It comes to the conclusion that the local turn is hampered by a binary and essentialist understanding of the local and the international, which are presented as the only relevant locations of power or resistance. This leads to an ignorance of local elites, provides a romanticised interpretation of hybrid peace governance structures, overstates local resistance and presents an ambivalent relationship to practice. The article recommends a more nuanced understanding of the actors involved in peace- and statebuilding, based on more empirical scholarship and a multidisciplinary approach. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 857-874 Issue: 5 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1029908 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1029908 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:5:p:857-874 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sandra Pogodda Author-X-Name-First: Sandra Author-X-Name-Last: Pogodda Author-Name: Oliver P. Richmond Author-X-Name-First: Oliver P. Author-X-Name-Last: Richmond Title: Palestinian unity and everyday state formation: subaltern ‘ungovernmentality’ versus elite interests Abstract: With Palestine gaining increasing international recognition for its sovereignty aspirations, this paper investigates the ongoing Palestinian state-formation process. It examines how far grassroots movements, domestic political leaderships and international actors have promoted or undermined intra-Palestinian unity and societal consensus around the rules, design and extent of a future Palestinian state. The paper introduces the novel concept of everyday state formation as a crucial form of grassroots agency in this process. Moreover, it illustrates the internal tensions of contemporary statebuilding: without reconciliation across multiple scales – local to global – the complex interactions of structural, governmental and subaltern power tend to build societal fragility into emerging state structures. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 890-907 Issue: 5 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1029909 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1029909 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:5:p:890-907 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anna K. Jarstad Author-X-Name-First: Anna K. Author-X-Name-Last: Jarstad Author-Name: Kristine Höglund Author-X-Name-First: Kristine Author-X-Name-Last: Höglund Title: Local violence and politics in KwaZulu-Natal: perceptions of agency in a post-conflict society Abstract: This article analyses the narratives of survivors of violence in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, and addresses the relationship between local violence, politics and agency in a post-conflict setting. In particular, the study advances an understanding of how local political violence serves to increase or decrease agency. In line with previous research on emotions and agency, our study suggests that fear and anxiety encourage risk avoidance and have a pacifying effect on survivors of violence. It also indicates that anger and enthusiasm are emotions experienced by those who have a strong sense of agency and have become politically mobilised after violence. The study contributes to the debate on local capacity for peacebuilding and democracy by showing how local agency is affected by violence and how survivors of violence can become agents of change through politics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 967-984 Issue: 5 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1030385 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1030385 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:5:p:967-984 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Malin Hasselskog Author-X-Name-First: Malin Author-X-Name-Last: Hasselskog Author-Name: Isabell Schierenbeck Author-X-Name-First: Isabell Author-X-Name-Last: Schierenbeck Title: National policy in local practice: the case of Rwanda Abstract: Far reaching decentralisation reform has been launched in Rwanda, intended to contribute to socioeconomic development as well as to reconstruction and reconciliation. While the reform is well in line with the international trend of a ‘local turn’, the Rwandan government makes a point of not letting donors or other external actors set the agenda. Determined to formulate its own policies, thus claiming ‘national ownership’, it has, within the frame of decentralisation, launched several development programmes to be locally implemented and to promote local participation and downward accountability. However, the reform and programmes are designed and decided upon in a top-down manner by the central national leadership. This article analyses local experiences and perceptions of decentralisation and related programmes, and investigates whether and how such reform provides for local participation and downward accountability. It concludes that nationally owned reform is not necessarily an alternative to externally initiated and driven reform; neither local participation nor downward accountability was enhanced. The study builds on official policy documents and semi-structured interviews with Rwandan residents and local officials. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 950-966 Issue: 5 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1030386 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1030386 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:5:p:950-966 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Joakim Öjendal Author-X-Name-First: Joakim Author-X-Name-Last: Öjendal Author-Name: Sivhouch Ou Author-X-Name-First: Sivhouch Author-X-Name-Last: Ou Title: The ‘local turn’ saving liberal peacebuilding? Unpacking virtual peace in Cambodia Abstract: The trajectory of the liberal peacebuilding project has encountered a fundamental critique of its failure to deliver the expected sustainable peace. This paper questions the approach with which it has been, and largely still is, pursued. We reflect on a more communicative, nuanced, contextual and time-bound approach. In particular, we identify the failure of the liberal peace to localise peace and to make it a part of everyday life in Cambodia. Nevertheless, we claim that liberal peace has unintentionally created space for progress, while a ‘local turn’ has proved significant. We demonstrate empirically that certain forms of local and everyday peace have emerged for the ‘wrong’ reason, and may evolve further. Hence, a local peace has gradually sunk in, although its liberal foundations remain virtual. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 929-949 Issue: 5 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1030387 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1030387 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:5:p:929-949 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Isabell Schierenbeck Author-X-Name-First: Isabell Author-X-Name-Last: Schierenbeck Title: Beyond the local turn divide: lessons learnt, relearnt and unlearnt Abstract: This article builds on the contributions to this special issue by examining different approaches to the local turn and what can be learnt from applying them. The contributors agree on the imperative of understanding ‘the local’ in peacebuilding; however, there seems to be a multitude of ways forward in this regard. The immediate concern is how this acknowledgement translates into practices that allow for both efficiency and local emancipation in the building of peace. The article suggests giving up the ‘one-size-fits-all’ model of peacebuilding and engaging in context-based methods and research designs beyond generalisations. One way to go about this is to strive for interdisciplinary research – combining peace studies and political science with social anthropologists and area studies – but also to involve ‘the locals’ themselves in the process of taking a few methodological steps further. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1023-1032 Issue: 5 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1043991 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1043991 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:5:p:1023-1032 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roger Mac Ginty Author-X-Name-First: Roger Author-X-Name-Last: Mac Ginty Title: Where is the local? Critical localism and peacebuilding Abstract: This article is primarily a piece of conceptual scoping and considers the concept of ‘the local’ in relation to peacebuilding. It notes how the local is simultaneously held to blame for conflicts (as unenlightened, dangerous, uncivilised) and is also regarded as a saviour for international peace support operations. Local legitimacy, partnership and ownership of international peace interventions are seen as a fast track to success, sustainability and exit. The article navigates its way around this confused understanding of the local and argues that the local is a (not always helpful) construction. It further argues that, by applying a critical lens towards the concept of the local, we can seek to separate the concept of the local from territory and see it in terms of activity, networks and relationships. This has implications for practice and ‘field’ work. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 840-856 Issue: 5 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1045482 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1045482 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:5:p:840-856 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Glenn Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Glenn Title: Global Governance and the Democratic Deficit: stifling the voice of the South Abstract: This paper examines the democratic credentials of three key international institutions (the imf, World Bank and the wto) with regard to the majority of developing countries. In so doing the paper argues that we need to understand the democratic deficit of these institutions not only in terms of input legitimacy, but also in terms of output legitimacy and procedural fairness. The level and quality of these three aspects of democracy vary depending upon the international institution in question, but each of these institutions suffers from a democratic deficit in all three spheres. The paper therefore puts forward several reform proposals in order to overcome the problems outlined. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 217-238 Issue: 2 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701806798 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701806798 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:2:p:217-238 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrew Sumner Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Sumner Title: Foreign Direct Investment in Developing Countries: have we reached a policy ‘tipping point’? Abstract: In the 1990s, around the world, government policies on fdi were unequivocally fdi -friendly. Numerous policy changes were enacted to make the investment climate more favourable to fdi. However, over the past few years a range of countries has enacted policy measures less favourable to fdi. Does this represent an overall shift in fdi policy thinking? And, if so, what are the current drivers of such a change? This paper discusses trends in contemporary fdi policy and the role played by prevailing narratives, actors and the changing context in shaping policy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 239-253 Issue: 2 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701806806 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701806806 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:2:p:239-253 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Oded Löwenheim Author-X-Name-First: Oded Author-X-Name-Last: Löwenheim Title: Examining the State: a Foucauldian perspective on international ‘governance indicators’ Abstract: This paper offers a critical perspective on the growing phenomenon of governance indicators in international politics. I employ a governmentality approach to shed light on the political meanings and outcomes of the increasing tendency of various international actors to rate and rank the governance capacities and performances of states. In particular, I argue that, beyond being an analytic tool or an advisory system for governments, this practice in fact reproduces structures of authority and hierarchy in the international system. Power and knowledge are bound together in many governance indicators, as powerful states either examine themselves, the quality of governance of Third World states, or adopt the examinations carried out by other agents. Consequently, poor and developing states cannot simply ignore these ratings and rankings. The governance indicators establish a discursive field of state legitimacy and normalcy and ‘responsibilises’ states: construct them as ethical actors that are capable of correct and responsible choices and policies. As a result, the responsibility of powerful states and international actors for a host of social, economic and political problems in many Third World countries is obscured. Therefore the paper calls for closer attention to be paid to the elements of power in these governance indicators. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 255-274 Issue: 2 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701806814 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701806814 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:2:p:255-274 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rosemary Nagy Author-X-Name-First: Rosemary Author-X-Name-Last: Nagy Title: Transitional Justice as Global Project: critical reflections Abstract: This article critically reflects on the ways in which the global project of transitional justice is channelled or streamlined in its scope of application. Using the categories of when, to whom and for what transitional justice applies, it argues that transitional justice is typically constructed to focus on specific sets of actors for specific sets of crimes. This results in a fairly narrow interpretation of violence within a somewhat artificial time frame and to the exclusion of external actors. The article engages themes of gender, power and structural violence to caution against the narrowing and depoliticisation of transitional justice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 275-289 Issue: 2 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701806848 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701806848 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:2:p:275-289 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gerald Chan Author-X-Name-First: Gerald Author-X-Name-Last: Chan Author-Name: Pak Lee Author-X-Name-First: Pak Author-X-Name-Last: Lee Author-Name: Lai-Ha Chan Author-X-Name-First: Lai-Ha Author-X-Name-Last: Chan Title: China's Environmental Governance: the domestic – international nexus Abstract: This paper examines the connection between China's domestic governance and its involvement in global governance in environmental protection by studying the major actors and issues involved in the interaction between the domestic and international spheres of activities. These actors include international institutions, national and local governments, nongovernmental organisations, and others. The paper demonstrates that China has made some substantive progress in protecting its environment, but much more needs to be done. Internationally it seems to lack the will or the capability to make much contribution towards global environmental governance. However, because of its huge aggregate size, what it does or does not do to avert environmental degradation at home could have a significant impact on collective efforts to protect the environment at the global level. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 291-314 Issue: 2 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701806863 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701806863 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:2:p:291-314 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Omar Sanchez Author-X-Name-First: Omar Author-X-Name-Last: Sanchez Title: Transformation and Decay: the de-institutionalisation of party systems in South America Abstract: This article surveys the evolution of party systems in South America in terms of their level of institutionalisation. In recent times political competition in much of South America has become less structured by political parties proper and has moved in the direction of candidate-centred movements and electoral vehicles led by political entrepreneurs. Most countries in South America (Brazil, Chile and Uruguay are exceptions) have experienced party system de-institutionalisation during the 1990s and 2000s, as voters have systematically punished traditional parties, often rendering them marginal or forcing their disappearance. The scale of decomposition varies across cases but it has affected countries with historically well institutionalised party systems (Colombia, Venezuela) and those with inchoate party systems (Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia) alike. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 315-337 Issue: 2 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701806897 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701806897 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:2:p:315-337 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David McDonough Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: McDonough Title: From Guerrillas to Government: post-conflict stability in Liberia, Uganda and Rwanda Abstract: Post-conflict stability remains an elusive goal for many African countries. The political and socioeconomic preconditions of African civil wars have often persisted after the end of open hostilities and have frustrated regional and international efforts at peace building. The growing role of non-state armed groups in post-conflict governments raises further questions on the important role of guerilla groups in either exacerbating or ameliorating the ‘structural’ preconditions of protracted African wars. The cases of Liberia, Uganda and Rwanda offer important insights on the complex interplay between armed groups and governments that underlie these conflicts. All three countries have been marked by devastating civil wars and the subsequent formation of post-conflict governments led by respective insurgent groups, but only Rwanda and Uganda have made any effort to mitigate the conditions that ultimately led to intra-state violence and state collapse. While the conflict dynamic may heavily condition an insurgent group, these factors alone do not play a determining role in the success or failure of peace building efforts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 357-374 Issue: 2 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701806921 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701806921 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:2:p:357-374 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: William Martin Author-X-Name-First: William Author-X-Name-Last: Martin Title: Africa's Futures: from North – South to East – South? Abstract: This article contests dominant projections of Africa's future, most notably the Afro-pessimism that permeates almost all Northern analyses. While long-term data do confirm the continent's developmental impasse, they also dispute the dominant argument that Africa has been isolated and disengaged from the world economy. Indeed, Africa has been increasingly engaged with—and impoverished by—its relationships with Europe and North America. African scholars, recognising this dilemma, call for a return of the ‘developmental state’. This recommendation, however, like Afro-pessimist projections, fails to take into account fundamental transformations in Africa's geostrategic and world-economic relationships. The implications of two key, global transitions are traced for Africa and particularly South Africa: first, the disruptive power of global social movements; second, the rise of Asia and the demise of US and European hegemony over Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 339-356 Issue: 2 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701822928 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701822928 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:2:p:339-356 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Saddik Gohar Author-X-Name-First: Saddik Author-X-Name-Last: Gohar Title: The Integration of Western Modernism in Postcolonial Arabic Literature: a study of Abdul-Wahhab Al-Bayati's Third World poetics Abstract: Undermining the narrow critical approaches which neglect the potential intersection between modernism and postcolonialism, this paper explores the attempt by contemporary Arab poets to engage Western modernist heritage in order to articulate domestic narratives integral to the geopolitics of the Arab region in the postcolonial era. In an attempt to redefine tradition and deviate from fossilised inherited legacies and tyrannical regimes, postcolonial Arab writers, led by the Iraqi poet, Abdul-Wahhab Al-Bayati, pursue solace and redemption inWwestern modernism, developing Western forms into a poetics of resistance and protest. Through textual apprenticeship, assimilated from Western literature and culture, they combine modernism and postcolonialism into a nexus incorporating Western techniques while emphasising variants and displacements between their nationalist perspective and that of their Western forebears. Convinced of the role played by the West in the shaping of modern Arabic cultural traditions, Al-Bayati reconstructs colonial modernism as a narrative of liberation, engaging in dialogues with Western pioneering writers and masterpieces. Transforming Western modernist strategies into a revolutionary construct, Al-Bayati aims to challenge internal oppression and external hegemony. Through tran-cultural entanglement and textual appropriation of Western narratives he provides diversity and insight into postcolonial Arabic poetry, intensifying the awareness of other traditions and reconstructing his own heritage. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 375-390 Issue: 2 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701822936 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701822936 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:2:p:375-390 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Notes on Contributors Journal: Pages: 215-216 Issue: 2 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701825525 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701825525 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:2:p:215-216 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Celine Germond-Duret Author-X-Name-First: Celine Author-X-Name-Last: Germond-Duret Title: Tradition and modernity: an obsolete dichotomy? Binary thinking, indigenous peoples and normalisation Abstract: The debates over Indigenous peoples and development are often framed within the discussion on the shift towards modernity, the imposition of economic liberalism and resistance against external interventions, with a tendency to see Indigenous peoples as a possible alternative to the world economic order. However, looking at many development agencies’ discourses, the idea that Indigenous peoples will actually benefit from modernity prevails. The literature is divided along these two conflicting views and dominated by binary oppositions: traditional/modern; backward/advanced; sustainable/unsustainable, etc. This article discusses the tradition/modernity dichotomy and raises the following questions: is it relevant to think in terms of modernity/tradition in the case of Indigenous peoples? What does the use of such a dichotomy imply? What is the alternative? The article demonstrates that this binary opposition is neither relevant nor desirable, and that a new analytical framework is required. Instead, it proposes using a normalisation framework, which focuses on the attempts made to ‘normalise’ Indigenous peoples and to encourage them to comply with existing social and economic models. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1537-1558 Issue: 9 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1135396 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1135396 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:9:p:1537-1558 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Berk Esen Author-X-Name-First: Berk Author-X-Name-Last: Esen Author-Name: Sebnem Gumuscu Author-X-Name-First: Sebnem Author-X-Name-Last: Gumuscu Title: Rising competitive authoritarianism in Turkey Abstract: Since the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002 Turkey has undergone double regime transitions. First, tutelary democracy ended; second, a competitive authoritarian regime has risen in its stead. We substantiate this assertion with specific and detailed evidence from 2015 election cycles, as well as from broader trends in Turkish politics. This evidence indeed confirms that elections are no longer fair; civil liberties are being systematically violated; and the playing field is highly skewed in favour of the ruling AKP. The June 2015 election results and their aftermath further confirm that Turkey has evolved into a competitive authoritarian regime. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1581-1606 Issue: 9 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1135732 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1135732 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:9:p:1581-1606 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tim Summers Author-X-Name-First: Tim Author-X-Name-Last: Summers Title: China’s ‘New Silk Roads’: sub-national regions and networks of global political economy Abstract: This paper argues that the Chinese government’s ‘belt and road’ initiative – the Silk Roads vision of land and maritime logistics and communications networks connecting Asia, Europe and Africa – has its roots in sub-national ideas and practices, and that it reflects their elevation to the national level more than the creation of substantially new policy content. Further, the spatial paradigms inherent in the Silk Roads vision reveal the reproduction of capitalist developmental ideas expressed particularly in the form of networks, which themselves have become a feature of contemporary global political economy. In other words, the Silk Roads vision is more of a ‘spatial fix’ than a geopolitical manoeuvre. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1628-1643 Issue: 9 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1153415 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1153415 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:9:p:1628-1643 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mfaniseni F. Sihlongonyane Author-X-Name-First: Mfaniseni F. Author-X-Name-Last: Sihlongonyane Title: The global, the local and the hybrid in the making of Johannesburg as a world class African city Abstract: In 2000 the city of Johannesburg adopted the vision of becoming a World Class African City (WCAC). Since then Johannesburg has been energetically promoted in accordance with this vision. The tagline ‘world-class African city’ is now used in the branding of the city. It has become a major signifier on its logo and a notable catchphrase in its radio adverts of its brand. However, the nested opposition of the ‘world-class’ and ‘African’ discourse has not been explicitly defined in the vision beyond their simplistic connection. Many people have found the vision puzzling and some have questioned its claims. This paper explores the conundrum that lies in the nested opposition of the ‘world-class’ and ‘African’ discursive currents. It identifies the ‘global’ and ‘local’ discursive forces (in the country) which were formative in the creation of the vision. It looks at how the intersection of global and African discursive fronts has become leverage for generating hybrid cultural/cosmopolitan identities. The thrust of the paper is that the urban practices and landscapes of post-apartheid Johannesburg are enacted and re-enacted together with the inspiration, signification and/or representation of the city vision. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1607-1627 Issue: 9 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1159507 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1159507 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:9:p:1607-1627 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julian Culp Author-X-Name-First: Julian Author-X-Name-Last: Culp Title: How irresponsible are rising powers? Abstract: Rising powers like Brazil, China and India have recently made significant gains in their capabilities as states. Therefore many IR scholars are claiming that these powers must now contribute more to the provision of global public goods like a clean environment, free trade and human rights. This article will argue that reasonably democratic international political discourses are another global public good whose greater supply is sorely needed and that rising powers are having a positive impact on the creation of such discourses. Thus rising powers are not behaving as irresponsibly as many IR scholars assume. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1525-1536 Issue: 9 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1166046 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1166046 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:9:p:1525-1536 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sofie Bedford Author-X-Name-First: Sofie Author-X-Name-Last: Bedford Author-Name: Emil Aslan Souleimanov Author-X-Name-First: Emil Aslan Author-X-Name-Last: Souleimanov Title: Under construction and highly contested: Islam in the post-Soviet Caucasus Abstract: While scholarship on Islam in the Caucasus has focused on the late Soviet religious revival – the rise of Salafi jihadism and religious radicalisation in the northern part of these strategic crossroads – no study to date has addressed the discursive struggle over the social functions of regional Islam. This article deconstructs these discourses in order to examine the very varying, and often conflicting, representations of Islam advocated by various actors across the region and within particular republics. The article highlights the contested functions of regional Islam against the background of a religious revival that is still a work in progress. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1559-1580 Issue: 9 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1166047 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1166047 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:9:p:1559-1580 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bert Hoffmann Author-X-Name-First: Bert Author-X-Name-Last: Hoffmann Title: Bureaucratic socialism in reform mode: the changing politics of Cuba’s post-Fidel era Abstract: Standard wisdom explains Cuba’s current transformation as one of economic change but political immobility. However, Cuban politics have also undergone a major change since the handing over of power from Fidel to Raúl Castro – even if the rhetoric used has been one of continuity. This article traces this process by looking at four areas: the depersonalisation and re-institutionalisation of the political structures; the diversification of the public sphere, particularly through the use of digital media; the liberalisation of travel and migration, with its transformative impact on state–citizen relations; and the turn to a moderate foreign policy, as highlighted by the rapprochement with the USA, with its implications for legitimising the underpinnings of Cuban socialism. Although the shift has been well below the threshold of a transition to multiparty democracy, Cuba has evolved from the charismatic model of the past to what can be understood as bureaucratic socialism in reform mode. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1730-1744 Issue: 9 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1166050 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1166050 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:9:p:1730-1744 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ricardo Torres Author-X-Name-First: Ricardo Author-X-Name-Last: Torres Title: Economic transformations in Cuba: a review Abstract: After Raul Castro’s accession to the presidency of Cuba, the country has witnessed the most far-reaching process of economic reforms for more than five decades. The government has expanded the private and cooperative sectors, has passed a new foreign investment law, restructured most of its old debt and has sought to end the long-standing dispute with the USA. Yet economic performance has been poor and the country faces significant challenges and contradictions arising from the reforms. This paper analyses the macroeconomic environment and the changes introduced by the Cuban government over the period 2007–15. While successful at restoring macroeconomic equilibria, restrictive macroeconomic policies have hurt economic growth, whereas growth- and efficiency-enhancing measures are yet to produce results. Moreover, transformation of the economic model is slow because of its many internal contradictions. The paper also discusses some of the main impediments to future change. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1683-1697 Issue: 9 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1177454 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1177454 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:9:p:1683-1697 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Timothy Seidel Author-X-Name-First: Timothy Author-X-Name-Last: Seidel Title: ‘Occupied territory is occupied territory’: James Baldwin, Palestine and the possibilities of transnational solidarity Abstract: In his 1966 essay ‘A Report from Occupied Territory’, James Baldwin wrote that ‘occupied territory is occupied territory, even though it be found in that New World which the Europeans conquered’. Though written 50 years ago, Baldwin’s observations continue to resonate, indicating historical trends across geographical experiences affected by the legacy of colonialism. A growing theme in development and peace building studies relates to a kind of boundary crossing that sees academics and activists drawing linkages across spatial and temporal divides. The situation in Palestine–Israel has taken an increasingly central role in mobilising transnational solidarities that cross such boundaries. By examining James Baldwin’s analysis of Harlem’s ‘occupation’ – as well as drawing from a range of voices such as Achille Mbembe, Frantz Fanon, Edward Said, Toni Morrison and Laleh Khalili – this paper will explore the shared experiences of racism, colonialism, military occupation and dispossession that separate and divide, and the possibilities for transnational solidarities that defy those separations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1644-1660 Issue: 9 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1178063 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1178063 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:9:p:1644-1660 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Laurence Whitehead Author-X-Name-First: Laurence Author-X-Name-Last: Whitehead Title: The ‘puzzle’ of autocratic resilience/regime collapse: the case of Cuba Abstract: Why do some authoritarian regimes abruptly collapse, whereas others display remarkable resilience and durability? This article addresses one particularly striking example. Why did the Batista regime in Cuba unexpectedly and suddenly disintegrate in 1958 under challenge from the small guerrilla force that Fidel Castro had established in the Sierra Maestra, whereas – over half a century later – the Castro regime has not only survived as the most long-lasting system of personalist rule in existence but has actually displayed a plausible capacity to perpetuate itself after the inevitably approaching death of its founders? Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1666-1682 Issue: 9 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1188661 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1188661 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:9:p:1666-1682 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vegard Bye Author-X-Name-First: Vegard Author-X-Name-Last: Bye Title: The great paradox: how Obama’s opening to Cuba may imperil the country’s reform process Abstract: This article examines the kind of development and political model most likely to emerge in Cuba, particularly in the wake of the gradual US–Cuban normalisation currently taking place. The rapprochement process, culminating with President Obama’s historic visit in March 2016, has unleashed stiff resistance in both countries. The liberal democratisation paradigm is held up against what we have termed ‘socialist neo-patrimonialism’, with both seen as alternative tools for assessing the direction of social transformations underway in Cuba, focusing on the debate about the role of the national private sector. Paradoxically, normalisation with the USA may so far have had the contrary effect of what President Obama had in mind in this respect: judging from the 7th Congress of the Communist Party in April 2016, it seems that resistance against economic reforms has hardened, caused by a fear that Obama’s charm offensive, combined with a strengthened entrepreneurial sector, will undermine the entire revolutionary project. The article concludes with a discussion of four development scenarios. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1698-1712 Issue: 9 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1188662 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1188662 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:9:p:1698-1712 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Yailenis Mulet Concepción Author-X-Name-First: Yailenis Mulet Author-X-Name-Last: Concepción Title: Self-employment in Cuba: between informality and entrepreneurship – the case of shoe manufacturing Abstract: This article discusses the phenomenon of self-employment in Cuba from three perspectives: its conceptualisation, its links with informality and the challenges to its growth. First, it reviews the characteristics of self-employment in Cuba, in comparison with available theory and with various studies of informality carried out in other countries. Second, it documents the dimensions of informality and Cuba’s black market economy through the study of a specific sector of the independent labour force: shoe producers. Third, it considers the main challenges for the growth of self-employment in Cuba, as illustrated by the case of Cuban shoemakers, and draws some lessons that should improve the situation of this sector, taking into account different international studies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1713-1729 Issue: 9 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1189300 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1189300 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:9:p:1713-1729 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vegard Bye Author-X-Name-First: Vegard Author-X-Name-Last: Bye Author-Name: Bert Hoffmann Author-X-Name-First: Bert Author-X-Name-Last: Hoffmann Author-Name: Laurence Whitehead Author-X-Name-First: Laurence Author-X-Name-Last: Whitehead Title: Cuba: heading for a new development and political model – an introduction Abstract: Cuba, this iconic revolutionary island which has brought so much hope to the Third World and, at one point, worry for a nuclear World War III, is going through a process of change never seen since Fidel Castro led his revolutionary forces to triumph around New Year’s of 1959. Yet, 10 years into the change process, led by the younger Castro Raúl (now 85), nobody can really forecast where the country will end up in socio-economic and political terms. In this TWQ subsection, two economists and three political scientists – two Cubans and three European Cuba watchers – analyse the reforms and their possible outcome. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1661-1665 Issue: 9 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1189301 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1189301 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:9:p:1661-1665 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marcin Solarz Author-X-Name-First: Marcin Author-X-Name-Last: Solarz Title: ‘Third World’: the 60th anniversary of a concept that changed history Abstract: The term ‘Third World’ was coined in 1952 by the French scientist Alfred Sauvy. From the start the meaning of both the phrase itself and its geographical reference have been ambiguous. Generally speaking the term has always had both a political and a socioeconomic meaning, even though at first, during the Cold War, the political sense was more widely applied. The term gained popularity quickly and it became one of the most important and expressive concepts of the 20th century. From the very beginning, however, it was strongly criticised. Its critics have pointed out many different problems, which is why some people have argued that the notion of the ‘Third World’ should be abandoned. These voices were particularly widespread after the end of the Cold War. Nevertheless, the concept ‘Third World’ is still valid and it remains one of the most frequently used terms for describing the global South. The factors that made the concept of the ‘Third World’ popular are still valid. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1561-1573 Issue: 9 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.720828 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.720828 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:9:p:1561-1573 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shiraz Dossa Author-X-Name-First: Shiraz Author-X-Name-Last: Dossa Title: Auschwitz's Finale: racism and holocausts Abstract: It is passing strange that the existence of Auschwitz has not lessened racism. In fact quite the reverse: it has unleashed surplus racism on the ‘Third world’ and its ‘natives’. As I contend here, this is the Auschwitz finale, its abject truth, the dialectical residue of the Holocaust. Jacob Neusner calls it the Holocaust ‘myth’ and ‘mythic theology’. It now constitutes the ruling narrative in the West. This article dissects the Auschwitz discourse and its denial of other holocausts. It critiques the claim that it was the only ‘real’ genocide. It advances a contrary thesis on colonialism, racism and holocausts in history. I clarify the affinity between colonialism and fascism and Israeli tactics in Occupied Palestine. It is undeniable that Auschwitz fuels anti-Arab anti-Semitism and anti-Islamism. In my conclusion I analyse Jewish criticism of the Auschwitz finale. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1575-1593 Issue: 9 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.720829 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.720829 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:9:p:1575-1593 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tariq Amin-Khan Author-X-Name-First: Tariq Author-X-Name-Last: Amin-Khan Title: New Orientalism, Securitisation and the Western Media's Incendiary Racism Abstract: The new Orientalism idea is predicated on the clash of civilisations thesis of Samuel Huntington and others—an outlook which has spread swiftly in Western states since September 11. I explore the implications of the new Orientalism and the assertion of white supremacy for diaspora Muslims in Western societies. Its expression in the media in the form of raced and gendered portrayals and demonised cultural representations of Muslims and Islam, with the accompanying assumption of the superiority of Western culture, is identified here as incendiary racism. This racism also underpins the simultaneous vilification of Muslims and Islam, a claim supported by my analysis of media coverage of the ‘niqab debate’, terrorism and sports. Thus, at one level, I analyse the Western media's depictions. At another, I examine the consequences of securitisation and the Long War, and critically assess the argument that securitisation has existed from time immemorial and represents nothing new—which leads me to challenge its ahistorical assumptions, and the treatment of the securitiser and the securitised as coeval. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1595-1610 Issue: 9 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.720831 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.720831 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:9:p:1595-1610 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mohsen Al Attar Author-X-Name-First: Mohsen Author-X-Name-Last: Al Attar Title: Counter-revolution by Ideology? Law and development's vision(s) for post-revolutionary Egypt Abstract: Law and development, as both movement and practice, has led a tumultuous life: a hurried zenith cut short by a fatal critique followed by an opportunistic resurrection. The name alone is sufficient to trigger a range of reactions, extending from the complimentary to the condemnatory. In this article I track law and development's evolution via an examination of its role in the remodelling of Egyptian society in the post-Nasser era. While the 2011 revolution has encouraged institutions such as usaid to hasten their legal reform efforts, I argue that these are more akin to counter-revolution by ideology than genuine revolution by law. Nevertheless, rather than relegate the movement to the annals of imperial intrigue, I conclude by proposing the use of legal pluralism to revive, and possibly ignite, law and development's emancipatory potential. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1611-1629 Issue: 9 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.720834 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.720834 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:9:p:1611-1629 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adam Morton Author-X-Name-First: Adam Author-X-Name-Last: Morton Title: The War on Drugs in Mexico: a failed state? Abstract: This article focuses on the continued attractiveness of ‘failed state’ strategic thinking that stretches across policy-making and academic circles and links it to the issue of the War on Drugs in Mexico. It does so in order to challenge, if not reject, caricatured representations of ‘failed states’. Moreover, it offers an alternative understanding of the War on Drugs and issues of state crisis in Mexico. Rather than assume that state power is rooted within clear and immobile boundaries, it is more fruitful to rethink transformations in state space that cannot be isolated from underlying historical patterns of development and political economy. A political economy approach to state space is therefore better able to draw attention to the twin geopolitical processes shaping the War on Drugs in Mexico: (1) the geographic restructuring of the trade in cocaine and (2) the coeval onset and consolidation of neoliberalism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1631-1645 Issue: 9 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.720837 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.720837 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:9:p:1631-1645 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mattias Vermeiren Author-X-Name-First: Mattias Author-X-Name-Last: Vermeiren Author-Name: Sacha Dierckx Author-X-Name-First: Sacha Author-X-Name-Last: Dierckx Title: Challenging Global Neoliberalism? The global political economy of China's capital controls Abstract: This article engages with critical ipe scholars who have examined the rise of China and its impact on the neoliberal world order by analysing whether China poses a challenge to the neoliberal norm of free movement of capital. We argue that China's capital control regime is marked by a contradiction between its domestic social relations of production and its global geo-economic ambitions. On one hand, the key raison d'être of China's capital controls is to protect and consolidate an investment-led accumulation regime that redistributes income and wealth from Chinese workers to its state-owned enterprise sector. Dismantling these controls would result in changing social relations of production that would not necessarily benefit Chinese industrial and financial capital. On the other hand, China's accumulation regime has found itself increasingly constrained by the dynamics of US monetary hegemony, making the contestation of US structural monetary power a key global geo-economic ambition of China's ruling elites. In this regard, China would have to challenge the dominance of the US dollar by promoting the international role of the renminbi and developing liquid financial markets. Since it would have to abolish its capital controls in order to achieve this, there is a plain contradiction between its domestic and global objectives. A good understanding of this contradiction is necessary in order to be able to assess whether China will be capable of challenging the neoliberal world order in general and the norm of free movement of capital in particular. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1647-1668 Issue: 9 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.720841 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.720841 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:9:p:1647-1668 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Daniel Agbiboa Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Agbiboa Title: Offsetting the Development Costs? Brain drain and the role of training and remittances Abstract: Over recent decades global labour markets have emerged and skill shortages in particular sectors have generated an international competition for the best and brightest. The developed world is seen to ‘poach’ this talent from poorer countries, with the resultant ‘brain drain’ undermining their capacity to develop. This paper calls into question the assumption that the emigration of the highly skilled will automatically represent a loss to the country of origin. The paper positions itself between the two extremes of brain drain as constituting a pure loss or a pure gain for sending countries and calls for a more moderate approach to skilled migration and its impact on development. The paper goes beyond the simple brain drain/brain gain dichotomy by looking at the flow of the skilled within specific geographic spaces and the resultant policy dilemmas and options. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1669-1683 Issue: 9 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.720847 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.720847 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:9:p:1669-1683 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Reiko Shindo Author-X-Name-First: Reiko Author-X-Name-Last: Shindo Title: The Hidden Effect of Diaspora Return to Post-conflict Countries: the case of policy and temporary return to Rwanda Abstract: In response to the paucity of human resources in post-conflict societies, various agencies have implemented programmes to facilitate returns of qualified diasporas to their countries of origin. This paper examines the context in which diaspora return programmes have emerged and developed, and implications of the return programmes for post-conflict societies. It specifically looks at Migration for Development in Africa (mida) using the example of Rwanda. The paper demonstrates that the prime purpose of diaspora return programmes is to mitigate the effect of brain drain caused by migration from the South to the North. Furthermore, the paper argues that a secondary purpose of the programmes can be to secure a chance of return for diasporas who would like to return to their countries of origin but would like to stay away from the politics of these countries. In conclusion, the author suggests that diaspora return may increase the multiplicity of voices available in countries that tightly control dissident voices. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1685-1702 Issue: 9 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.721232 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.721232 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:9:p:1685-1702 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jean Grugel Author-X-Name-First: Jean Author-X-Name-Last: Grugel Author-Name: Anders Uhlin Author-X-Name-First: Anders Author-X-Name-Last: Uhlin Title: Renewing Global Governance: demanding rights and justice in the global South Abstract: Global inequality is increasing. Global inequalities are an expression of global social injustices and ‘pathologies of power’. Global governance has been posited as a way forward. However, global governance will not deliver justice unless it embraces a more radical vision of what justice means and permits the voices of the marginalised to be heard in spaces of decision making. We identify two important approaches to building more just forms of global governance: the civil society approach, which is useful when it draws attention to the agency of those at the margins of global circuits of power; and the rights-based approach, which can provide opportunities for justice claims by marginalised groups. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1703-1718 Issue: 9 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.721234 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.721234 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:9:p:1703-1718 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christer Jönsson Author-X-Name-First: Christer Author-X-Name-Last: Jönsson Author-Name: Kristina Jönsson Author-X-Name-First: Kristina Author-X-Name-Last: Jönsson Title: Global and Local Health Governance: Civil society, human rights and Abstract: From the outset in the mid-1980s the international response to hiv/aids has been characterised by an emphasis on the human rights aspects of the pandemic, and on recognition of the pivotal role of civil society actors (csos). But how the rights-based conception of hiv/aids and the international legitimation of csos play out at the local level depends not only on the vertical coordination between global and local levels but also on government–cso relations and the understanding of the pandemic in individual countries. South Africa and Cambodia provide comparative examples of ‘glocalised’ responses to hiv/aids. Both countries were among the hardest hit in their respective regions. But, while the South African government was slow to acknowledge the severity of epidemic, the Cambodian leadership quickly initiated a comprehensive response to it. The two cases illustrate how opportunity structures at the international and national levels created different local responses to hiv/aids, with significant consequences for the epidemic over time. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1719-1734 Issue: 9 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.721261 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.721261 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:9:p:1719-1734 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nicola Piper Author-X-Name-First: Nicola Author-X-Name-Last: Piper Author-Name: Stefan Rother Author-X-Name-First: Stefan Author-X-Name-Last: Rother Title: Let's Argue about Migration: advancing a right(s) discourse via communicative opportunities Abstract: The emerging global governance of migration is dominated by two discourses which shape policy approaches: 1) migration management and 2) the migration–development nexus. With large numbers of labour migrants being marginalised, migrant rights organisations have formed global alliances to argue for the centrality of a third discourse, the rights-based approach to migration. The question is how to inject this into the global debate which has sidelined migrant rights issues. Despite having hardly any bargaining power and restricted space for direct access vis-à-vis global governing institutions, migrant rights organisations are employing a number of strategies to overcome this marginalisation. We analyse these efforts by drawing on social movement studies and International Relations research on communicative action. Empirically this article draws on observations made during two major global fora: the negotiations in connection with the new Convention on ‘Decent Work for Domestic Workers’ at the International Labour Conference (ilc) and civil society participation in the Global Forum on Migration and Development (gfmd). Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1735-1750 Issue: 9 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.721271 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.721271 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:9:p:1735-1750 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrea Cornwall Author-X-Name-First: Andrea Author-X-Name-Last: Cornwall Author-Name: Mamoru Fujita Author-X-Name-First: Mamoru Author-X-Name-Last: Fujita Title: Ventriloquising ‘the Poor’? Of voices, choices and the politics of ‘participatory’ knowledge production Abstract: The World Bank's Consultations with the Poor made development history. One of the most widely discussed piece of development research ever, the Consultations made much of claims to be participatory and to represent the ‘‘voices'' of more than 20,000 ‘‘poor people'' in 23 countries. It findings were used to garland speeches and affirm the overwhelming approval of ‘‘the poor'' for the bank's policy prescriptions, lending them narrative form and moral legitimacy. More than a decade later, references are still made to the ‘‘voices of the poor''. As the MDG deadline draws closer, there is talk of repeating the exercise to inform the next round of goals. In this article, we look back at this exercise, and examine the methodology that was used to ‘‘listen'' to ‘‘the voices of the poor''. Taking one of the regions where the studies were done, Latin America, we trace quotes through from site reports to synthesis. Our findings offer no surprise to those familiar with what Broad describes as the Bank's exercise of the ‘‘art of paradigm maintenance''. But it offers useful pause for reflection on the politics of knowledge production and the encounters between international development agencies and those whom they would call their ‘‘clients''. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1751-1765 Issue: 9 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.721274 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.721274 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:9:p:1751-1765 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Louiza Odysseos Author-X-Name-First: Louiza Author-X-Name-Last: Odysseos Author-Name: Anna Selmeczi Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Selmeczi Title: The power of human rights/the human rights of power: an introduction Abstract: The contributions to this volume eschew the long-held approach of either dismissing human rights as politically compromised or glorifying them as a priori progressive in enabling resistance. Drawing on plural social theoretic and philosophical literatures – and a multiplicity of empirical domains – they illuminate the multi-layered and intricate relationship of human rights and power. They highlight human rights’ incitement of new subjects and modes of political action, marked by an often unnoticed duality and indeterminacy. Epistemologically distancing themselves from purely deductive, theory-driven approaches, the contributors explore these linkages through historically specific rights struggles. This, in turn, substantiates the commitment to avoid reifying the ‘Third World’ as merely the terrain of ‘fieldwork’, proposing it, instead, as a legitimate and necessary site of theorising. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1033-1040 Issue: 6 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1047182 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047182 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:6:p:1033-1040 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Louiza Odysseos Author-X-Name-First: Louiza Author-X-Name-Last: Odysseos Title: The question concerning human rights and human rightlessness: disposability and struggle in the Bhopal gas disaster Abstract: In the midst of concerns about diminishing political support for human rights, individuals and groups across the globe continue to invoke them in their diverse struggles against oppression and injustice. Yet both those concerned with the future of human rights and those who champion rights activism as essential to resistance, assume that human rights – as law, discourse and practices of rights claiming – can ameliorate rightlessness. In questioning this assumption, this article seeks also to reconceptualise rightlessness by engaging with contemporary discussions of disposability and social abandonment in an attempt to be attentive to forms of rightlessness co-emergent with the operations of global capital. Developing a heuristic analytics of rightlessness, it evaluates the relatively recent attempts to mobilise human rights as a frame for analysis and action in the campaigns for justice following the 3 December 1984 gas leak from Union Carbide Corporation’s (UCC) pesticide manufacturing plant in Bhopal, India. Informed by the complex effects of human rights in the amelioration of rightlessness, the article calls for reconstituting human rights as an optics of rightlessness. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1041-1059 Issue: 6 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1047183 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047183 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:6:p:1041-1059 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lara Montesinos Coleman Author-X-Name-First: Lara Author-X-Name-Last: Montesinos Coleman Title: Struggles, over rights: humanism, ethical dispossession and resistance Abstract: What should we make of appeals to human rights in the context of struggles against dispossession or armed repression? After the ‘death of man’ as transcendent ground of all right, critics have highlighted the disciplinary effects and absolutist tendencies of human rights discourse. However, attempts have been made to ‘rescue’ human rights – and wider forms of humanistic advocacy – as an immanent, self-grounding ethical practice. Drawing on analysis of struggles over natural resource extraction and indigenous rights in Latin America, this paper argues that such accounts mirror the assumptions of a predominant mode of international humanitarian activism. By reifying humanistic ideals, without sufficient attention to the effects of practices within which rights are invoked, both obscure entanglements between humanist interventions and logics of dispossession. This is particularly significant at the current juncture. Through these interventions rights have been absorbed into a neoliberal regime of truth in which the subjects of rights are interpellated as parties to private contract, such that rights themselves become tools of exception. Taking struggle as a starting point, by contrast, highlights not only the indeterminacy of rights but also the potential of human rights discourse to disrupt these logics. Through ethnographic engagement with ‘people’s hearings’ into ‘Multinational Corporations and Crimes against Humanity’ in Colombia, I revisit the questions of ‘the human’ and ‘rights’ and propose a more dialectical approach to the relation between normative principle and immanent critique. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1060-1075 Issue: 6 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1047193 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047193 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:6:p:1060-1075 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anna Selmeczi Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Selmeczi Title: Who is the subject of neoliberal rights? Governmentality, subjectification and the letter of the law Abstract: Motivated by the litigious politics of the South African shack-dwellers’ movement, Abahlali baseMjondolo, this paper enquires into the knowledge dynamics implied by the governmentality literature’s take on the (neo)liberal deployment of (human) rights. It suggests that by implicitly constructing the freedom of codified rights as illusionary and opposed to the reality of neoliberal rationalities of government, this scholarship posits a cognitive hierarchy between agents of government and the governed, and thus reproduces the power dynamics that it seeks to criticise. Interweaving a presentation of Abahlali’s self-articulation as knowledgeable and rightful subjects with Jacques Rancière’s notion of ‘literariness’, the paper accounts for codified rights’ potential to enable the disruption of such dynamics, and traces the governmentality literature’s suspicion towards this potential back to its textual methodology. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1076-1091 Issue: 6 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1047194 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047194 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:6:p:1076-1091 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Joe Hoover Author-X-Name-First: Joe Author-X-Name-Last: Hoover Title: The human right to housing and community empowerment: home occupation, eviction defence and community land trusts Abstract: Critics of human rights are hesitant to reject them outright for fear of undermining the work they may do in resisting oppression. This pragmatic justification is central to celebrations of human rights as well, but is it more than a failure to move beyond liberal hegemony? I argue that human rights have radical potential because the act of claiming such rights uses the ambiguous but universal identity of ‘humanity’ to make claims on the established terms of legitimate authority. The potential of human rights to fight for social change is examined by looking at the movement for a human right to housing in the USA. I explore how homeless individuals, public housing tenants and low-income urban residents realise their human right to housing through eviction defences, the occupation of ‘people-less’ homes, and attempts to remake the structure of home ownership through community land trusts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1092-1109 Issue: 6 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1047196 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047196 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:6:p:1092-1109 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Judith Renner Author-X-Name-First: Judith Author-X-Name-Last: Renner Title: Producing the subjects of reconciliation: the making of Sierra Leoneans as victims and perpetrators of past human rights violations Abstract: Human rights have become a central aspect of global peace-building strategies, and are often pursued through instruments of transitional justice. In this paper I focus on the role of truth and reconciliation commissions (TRCs) for human rights in post-conflict settings and argue that the global politics of reconciliation, which is supposed to unveil the ‘truth’ about, and help to overcome, past human rights violations, serves as a vehicle that brings the human rights language to post-conflict settings. While this might be expected to be empowering for the local people, the Sierra Leonean case suggests that, here, the particular human rights narrative promoted by the TRC had two potentially depoliticising effects: first, by narrating the past conflict as a series of human rights violations while downplaying the political motives and claims that kept it going; second, by constituting the local people as the victims and perpetrators of past human rights violations who are above all in need of reconciliation and healing. The TRC’s human rights narrative thereby overwrote other subject positions held by the people, such as those of soldier, rebel, or civilian. It also neutralised the political claims held by these subjects and replaced them with the therapeutic need for reconciliation and healing. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1110-1128 Issue: 6 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1047197 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047197 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:6:p:1110-1128 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jarmila Rajas Author-X-Name-First: Jarmila Author-X-Name-Last: Rajas Title: Disciplining the human rights of immigrants: market veridiction and the echoes of eugenics in contemporary EU immigration policies Abstract: This paper investigates the technologies of controlling migration and how the human rights of third-country nationals are disciplined and limited in many European Union member states. It discusses the rationalities of allowing entry as they are inscribed in the Schengen visa regulations and in the regulations relating to resident permits and family reunification rights in various European countries. Specifically the paper sheds light on how market veridiction results in the disciplining of human rights in these policies. The analysis is conducted through a Foucauldian governmentality framework entailing an analysis of the problematisations of immigration through market veridiction and how these are applied today to limit immigrants’ human rights. The paper then compares these rationalities to eugenic justifications for problematising immigration in the USA from 1860s onwards. This historical comparison shows how social Darwinist notions of human worth continue to function at the level of rationalities and technologies of disciplining immigrants’ human rights. The paper concludes that market veridiction makes human rights function inside a framework of (e)quality in which human worth is calculated as ‘quality’ and not as ‘equality’, and shows how migrants’ human rights are made to function as something to be earned rather than something inherent or inalienable. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1129-1144 Issue: 6 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1047198 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047198 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:6:p:1129-1144 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Raffaela Puggioni Author-X-Name-First: Raffaela Author-X-Name-Last: Puggioni Title: Border politics, right to life and acts of : voices from the Lampedusa borderland Abstract: The debate on migration-related border controls has greatly expanded during the past decade. Special attention has been given to processes of contestation and of rights-claims enacted by migrants, drawing greatly on Isin’s work on acts of citizenship and Rancière’s articulation of the ‘uncounted’ and the political. Within this broad debate little attention has been devoted to the acts of common people in contesting current border management and especially in refusing the policing and the bordering of their own territory. By focusing on the Lampedusa borderland, this paper will explore and interrogate the verbal protests made by the people of Lampedusa in response to the drowning of some 366 African migrants on 3 October 2013. The protests were mostly against current border patrolling and its politics of (non-)life, which prioritise border protection against (migrants’) life protection. The call to protecting all human life, equally worthy of being protected, transformed these protests into political acts. Using and extending the work of Rancière, I explore the extent to which the people of Lampedusa have highlighted a ‘wrong’ and enacted ‘dissensus’ by contesting the (natural) securitised order of EU border management. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1145-1159 Issue: 6 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1047199 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047199 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:6:p:1145-1159 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ariadna Estévez Author-X-Name-First: Ariadna Author-X-Name-Last: Estévez Title: The subject and the dislocation of state attribution in human rights discourse: the case of Mexican asylum claims in Canada Abstract: Mexico is arguably immersed in an unprecedented wave of violence in which drug cartels and law enforcement officials at times work together in cases of forced disappearance, kidnapping, execution, torture, persecution and other atrocities considered violations of the most basic human rights, including the right to life and to physical integrity. However, these atrocities are only classified as human rights violations if they can be unequivocally attributed to the state; this is not always possible. Using Foucault’s idea of governmentality and Valencia’s concept of the Endriago as a subjectivity emerging from the specific governmentalisation of the Mexican state, this article examines how hybrid agents in Mexico – law enforcement officials working for criminal gangs or criminals working for the state – serve to subvert common understandings of attribution and responsibility in the state-centric discourse of human rights in general, and of the right of asylum in the specific case of Canada, a country to which thousands of Mexicans have fled. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1160-1174 Issue: 6 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1047201 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047201 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:6:p:1160-1174 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jane K. Cowan Author-X-Name-First: Jane K. Author-X-Name-Last: Cowan Author-Name: Julie Billaud Author-X-Name-First: Julie Author-X-Name-Last: Billaud Title: Between learning and schooling: the politics of human rights monitoring at the Universal Periodic Review Abstract: This paper explores the politics of monitoring at the Universal Periodic Review (UPR), a new United Nations human rights monitoring mechanism which aims to promote a universal approach and equal treatment when reviewing each country’s human rights situation. To what extent are these laudable aims realised, and realisable, given entrenched representations of the West and the Rest as well as geopolitical and economic inequalities both historically and in the present? Based on ethnographic fieldwork at the UN in 2010–11, the final year of the UPR’s first cycle, we explore how these aims were both pursued and subverted, paying attention to two distinct ways of talking about the UPR: first, as a learning culture in which UN member states ‘share best practice’ and engage in constructive criticism; and second, as an exam which UN member states face as students with vastly differing attitudes and competences. Accounts and experiences of diplomats from states that are not placed in the ‘good students’ category offer valuable insights into the inherent contradictions of de-historicised and de-contextualised approaches to human rights. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1175-1190 Issue: 6 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1047202 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047202 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:6:p:1175-1190 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Daniel Tagliarina Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Tagliarina Title: Power, privilege and rights: how the powerful and powerless create a vernacular of rights Abstract: Much of the scholarship on how marginalised groups deploy human rights discourse focuses on how these groups translate human rights norms into the group’s vernacular. The marginalised are not alone in this respect. The American Christian Right employs the power of rights claims – which they have previously rejected – to preserve Christian privilege at the expense of greater religious inclusion. This paper demonstrates that even the ‘powerful’ need to vernacularise rights norms and ideals when the group has no meaningful history of engaging with rights and the law. This shared process of vernacularisation highlights the plasticity of rights, and how they can be bent to serve the relatively powerful or the relatively powerless. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1191-1206 Issue: 6 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1047203 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047203 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:6:p:1191-1206 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Şerif Onur Bahçecik Author-X-Name-First: Şerif Onur Author-X-Name-Last: Bahçecik Title: The power effects of human rights reforms in Turkey: enhanced surveillance and depoliticisation Abstract: While the perspective of ‘liberalism of fear’ assumes that human rights limit the despotic power of the state, this paper argues that human rights reforms promoted in the context of institution- and capacity-building programmes have had significant power effects by enhancing the disciplinary capacities of the Turkish state and blunting the transformative potential of rights claiming. The reforms increased state surveillance by rechanneling criminal justice processes towards producing evidence (such as telecommunications data, DNA collection, etc) rather than testimonies. Instead of limiting state power, these reforms enhanced the disciplinary mechanisms of social control. They depoliticised the problem of torture by constructing it as an occupational accident (as opposed to a state crime) that happens because of lack of police officer know-how or resources for the investigation of crime. Finally, reforms revamped the way police investigated crimes, rather than launching campaigns against torture and dismissing past wrongdoers in the police. The paper concludes that the neoliberal emphasis on the technicalisation of political problems has limited the democratic potential of human rights reforms. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1222-1236 Issue: 6 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1047204 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047204 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:6:p:1222-1236 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Eva Hilberg Author-X-Name-First: Eva Author-X-Name-Last: Hilberg Title: Promoting health or securing the market? The right to health and intellectual property between radical contestation and accommodation Abstract: The Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) firmly enshrined a legal framework guaranteeing enforceable minimum intellectual property (IP) standards at the international level. But it also resulted in a greater inclusion of intellectual property rights (IPRs) in wider political debates between developing and industrialised countries – for instance on questions of global health and development. This paper argues that the increasing reach and efficacy of the IP regime has given rise to wider challenges to the IP system needing urgent conceptual analysis. The focus here is on IP’s increasing confrontation with the right to health, which is analysed not as an encounter of radically opposed legal systems, but as an ambivalent process in which the right to health operates as a challenge to the IP system – and, paradoxically, as an argument for its extension. To account for this ambivalence, the analysis develops a Foucauldian understanding of the right to health’s potential challenge, re-evaluating the right to health’s role as a part of a process of incremental realisation of governmental priorities, which negotiates tensions between guaranteeing the function of the economy and improving the health of populations. While this incremental process draws attention to the limitations of the right to health’s potential to challenge the IP regime, it also highlights this regime’s difficulty in accommodating a wider range of active entrepreneurial subjects. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1237-1252 Issue: 6 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1047205 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047205 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:6:p:1237-1252 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mathias Großklaus Author-X-Name-First: Mathias Author-X-Name-Last: Großklaus Title: Appropriation and the dualism of human rights: understanding the contradictory impact of gender norms in Nigeria Abstract: This paper conceptualises appropriation as an analytical tool to capture the contradictory nature of human rights localisation. Here appropriation is understood as the intentional reinterpretation of ideas across cultural, spatial and temporal contexts aimed at definitional power. In the first part of the paper I lay out the concept and develop an operationalisation. In the second part I apply the framework to the case of contested gender reform in Nigeria. The analysis highlights the localisation of human rights norms as an amalgam of different competing appropriating acts, leading to a hybrid and contradictory outcome that bears both transformative and stabilising potential. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1253-1267 Issue: 6 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1047206 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047206 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:6:p:1253-1267 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shadi Mokhtari Author-X-Name-First: Shadi Author-X-Name-Last: Mokhtari Title: Human rights and power amid protest and change in the Arab world Abstract: The stunning popular uprisings in the Arab world in 2011 inaugurated an era of protest, revolutions and political transitions, on the one hand, and heightened repression, civil war and renewed authoritarianism, on the other. During this era the human rights paradigm was often at the fore of political and social contests, repeatedly being claimed, co-opted and appropriated. This paper argues that within the Middle East’s uprisings and transitions, deployments of human rights had notable emancipatory effects; yet invocations of the discourse continued to emerge from, converge with or (re)produce various power-laden domestic and international political dynamics. The human rights paradigm served as a primary discourse of the most serious challenge to Arab authoritarianism and its Western sponsorship in contemporary history, with the outcome in Tunisia exemplifying its potential to influence both the processes and substance of genuine political change. The period’s events and ethos also created openings for rights claims to be made by marginalised groups and facilitated local actors’ agency in driving the region’s human rights politics and agendas after decades of ‘human rights in the Arab world’ being a discourse largely driven by foreign actors. Yet the paradigm was also frequently curtailed or instrumentalised by local rulers and Western powers clinging to longstanding authoritarian arrangements, as well as by emergent political actors vying for power. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1207-1221 Issue: 6 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1047213 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047213 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:6:p:1207-1221 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Corrigendum Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1268-1268 Issue: 6 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1064253 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1064253 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:6:p:1268-1268 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Djalita Fialho Author-X-Name-First: Djalita Author-X-Name-Last: Fialho Title: Altruism but not Quite: the genesis of the least developed country () category Abstract: This article provides a historical account of the creation of the ldc category in 1971, analyses the motives of the main actors and examines the motivation of the UN to establish the category. A literature review, official document analysis and expert interviews indicate that, from the perspective of both developed and more advanced developing countries, the initial ldc identification process aimed to generate a reduced list of mostly small and economically and politically less significant countries. Contrary to the official narrative, this served the interests of both developed countries (by undermining the UN's implicit effort to normalise/depoliticise international assistance) and more advanced developing countries (disturbed by the discrimination created within the developing countries' group, favouring the most disadvantaged among them). Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 751-768 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.674700 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.674700 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:5:p:751-768 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Iro Aghedo Author-X-Name-First: Iro Author-X-Name-Last: Aghedo Author-Name: Oarhe Osumah Author-X-Name-First: Oarhe Author-X-Name-Last: Osumah Title: The Boko Haram Uprising: how should Nigeria respond? Abstract: Since the execution of Osama bin Laden and a few other al-Qaeda kingpins, the incidence of international terrorism seems to be on the decline and the ‘war on terror’ has been applauded as a huge success, with some even arguing that terrorism will fizzle out sooner rather than later. But recent experiences in Nigeria and some other African states reveal that, while global terrorism may be on the decline, the proliferation and radicalisation of local terrorist groups with possible links to al-Qaeda seem to be on the rise. The quest for effective counter-terrorism therefore continues. This article interrogates how Nigeria should respond to the Boko Haram terrorist uprising. Methodologically it relies on both primary and secondary sources of data. It provides an overview of the evolution and dynamics of the uprising in Nigeria, and explores the motivations, strategic operations and responses of Boko Haram. The article shows that the uprising, which engenders general insecurity, is a consequence of governance failure and institutional fragility. Thus, it concludes that, to effectively address the uprising, Nigeria should adopt a human security approach rather than the current emphasis on a repressive state security approach. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 853-869 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.674701 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.674701 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:5:p:853-869 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Imad Salamey Author-X-Name-First: Imad Author-X-Name-Last: Salamey Author-Name: Frederic Pearson Author-X-Name-First: Frederic Author-X-Name-Last: Pearson Title: The Collapse of Middle Eastern Authoritarianism: breaking the barriers of fear and power Abstract: This article analyses Middle Eastern authoritarianism and the contemporary political transformations which have swept the region. It suggests that, given the uneven spread of reform and the selectiveness of international intervention, the prioritisation of Middle Eastern stability over democratic transformation, combined with local authoritarian regimes' ability to use excessive force against their own populations and insurgents, are responsible for the persistence of the Middle East's post-cold war authoritarianism. The recent uprisings and reform movements can be explained from the perspective of historical grievance, based on social inequality and ethnic, sectarian, tribal or sectional disparities, as well as by advancements in communications technology and economic globalisation that have undermined long-standing national authoritarianism in favour of Middle Eastern civil rights and civil society movements. A global democratic consciousness has played a decisive role in providing ideological cohesiveness and (uneven) global political support to safeguard the collective action of the new civil rights movements. Recognising that democracy itself may have characteristic regional forms with greater and lesser tinges of recurrent authoritarianism, Middle Eastern democratic transformation hinges on the ability of these burgeoning movements to achieve a civic state and overcome authoritarian counter-resistance and international suspicion and fear. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 931-948 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.674702 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.674702 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:5:p:931-948 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Markus Kröger Author-X-Name-First: Markus Author-X-Name-Last: Kröger Title: Neo-mercantilist Capitalism and Post-2008 Cleavages in Economic Decision-making Power in Brazil Abstract: The 2008 subprime crisis led to a global wave of bailouts and other political-economic measures by governments. These moves were seen as the rise of a new statism. Emerging giants, such as Brazil, introduced new growth policies and reinforced state-crediting of corporations. This article briefly discusses key institutional, structural and ideological lineages and dilemmas in post-2008 statism and capitalism in Brazil. Neo-mercantilist capitalism is visible, for example, in the new ‘National Champions’ strategy aiming to create export-focused, leading global-sector corporations via mergers orchestrated by key politicians, capitalists and state financial institutions. Changes after a bailout–merger in the paper industry suggest that, after the 2008 financial crisis, in Brazil as elsewhere the use of public funds has had multiple and complex impacts, including the saving of corporations, the concentration of power in those best connected in the political economy, and further exacerbation of class-based inequalities in economic decision making. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 887-901 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.674703 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.674703 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:5:p:887-901 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter Dauvergne Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Dauvergne Author-Name: Déborah BL Farias Author-X-Name-First: Déborah Author-X-Name-Last: BL Farias Title: The Rise of Brazil as a Global Development Power Abstract: Brazil's influence is rising quickly in international affairs. Unlike those of China and India, its foreign policy relies heavily on non-military power—a characteristic of Brazil since at least the early 20th century. A mainstay of this policy has been the pursuit of ‘development’ for Brazil and the global South, with domestic discourse on the need to ‘develop’ buttressing this approach. Foreign policy under President Lula (2003–10) did this explicitly; President Rousseff (2011–) shows no signs of changing course. This article analyses three foreign policy issues—South–South cooperation, health, and environment—to demonstrate the use and assess the value of this strategy. Not only is the strategy serving Brazil's national interests well, the analysis reveals, but it is also benefitting other developing countries (albeit asymmetrically), reinforcing Brazil's capacity to influence international affairs. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 903-917 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.674704 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.674704 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:5:p:903-917 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Beniamin Knutsson Author-X-Name-First: Beniamin Author-X-Name-Last: Knutsson Author-Name: Jonas Lindberg Author-X-Name-First: Jonas Author-X-Name-Last: Lindberg Title: Education, Development and the Imaginary Global Consensus: reframing educational planning dilemmas in the South Abstract: In the context of knowledge-intensive globalisation and severe poverty, policy makers in the South face various educational planning dilemmas. These are ultimately political, implying that there are no ways of avoiding tensions and trade-offs when attempting to handle them. Such dilemmas have been subject to debate in the research community and have been framed differently in different historical contexts. The contemporary development policy discourse, however, largely conceals the existence of dilemmas by suggesting that we have reached a global consensus regarding the role of education in development. This article illustrates that this consensus is imaginary and consequently aims to reframe educational planning dilemmas in the contemporary policy context. It is shown that the dilemmas have changed character and now largely revolve around how to navigate and negotiate in highly complex political landscapes. Future research should focus on such ongoing wars of position and expose the many tensions concealed by the hegemonic policy discourse. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 807-824 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.674705 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.674705 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:5:p:807-824 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Suman Mishra Author-X-Name-First: Suman Author-X-Name-Last: Mishra Title: ‘The Shame Games’: a textual analysis of Western press coverage of the Commonwealth Games in India Abstract: This study examines the news coverage of the Commonwealth Games in India in major newspapers in Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the UK. Textual analysis of news articles reveals a heavy focus on issues of mismanagement and deficiencies in game preparations, and the use of negative stereotypes of India. The article draws attention to the bias in coverage of events in developing countries and calls attention to the hegemonic function of the Western press in perpetuating old social attitudes and prejudices that undermine the success and achievements of events in developing countries like India. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 871-886 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.674747 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.674747 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:5:p:871-886 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adrienne Roberts Author-X-Name-First: Adrienne Author-X-Name-Last: Roberts Author-Name: Susanne Soederberg Author-X-Name-First: Susanne Author-X-Name-Last: Soederberg Title: Gender Equality as ? A critique of the 2012 Abstract: Business now plays an increasingly prominent role in development. While the implicit links between private actors and international development institutions have been widely debated, the explicit role of financial corporations in shaping official development policy has been less well documented. We employ a feminist Marxian analysis to examine the material and discursive landscape of the 2012 World Development Report: Gender Equality and Development. Its exclusive focus on gender equality as ‘smart economics’, and the central role accorded to leading financial corporations like Goldman Sachs in the formulation of the key World Bank recommendations enable us to explore the changing landscape of the neoliberal corporatisation of development. We argue, first, that the apolitical and ahistorical representation of gender and gender equality in the wdr serves to normalise spaces of informality and insecurity, thereby expunging neoliberal-led capitalist relations of exploitation and domination, which characterise the social context in which many women in the global South live. Second, the wdr represents the interest of corporations in transforming the formerly excluded segments of the South (women) into consumers and entrepreneurs. The wdr thus represents an attempt by the World Bank and its ‘partners’ to deepen and consolidate the fundamental values and tenets of capitalist interests. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 949-968 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.677310 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.677310 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:5:p:949-968 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nadia Molenaers Author-X-Name-First: Nadia Author-X-Name-Last: Molenaers Title: The Great Divide? Donor perceptions of budget support, eligibility and policy dialogue Abstract: Budget Support (bs) has been considered the aid modality that best realises the Paris Declaration principles of alignment, harmonisation and respect for recipient ownership. In design the modality has a very strong technocratic focus, and the oecd/dac has endorsed the idea that bs should be delinked from broader political concerns. In reality, however, donors do use bs to leverage more and better democratic governance. This political use of bs is not limited to exceptional moments when the political situation seriously deteriorates in certain countries. This article shows that such use is grounded in fundamentally different visions and policies that donors hold regarding the scope of leverage for bs. Such starkly diverging interpretations of which reforms bs can ‘buy’ undermine the objectives the modality was designed to achieve. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 791-806 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.677311 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.677311 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:5:p:791-806 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Branwen Jones Author-X-Name-First: Branwen Author-X-Name-Last: Jones Title: ‘Bankable Slums’: the global politics of slum upgrading Abstract: This article develops a critical analysis of the Slum Upgrading Facility, a new initiative of UN-Habitat which seeks to improve conditions for residents of slums in Africa and elsewhere. The analysis highlights the neoliberal principles underpinning this initiative, and especially the vision of slum improvement by means of financialisation. The article argues that it is necessary and important to recognise the politics of international urban development and housing, which has since the 1970s increasingly emphasised neoliberal principles of private property and market institutions. The novel ambition of financialisation must also be situated in relation to historical transformations of housing finance in Anglo-American capitalism over the past three decades. After situating the ideological principles underpinning the Slum Upgrading Facility in these longer and broader global trajectories of international policy, the final section returns to the present to examine other initiatives currently being pursued alongside slum upgrading: the active promotion of mortgage markets in Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 769-789 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.679027 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.679027 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:5:p:769-789 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Timothy Shaw Author-X-Name-First: Timothy Author-X-Name-Last: Shaw Title: Africa's Quest for Developmental States: ‘renaissance’ for whom? Abstract: After a generally disappointing half-century since recapturing formal independence, at the turn of the second decade of the 21st century, Africa(s) may now be able to seize unanticipated emerging opportunities to move from `fragile' or `failed' towards `developmental' political economies. The continent displays innovations in terms of sources of finance, new regionalisms & transnational governance leading to distinctive insights for analysis & policy, both state & non-state. Its potential for renaissance is reinforced by South Africa's accession as the fifth of the BRICS at the dawn of the decade. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 837-851 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.681967 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.681967 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:5:p:837-851 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dorine Van Norren Author-X-Name-First: Dorine Author-X-Name-Last: Van Norren Title: The Wheel of Development: the Millennium Development Goals as a communication and development tool Abstract: Despite the shortcomings of the Millennium Development Goals as a development tool, they have proven to be an important communication tool that is worth preserving after 2015. Inclusion of important themes of the Millennium Declaration and elements of the capability theory is essential in a post-2015 system, as well as putting human rights and gender principles at its core. Process orientation rather than end goals could lead to ‘Millennium Development Actions’ with ‘Progress Signs’, which, represented in a circular symbol, form a ‘wheel of development’, complemented by a Wheel of Governance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 825-836 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.684499 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.684499 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:5:p:825-836 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hilal Khashan Author-X-Name-First: Hilal Author-X-Name-Last: Khashan Title: The Eclipse of Arab Authoritarianism and the Challenge of Popular Sovereignty Abstract: This paper proposes that the tumultuous events associated with the Arab uprisings are unlikely to engender democracy in the foreseeable future. At best, they will probably produce unstable political orders on the basis of accommodation and ad hoc political alliances. The argument of this paper lends itself to analysis through the examination of Arabs' experience with (1) failed reforms, (2) regime defiance, (3) the gap between youth awakening and sociopolitical reality and (4) the uneasy encounter between nascent competence, confidence and political consensus. The author's assessment suggests that recent dramatic developments in the Arab region are only the beginning of a long process of political evolution that is unlikely to be concluded before the successful resolution of the issue of political identity and the transformation of Arab publics from subjects into citizens. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 919-930 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.687509 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.687509 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:5:p:919-930 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Johan Brosché Author-X-Name-First: Johan Author-X-Name-Last: Brosché Author-Name: Allard Duursma Author-X-Name-First: Allard Author-X-Name-Last: Duursma Title: Hurdles to peace: a level-of-analysis approach to resolving Sudan’s civil wars Abstract: Why do some peace agreements end armed conflicts whereas others do not? Previous studies have primarily focused on the relation between warring parties and the provisions included in peace agreements. Prominent mediators, however, have emphasised the importance of stakeholders at various levels for the outcome of peace agreements. To match the experience of these negotiators we apply a level-of-analysis approach to examine the contextual circumstances under which peace agreements are concluded. While prominent within the causes of war literature, level-of-analysis approaches are surprisingly scant in research about conflict resolution. This article compares two Sudanese Peace Agreements: the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (2005) that ended the North–South war and led to the independence of South Sudan, and the Darfur Peace Agreement (2006) which failed to end fighting in Darfur. We find that factors at the local, national and international level explain the different outcomes of the two agreements. Hence, the two case studies illustrate the merit of employing a level-of-analysis approach to study the outcome of peace agreements. The main contribution of this article is that it presents a new theoretical framework to understand why some peace agreements terminate armed conflict whereas others do not. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 560-576 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1333417 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1333417 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:3:p:560-576 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julieta Lemaitre Author-X-Name-First: Julieta Author-X-Name-Last: Lemaitre Title: Humanitarian aid and host state capacity: the challenges of the Norwegian Refugee Council in Colombia Abstract: How can humanitarian actors operate in a host state with significant subnational variations in willingness and capacity to meet its obligations? This is an issue of pressing importance, given the expansion of humanitarian aid to middle-income countries with growing state capacity, but with persistent infrastructural weakness in their periphery. The article illustrates the challenges and potentialities of engaging these states through the case study of the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) in Colombia. It describes the way the NRC has located its offices in peripheral areas, and how its activities have fostered the rule of law, successfully using rights-based approaches to strengthen subnational state institutions, activate and mobilise citizen demands and bridge national and subnational administrations. The article concludes that these activities, operated by officers with extensive practical knowledge and local trust networks, can open the way for durable solutions for humanitarian crisis, but can also provoke backlash from subnational actors. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 544-559 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1368381 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1368381 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:3:p:544-559 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kristen Hopewell Author-X-Name-First: Kristen Author-X-Name-Last: Hopewell Title: Recalcitrant spoiler? Contesting dominant accounts of India’s role in global trade governance Abstract: India is frequently cast as a troublemaker and blamed for the breakdown of the Doha Round. This article provides a critical re-reading of India’s trade policy and its position in multilateral trade negotiations. It challenges the widespread characterisation of India as a recalcitrant spoiler, intent on derailing trade liberalisation at the WTO. It shows that with the emergence of its highly-competitive, export-oriented services sector, India became one of the leading advocates of global services trade liberalisation in the Doha Round. Yet, not unlike the traditional powers, India’s offensive trade interests are also combined with significant defensive concerns in agriculture. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 577-593 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1369033 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1369033 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:3:p:577-593 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nana K. Poku Author-X-Name-First: Nana K. Author-X-Name-Last: Poku Author-Name: Jesper Sundewall Author-X-Name-First: Jesper Author-X-Name-Last: Sundewall Title: Political responsibility and global health Abstract: Globalising dynamics have had wide-ranging and pervasive impacts on nearly every form of human relatedness, which now include the bases upon which states calculate and express their political responsibilities. As the ‘reach’ of practical and normative pressures extends and their demands intensify, the compass of state responsibility is becoming a key pressure point for facing the challenges and mediating the tensions of our globalised and still globalising world. This theme is examined from a global health perspective. The general disposition of states toward their acknowledged political responsibilities is unlikely to change, but the combination of legal, normative, political and practical dynamics impinging on them have already begun to register, as both states and the international system adjust to a politics that now have global dimensions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 471-486 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1369034 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1369034 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:3:p:471-486 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kyra Bos Author-X-Name-First: Kyra Author-X-Name-Last: Bos Author-Name: Joyeeta Gupta Author-X-Name-First: Joyeeta Author-X-Name-Last: Gupta Title: Climate change: the risks of stranded fossil fuel assets and resources to the developing world Abstract: Under the Paris Agreement, 80% of all proven fossil fuel reserves become stranded resources and investments already made in such resources turn into stranded assets. Much of the existing literature focuses on equitable burden sharing; only a few articles examine the risks for developing countries that invest in new fossil fuels. Hence, this paper addresses the question: What are the risks of investing in fossil fuels for developing countries? In doing so, it examines Kenya, a prospective fossil fuel producer, and China, an investor in fossil fuels. In terms of short- to long-term risks, ignoring new fossil fuels and investing in renewables is favourable and politically, socially, ecologically and economically more rewarding, not least because latecomers to development run the risk of having to compensate investors when new fossil fuel assets strand prematurely and become unrecoverable. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 436-453 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1387477 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1387477 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:3:p:436-453 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rorden Wilkinson Author-X-Name-First: Rorden Author-X-Name-Last: Wilkinson Title: Past as global trade governance prelude: reconfiguring debate about reform of the multilateral trading system Abstract: This paper peers backwards into the history of the multilateral trading system and its development over the past half century as a means of considering what may lie beyond the horizon for the future of global trade governance. Its purpose is to underscore the necessity and urgency for root-and-branch reform of the multilateral trading system. It achieves this by comparing and contrasting the global trading system of 50 years ago with its modern-day equivalent and its likely future counterpart half-a-century hence. In so doing, the paper throws into sharp relief not only the inadequacies of global trade governance today but also the damaging consequences of not fundamentally reforming the system in the near future, with a particular emphasis on the past, present and future development of the world’s poorest and most marginalised countries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 418-435 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1389266 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1389266 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:3:p:418-435 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jean Grugel Author-X-Name-First: Jean Author-X-Name-Last: Grugel Author-Name: Pia Riggirozzi Author-X-Name-First: Pia Author-X-Name-Last: Riggirozzi Title: New directions in welfare: rights-based social policies in post-neoliberal Latin America Abstract: What happens to the politics of welfare in the Global South when neoliberal values are questioned? How is welfare re-imagined and re-enacted when governments seek to introduce progressive change? Latin America provides an illustration and a valuable entry point to debates about ‘interruptions’ of neoliberalism and the changing nature of social policy. Drawing on examples of disability policies in Ecuador and care provision in Uruguay, we argue that there is a ‘rights turn’ in welfare provision under the left that reflects a recognition that previous welfare models left too many people out, ethically and politically, as well as efforts to embed welfare more centrally in new patterns of respect for socio-economic and identity-based human rights. Given Latin America’s recent contestation of neoliberal development as well as its history of sometimes dramatic welfare shifts, the emergence of rights-based social provision is significant not just for the region but also in relation to global struggles for more equitable governance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 527-543 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1392084 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1392084 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:3:p:527-543 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kerstin Tomiak Author-X-Name-First: Kerstin Author-X-Name-Last: Tomiak Title: Humanitarian interventions and the media: broadcasting against ethnic hate Abstract: Humanitarian interventions routinely come with media components, because of the media’s assumed ability to counter hate and support reconciliation. Radio programmes for peace should enable audiences to withstand manipulation and react non-violently in conflict situations. Based in the ideological tradition of modernisation theory, these programmes assume that violent conflict can be overcome by educating individuals. Based on original data from South Sudan, this paper argues that social structure and duty to leaders play a bigger role and that present media interventions are ill suited to the problem. Interventions need to be tailored to the situation instead of relying on generalised responses. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 454-470 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1392086 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1392086 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:3:p:454-470 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lacin Idil Oztig Author-X-Name-First: Lacin Idil Author-X-Name-Last: Oztig Title: The Turkish Constitutional Court, laicism and the headscarf issue Abstract: From 1989 onwards, the Turkish Constitutional Court justified the headscarf ban in universities by citing laicism. Interestingly, in 2014, the Court found the headscarf ban in courts unconstitutional and revoked it by again citing laicism as the main reason. How can this seemingly paradoxical practice be explained? This article traces the trajectory of the headscarf issue in Turkey by analysing and contextualising the Constitutional Court decisions. In order to explain how and why the Constitutional Court issued two opposing views of the headscarf ban, this article focuses on the changing political climate and legal developments that took place in Turkey between 2008 and 2014. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 594-608 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1396536 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1396536 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:3:p:594-608 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter Edward Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Edward Author-Name: Andy Sumner Author-X-Name-First: Andy Author-X-Name-Last: Sumner Title: Global poverty and inequality: are the revised estimates open to an alternative interpretation? Abstract: The level of, and trends in, global inequality and global poverty are indicative assessments of who has benefited from economic growth. The revision of price data has led to a reassessment of those estimates. Through an extensive overview of the implications, we argue that the data can be read in different ways. Official estimates show global extreme poverty and global inequality are considerably lower than previously thought. We argue that these changes are much less significant than they at first appear, and we present a more nuanced alternative interpretation by exploring changes across the entire global distribution. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 487-509 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1401461 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1401461 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:3:p:487-509 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tom Bentley Author-X-Name-First: Tom Author-X-Name-Last: Bentley Title: Colonial apologies and the problem of the transgressor speaking Abstract: Can state apologies help reconciliation between former coloniser and colonised? Much of the literature on political apologies is optimistic regarding their potential to aid reconciliation. Even critical work frequently dispraises particular case studies, while maintaining a normative commitment to apology. Building on a growing postcolonial literature on the subject, this article contributes a more fundamental critique of colonial apology. It argues that its inherent structure entails a format that accords the politician of the transgressor state an elevated speaking position. This results in the ritual being predisposed to problematic representations of the colonised and sanitised narratives of the transgression. The argument is situated within Edward Said’s considerations on representation in the colonial process. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 399-417 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1401922 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1401922 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:3:p:399-417 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gemma Sou Author-X-Name-First: Gemma Author-X-Name-Last: Sou Title: Trivial pursuits? Serious (video) games and the media representation of refugees Abstract: This article critically analyses the representational practices of serious (video) games that focus on refugees. It argues that the technological form of serious games can simulate the historical, political and socio-economic factors that shape why refugees leave their home country and their experiences when travelling to host countries. They are able to mobilise intellectual agendas which challenge the de-contextualised representations of refugees typical in traditional media. As such, they challenge players to critically reflect on the complexities of refugee experiences and politics, thereby presenting a potential to move away from grand emotional discourses of pity and compassion. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 510-526 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1401923 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1401923 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:3:p:510-526 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: James M. Cypher Author-X-Name-First: James M. Author-X-Name-Last: Cypher Title: Hegemony, military power projection and US structural economic interests in the periphery Abstract: Positing the dawning of a ‘post-American World’, ‘declinists’ have taken little account of the USA’s surging interventionist tendencies and the new political economy of military power arising from the relentless pursuit of global militarism. The USA has long exercised its competitive advantage in military power to enhance its diplomatic clout, as well as to advantageously reposition its national industrial and financial base. The pace of such martial efforts has accelerated as US policy makers, employing a ‘deep engagement’ grand strategy, strive for paradigm maintenance and geopolitical expansion within the periphery. Interventions have been facilitated through new processes and procedures, carefully constructed to create a sufficient degree of autonomy to permit the US state to ‘project power’ without broad societal resistance. US policy is path-dependent, locked into a reflexive pattern, unable and unwilling to learn from its long string of blunders and delusionary adventures. But US policy makers do not suffer a loss of will-to-power, as neo-conservatives allege. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 800-817 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1109435 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1109435 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:5:p:800-817 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marcela Palomino-Schalscha Author-X-Name-First: Marcela Author-X-Name-Last: Palomino-Schalscha Author-Name: Cristian Leaman-Constanzo Author-X-Name-First: Cristian Author-X-Name-Last: Leaman-Constanzo Author-Name: Sophie Bond Author-X-Name-First: Sophie Author-X-Name-Last: Bond Title: Contested water, contested development: unpacking the hydro-social cycle of the Ñuble River, Chile Abstract: The way that water is entangled with broader social relations has become a prominent concern in political ecology, geography and beyond. Employing the concept of the hydro-social cycle highlights how water is produced by, and simultaneously constitutes, social and power relations. Applying and expanding the hydro-social cycle as an analytical lens, this paper explores the contestation of different discourses of water. Looking at the conflict over the construction of a proposed dam in Chile, we examine different meanings given to water to understand how these produce uneven power relations with material and symbolic implications. By teasing out the workings and contestations of this conflict as a hydro-social cycle, we aim to highlight the diverse range of elements enlisted in it beyond water, to expose its complexity and to search for more just and inclusive alternatives. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 883-901 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1109436 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1109436 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:5:p:883-901 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ernesto Vivares Author-X-Name-First: Ernesto Author-X-Name-Last: Vivares Author-Name: Michele Dolcetti-Marcolini Author-X-Name-First: Michele Author-X-Name-Last: Dolcetti-Marcolini Title: Two regionalisms, two Latin Americas or beyond Latin America? Contributions from a critical and decolonial IPE Abstract: This article reconsiders the hegemonic interpretation of Latin American regionalisms, which have been defined as expressions of the fragmentation power of ideologies. After identifying the main bias and limitations of this approach, two alternative analytical proposals are presented: critical International Political Economy (IPE), which reconsiders the region’s heterogeneity as the reflection of a variety of historical trajectories; and the increasingly influential Latin/Latin American modernity/coloniality approach, which re-authorises the voices of a multiplicity of ‘marginal’ subjectivities to the cognoscible world of international studies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 866-882 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1109438 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1109438 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:5:p:866-882 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jason Hickel Author-X-Name-First: Jason Author-X-Name-Last: Hickel Title: The true extent of global poverty and hunger: questioning the good news narrative of the Millennium Development Goals Abstract: The final report on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) concludes that the project has been ‘the most successful anti-poverty movement in history’. Two key claims underpin this narrative: that global poverty has been cut in half, and global hunger nearly in half, since 1990. This good-news narrative has been touted by the United Nations and has been widely repeated by the media. But closer inspection reveals that the UN’s claims about poverty and hunger are misleading, and even intentionally inaccurate. The MDGs have used targeted statistical manipulation to make it seem as though the poverty and hunger trends have been improving when in fact they have worsened. In addition, the MDGs use definitions of poverty and hunger that dramatically underestimate the scale likely of these problems. In reality, around four billion people remain in poverty today, and around two billion remain hungry – more than ever before in history, and between two and four times what the UN would have us believe. The implications of this reality are profound. Worsening poverty and hunger trends indicate that our present model of development is not working and needs to be fundamentally rethought. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 749-767 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1109439 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1109439 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:5:p:749-767 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sally Brooks Author-X-Name-First: Sally Author-X-Name-Last: Brooks Title: Inducing food insecurity: financialisation and development in the post-2015 era Abstract: The G7 ‘New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition’ follows an established approach of ‘connecting smallholder farmers to markets’, while extending the role and influence of corporate agri-business in new ways. This paper explores the implications of the ‘New Alliance’ model’s incorporation into the Sustainable Development Goals framework for smallholder producers already facing greater uncertainty in financialised agri-food chains, and in light of a consensus around the primacy of private finance in the post-2015 era. The question for alternative food and development movements is how to confront the ‘value chain challenge’ in an increasingly financialised global agri-food system. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 768-780 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1110014 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1110014 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:5:p:768-780 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anna Stavrianakis Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Stavrianakis Title: Legitimising liberal militarism: politics, law and war in the Arms Trade Treaty Abstract: Post-cold war efforts to knit together human rights and international humanitarian law in pursuit of tougher arms transfer control reached their apogee in the UN Arms Trade Treaty (ATT). In contrast to dominant accounts based on human security norms, I argue that a key effect of the ATT is to legitimise liberal forms of militarism. During negotiations the US and UK governments justified their arms export practices in terms of morality, responsibility and legitimacy. More broadly their arms transfer practices are explained away by reference to national regulatory regimes that exceed the standards set out in the ATT. Arms transfers to Egypt and intra-Western transfers illustrate the way these justifications and regimes serve to shield US–UK weapons transfers and use from scrutiny and accountability. Rather than signalling the victory of human security, the ATT is better understood as facilitating the mobilisation of legitimacy for contemporary liberal forms of war fighting and war preparation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 840-865 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1113867 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1113867 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:5:p:840-865 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Cristian Lorenzo Author-X-Name-First: Cristian Author-X-Name-Last: Lorenzo Author-Name: Patricio Yamin Vazquez Author-X-Name-First: Patricio Author-X-Name-Last: Yamin Vazquez Title: The rise of biofuels in IR: the case of Brazilian foreign policy towards the EU Abstract: Biofuels are a growing alternative energy source. In a context of their growing global consumption, Brazil has shown particular interest in the European market. This paper analyses Brazilian foreign policy on biofuels towards the EU during Lula da Silva’s administration (2003–10). It examines the emergence of biofuels at a global level, the main guidelines of Brazilian foreign policy, Brazilian environmental foreign policy and, finally, the Brazilian political response to changes in European law. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 902-916 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1113869 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1113869 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:5:p:902-916 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: João Márcio Mendes Pereira Author-X-Name-First: João Márcio Mendes Author-X-Name-Last: Pereira Title: Recycling and expansion: an analysis of the World Bank agenda (1989–2014) Abstract: This article analyses the agenda of the World Bank after the Washington Consensus, arguing that it became more encompassing, politicised and intrusive. This agenda expanded and recycled itself since, in addition to liberalisation, privatisation and macroeconomic adjustment, it also advocated the wide-ranging reconstruction of the economy, the relationship between society and nature, the state, civil society and visions of the world and social practices from a neoliberal perspective. It is argued that the fight against poverty was incorporated by the institution, which functioned as an auxiliary mechanism for this liberalisation. The importance of the incorporation of New Institutional Economics for this expansion and recycling is highlighted. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 818-839 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1113871 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1113871 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:5:p:818-839 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shabnam J. Holliday Author-X-Name-First: Shabnam J. Author-X-Name-Last: Holliday Title: The legacy of subalternity and Gramsci’s national–popular: populist discourse in the case of the Islamic Republic of Iran Abstract: Drawing on Laclau’s concept of populist discourse and Gramsci’s ‘national–popular collective will’, and using the case of Iran, this article puts forward the idea of the legacy of subalternity in the context of post-revolution governments. The concept of ‘national–popular collective will’ facilitates an understanding of how the popular subject is constructed and the meanings embedded in that process. It is argued that Islamic Republic elites articulate a populist discourse that constructs the ‘self’ (the Islamic Republic) as synonymous with ‘the people’. Embedded in this discursive construction is a legacy of subalternity that goes back to the 1979 Revolution’s populist discourse. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 917-933 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1113872 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1113872 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:5:p:917-933 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ladan Affi Author-X-Name-First: Ladan Author-X-Name-Last: Affi Author-Name: Afyare A. Elmi Author-X-Name-First: Afyare A. Author-X-Name-Last: Elmi Author-Name: W. Andy Knight Author-X-Name-First: W. Andy Author-X-Name-Last: Knight Author-Name: Said Mohamed Author-X-Name-First: Said Author-X-Name-Last: Mohamed Title: Countering piracy through private security in the Horn of Africa: prospects and pitfalls Abstract: Employing secondary research and semi-structured interviews, this article examines the use of private maritime security companies (PMSC) in providing maritime security services in the Horn of Africa. It consists of four parts. The first part explains the origins and development of the use of PMSC in the Horn of Africa. The second section discusses the regulation of the private security industry, paying particular attention to the maritime context. Part three examines the challenges associated with the use of maritime PMSC in the Horn of Africa, including negative human rights implications, compromising the innocent passage of commercial ships, and creating confusion in the hierarchical control of ships. Finally, the paper analyses the findings and concludes that PMSC, despite their apparent short-term effectiveness, cannot be regarded as a long-term solution to the piracy phenomenon in the Horn of Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 934-950 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1114882 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1114882 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:5:p:934-950 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Benjamin Selwyn Author-X-Name-First: Benjamin Author-X-Name-Last: Selwyn Title: Elite development theory: a labour-centred critique Abstract: Much development theory is based upon elite-led conceptions of social change. Elite development theory (EDT) conceptualises ‘the poor’ as human inputs into or, at best, junior partners within elite-led development processes. This elitism contributes to the continual (re)framing of the poor as passive beneficiaries of elite policy, and legitimates economic exploitation of the poor. These claims are illustrated by discussing a number of EDT traditions – the Washington/Post-Washington Consensus, statist political economy, modernisation Marxism and varieties of pro-poor growth. As an alternative to EDT the article argues for a conception and practice of ‘labour-centred development’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 781-799 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1120156 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1120156 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:5:p:781-799 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Celine Tan Author-X-Name-First: Celine Author-X-Name-Last: Tan Title: The New Biopower: Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers and the obfuscation of international collective responsibility Abstract: As successors to structural adjustment programmes, Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (prsps) were introduced in 1999 as preconditions for World Bank and imf concessional financing and for debt relief. prsps now serve as the basis of negotiations for a variety of development financing and have influenced the design of other aid instruments. This paper considers the impact of the prsp framework on the constitution of global economic governance, in particular its effect in foreclosing possibilities for a radical revision of the rules and institutions of international economic law. The paper argues that the prsp project not only reframes fundamental tenets of international co-operation and global communal responsibility but also establishes a new disciplinary framework for Third World state engagement with the global economy and the international law which sustains it. In this way the discourse and methods of resistance against the injustices of the international order have been appropriated to distil such dissent through qualified operationalising of contestable notions of ‘participation’, ‘ownership’, ‘partnership’ and ‘poverty reduction’, disabling the resurgence of any form of emancipatory politics in the international economic order, whether through a state-led nieo-style revival or cosmopolitan social movement. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1039-1056 Issue: 6 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.584720 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.584720 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:6:p:1039-1056 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas Weiss Author-X-Name-First: Thomas Author-X-Name-Last: Weiss Author-Name: Martin Burke Author-X-Name-First: Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Burke Title: Legitimacy, Identity and Climate Change: moving from international to world society? Abstract: Resource scarcity and climate change could provoke major inter-state and intra-state violence and humanitarian emergencies, an especial threat to the global South. This article examines the dynamics that have followed the major violent crises of the past few centuries to determine whether climate-change-induced conflict might paradoxically generate norms of non-violence and collective identification, and in turn lead to a more co-operative culture of anarchy. Especially since 1945 we have witnessed the development of a ‘security community’ in the North Atlantic—that is, a group of states that not only resolve conflict without resort to violence but also consider war among their members unthinkable. Such communities might develop in other regions in two stages. First, state internalisation of liberal norms of democracy and human rights may enhance the role of intergovernmental organisations in mitigating climate-change-induced conflict. Second, collective identification among states and individuals may be stimulated by structural similarity between increasingly democratic states, the perception of a common fate arising from shared threats, and an expanding global civil society and epistemic communities preoccupied with climate change. Climate change could thus spur movement towards more legitimate and authoritative intergovernmental organisations within a world society that would be more effective at solving common problems than those operating within today's more fragmented international society. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1057-1072 Issue: 6 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.584721 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.584721 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:6:p:1057-1072 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Aidan Hehir Author-X-Name-First: Aidan Author-X-Name-Last: Hehir Title: Hyper-reality and Statebuilding: Baudrillard and the unwillingness of international administrations to cede control Abstract: A characteristic feature of many contemporary international administrations of post-conflict territories has been the reluctance of the administrating body to rescind its competences. International administrations have legitimatised their maintenance of key competences on the basis that the societies they administer have yet to achieve stipulated benchmarks indicative of a capacity for complete self-government. This paper offers a post-structuralist analysis of the unwillingness of international administrations to cede control to local institutions and draws in particular on Jean Baudrillard's theory of hyper-reality. Baudrillard identified the means by which, as part of a process of self-identification, a simulated world has come to replace reality and our perception of things has become corrupted by a perception of a reality that never existed. Thus entities and phenomena are imbued with characteristics they do not and cannot have, yet are treated as though they do. In the context of statebuilding this has been manifest in the desire to create political communities which mirror an idealised and unreal vision of the Western state. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1073-1087 Issue: 6 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.584722 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.584722 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:6:p:1073-1087 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: JNC Hill Author-X-Name-First: JNC Author-X-Name-Last: Hill Title: Islamism and Democracy in the Modern Maghreb Abstract: This paper examines the legitimacy of the restrictions the Moroccan and Algerian governments have placed on democracy in their countries. In each case the democratic process is subject to a range of limitations. These controls are justified on the grounds that they help prevent Islamist parties from winning power and that, if in government, these parties would roll back many of the political and civil rights enjoyed by Moroccan and Algerian citizens. Yet is this the case? By looking at the pjd's and msp's manifesto pledges from the most recent parliamentary elections, the paper uncovers a different attitude. Far from opposing democracy and the various rights and liberties commonly associated with it, the pjd and msp are working to strengthen it. Their commitment to democracy has grown, not diminished, over the past decade. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1089-1105 Issue: 6 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.584723 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.584723 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:6:p:1089-1105 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Omar Sanchez Author-X-Name-First: Omar Author-X-Name-Last: Sanchez Title: Fighting Tax Evasion in Latin America: the contrasting strategies of Chile and Argentina Abstract: In the 1990s both Chile and Argentina embarked on efforts to tackle tax evasion. The strategies they pursued differed substantively: Argentina followed a coercive approach that created an elite audit team endowed with special legal powers, while Chile undertook a less spectacular service-oriented approach that improved the fiscal pact between state and society and enacted tax administration reform. Chile succeeded in permanently lowering tax evasion levels, while Argentina's success was short-lived and evasion levels soon returned to previous heights. Besides important differences in the institutional strength of these countries, the contrasting outcomes can be attributed in no small measure to the different strategies adopted. Their experience can provide some useful lessons in the elusive battle against tax evasion in Latin America. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1107-1125 Issue: 6 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.584724 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.584724 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:6:p:1107-1125 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stefan Andreasson Author-X-Name-First: Stefan Author-X-Name-Last: Andreasson Title: Africa's prospects and South Africa's leadership potential in the emerging markets century Abstract: This article examines Africa's role in an evolving international system where powerful emerging markets, such as bric, together with established powers are shaping economic trajectories. The specific focus is on South Africa as an aspiring leader on the African continent, and on its potential for becoming an emerging market shaping the global order together with bric and the West. It is unclear whether a changing global economy in which the postcolonial world plays a greater role will result in improved developmental prospects for Africans as African countries gradually reorient themselves from the West to the South, or whether relations with emerging markets will resemble neo-colonial ties with the West. South Africa's structural weakness, stemming from serious domestic problems of a social, political and economic nature, threatens to undermine its standing in Africa and its emerging market status. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1165-1181 Issue: 6 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.584725 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.584725 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:6:p:1165-1181 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nir Kshetri Author-X-Name-First: Nir Author-X-Name-Last: Kshetri Title: Cloud Computing in the Global South: drivers, effects and policy measures Abstract: Cloud computing has started to transform economic activities in the global South. Many businesses are taking advantage of the pay-as-you-go model of the technology, and its scalability and flexibility features, and government agencies in the South have been investing in cloud-related mega-projects. Cloud-based mobile applications are becoming increasingly popular and the pervasiveness of cellphones means that the cloud may transform the way these devices are used. However, findings and conclusions drawn from surveys, studies and experiences of companies on the potential and impact of cloud computing in the developing world are inconsistent. This article reviews cloud diffusion in developing economies and examines some firms in the cloud's supply side in these economies to present a framework for evaluating the attractiveness of this technology in the context of evolving needs, capabilities and competitive positions. It examines how various determinants related to the development and structure of related industries, externality mechanisms and institutional legitimacy affect cloud-related performances and impacts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 997-1014 Issue: 6 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.586225 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.586225 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:6:p:997-1014 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Joanne Davies Author-X-Name-First: Joanne Author-X-Name-Last: Davies Title: Washington's Growth and Opportunity Act or Beijing's ‘Overarching Brilliance’: will African governments choose neither? Abstract: Growing criticism of Chinese engagement in Africa centres on the risk to African development posed by China's aggressive export policies and the threat to the Washington Consensus and African governance posed by China's ‘non-interference’ approach to engagement. This article challenges both these assumptions. The growth of Chinese trade has a wide range of impacts, depending on the sector in question, and the current terms of trade Washington extends to Africa under the auspices of the agoa do not result in uniformly beneficial effects. With regard to African governance, it is argued that the ‘Washington Consensus’ has been based on competing and often muddled perceptions of US national interest. This fact tempers the regret felt at Washington's loss of influence over the good governance agenda. Evidence is provided to show that China can work within properly regulated countries and industries, if the African governments in question can provide fair, efficient and transparent environments in which to operate. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1147-1163 Issue: 6 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.586228 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.586228 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:6:p:1147-1163 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Robin Broad Author-X-Name-First: Robin Author-X-Name-Last: Broad Author-Name: John Cavanagh Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Cavanagh Title: Reframing Development in the Age of Vulnerability: from case studies of the Philippines and Trinidad to new measures of rootedness Abstract: This article argues that the contemporary triple crises of finance, food and environment, which have shaken the global economy since 2008, have exposed what should be seen as the Achilles heel of the dominant development theory and practice of the past 30 years: vulnerability. We argue that the crises not only add momentum to the delegitimisation of the old model, but also offer legitimacy for paths that lessen vulnerability and increase what we call ‘rootedness’ (a term we prefer to ‘resilience’ or ‘sustainability’). After offering a brief history of ‘vulnerable’ development and reviewing the literature on vulnerability from the development, economic and environmental fields, we use this vulnerability versus rootedness frame to present analysis from our field work in two ‘vulnerable’ countries: the Philippines and Trinidad and Tobago. Integrating the article's sections, we then propose a new interdisciplinary framework for development that builds on and supplements the human rights, ecological, equity and democracy frames: the notion of ‘rootedness’ at the household, local and country levels. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1127-1145 Issue: 6 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.586232 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.586232 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:6:p:1127-1145 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Heather Johnson Author-X-Name-First: Heather Author-X-Name-Last: Johnson Title: Click to Donate: visual images, constructing victims and imagining the female refugee Abstract: This article investigates the role of visual representation through images in the international refugee regime, with a particular focus on the female refugee. I argue that visual representation illustrated by the photo archives of the unhcr in particular, but also in other institutional sources, plays a crucial role in shaping our imaginations and knowledges, and that its dynamics are important in understanding the politics of asylum. As the international refugee regime institutionalised by the unhcr has developed, the imagination of the refugee has undergone three concurrent shifts: racialisation, victimisation and feminisation. Each of these shifts has contributed to changing policies and practices in the regime, particularly the change in ‘preferred solution’ from integration to repatriation or, where possible, prevention. More importantly, these shifts have all operated within a discourse of depoliticisation of the refugee, denying the figure of the refugee the capacity for political agency. This depoliticisation works through the construction of the ‘female’ refugee, indicating important lessons for our understandings of the political agency of both women and non-citizens. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1015-1037 Issue: 6 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.586235 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.586235 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:6:p:1015-1037 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Meredeth Turshen Author-X-Name-First: Meredeth Author-X-Name-Last: Turshen Title: A global partnership for development and other unfulfilled promises of the millennium project Abstract: This article revisits the United Nations Millennium Development Goals (mdgs) set in 2000, timely now because policy makers are currently making plans for the period after 2015. After laying out a critical analysis of the mdgs, the article focuses on Millennium Goal 8, the global partnership for development. The argument made is that the absence of any goal to reset the asymmetrical power relations between the North and the South reveals the limitations of the endeavour. The pharmaceutical industry is discussed in detail because mdg8/Target 6 deals with access to affordable, essential drugs in developing countries. This target seems emblematic of a problem found throughout the millennium project: the unaddressed need for real economic development. Target 6 exemplifies both North–South and public–private conflicts of interest, which are carefully hidden in official documents behind the euphemism of ‘partnership’, as if countries of such unequal power could be partners. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 345-357 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.893481 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.893481 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:345-357 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Charis Enns Author-X-Name-First: Charis Author-X-Name-Last: Enns Author-Name: Brock Bersaglio Author-X-Name-First: Brock Author-X-Name-Last: Bersaglio Author-Name: Thembela Kepe Author-X-Name-First: Thembela Author-X-Name-Last: Kepe Title: Indigenous voices and the making of the post-2015 development agenda: the recurring tyranny of participation Abstract: This paper explores recent efforts to ensure the participation of indigenous peoples in the making of the post-2015 development agenda. It is based on an examination of the UN’s global consultation process, conducted between July 2012 and July 2013. Using discursive analysis of consultation findings and reports, we argue that the UN’s approach to participatory development represents a pretence rather than an actual shift in power from development experts to the intended beneficiaries of development. Therefore the post-2015 consultation process aptly illustrates the recurring tyranny of participation, this time at a global level, as the UN maintains control over global development goals. Recognising that it would be unjust to ignore the ability of marginalised groups to challenge the UN’s dominant narratives of development, we suggest that there is still time for indigenous voices to be heard in the build-up to the post-mdg era through ‘invited’ and ‘uninvited’ forms of participation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 358-375 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.893482 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.893482 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:358-375 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter Ferdinand Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Ferdinand Title: Rising powers at the UN: an analysis of the voting behaviour of in the General Assembly Abstract: This article examines the long-term trends of foreign policy convergence of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (brics) to determine the similarity of their positions on world issues, as they seek to ‘insert’ themselves more fully into global decision making. The analysis is based upon their votes in the UN General Assembly. The article compiles two indexes of voting for the period 1974–2011. Both demonstrate a high and now growing degree of cohesion among brics. Their voting is broken down by pairs to show common themes and the major issue divergences, and how often individual states voted with others. Nuclear disarmament and human rights are the two areas that reveal persisting divergences between these states. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 376-391 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.893483 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.893483 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:376-391 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mairon G. Bastos Lima Author-X-Name-First: Mairon G. Author-X-Name-Last: Bastos Lima Author-Name: Joyeeta Gupta Author-X-Name-First: Joyeeta Author-X-Name-Last: Gupta Title: The extraterritorial dimensions of biofuel policies and the politics of scale: live and let die? Abstract: Despite criticism, global biofuel production continues to rise, using primarily food crops. Between 2001 and 2012 it increased nearly six-fold, driven primarily by domestic policies, yet raising strong international concerns, eg over impacts on global food prices. Nevertheless, little international biofuel governance has emerged. This article examines the various extraterritorial dimensions of domestic biofuel policies and investigates why international biofuel governance has remained vague, despite its controversial nature. It uses the politics of scale to analyse why countries may wish to frame it as a global or domestic issue. Three extraterritorial dimensions are identified: global environmental impacts, global socioeconomic impacts, and attempts at extraterritorial control over biofuel production abroad. While major producers have successfully avoided liability for impacts by preventing the scaling up of much biofuel governance to the international level, major importers have tried to fill perceived governance gaps using policies aimed at extraterritorial control. We show that both the rise of nationally oriented development policies with extraterritorial impacts and of unilateral sustainability rule making primarily affect weaker countries, making global inequalities more pronounced. It is essential that adaptation governance take into account both environmental and global socioeconomic changes, such as higher agricultural commodity prices. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 392-410 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.893484 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.893484 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:392-410 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Karen Del Biondo Author-X-Name-First: Karen Author-X-Name-Last: Del Biondo Author-Name: Jan Orbie Author-X-Name-First: Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Orbie Title: The European Commission’s implementation of budget support and the Governance Incentive Tranche in Ethiopia: democracy promoter or developmental donor? Abstract: The complex relationship between democracy and development has been extensively discussed in academic literature. However, we do not have much knowledge of how this translates into donor practices. How does the European Commission (ec) deal with tensions arising from promoting democracy and development? To answer this question, this article operationalises the distinction between ‘democracy promoters’ and ‘developmental donors’, focusing specifically on budget support and governance incentive tranches. Empirically we examine the implementation of the ec’s budget support and Governance Incentive Tranche in Ethiopia (2005–10), a case where the dilemma between democracy promotion and development cooperation is particularly strong. Investigating the position of the ec along the democracy promoter versus developmental donor continuum, we conclude that the ec’s position lies between these extremes. However, in the case of budget support, a shift has been made away from the Commission being a democracy promoter and towards the role of developmental donor. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 411-427 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.893485 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.893485 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:411-427 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nicola Phillips Author-X-Name-First: Nicola Author-X-Name-Last: Phillips Author-Name: Resmi Bhaskaran Author-X-Name-First: Resmi Author-X-Name-Last: Bhaskaran Author-Name: Dev Nathan Author-X-Name-First: Dev Author-X-Name-Last: Nathan Author-Name: C. Upendranadh Author-X-Name-First: C. Author-X-Name-Last: Upendranadh Title: The social foundations of global production networks: towards a global political economy of child labour Abstract: The resilience of the problem of child labour in the global economy has been amply documented, but, we suggest, the reasons for this situation have not yet been fully captured in the associated debates. Our aim is to advance a way of thinking about those forms of child labour which occur in the context of global production networks (gpns), and to contend that greater attention must be paid to the organisation and functioning of gpns, and the social foundations on which they rest, if we are to grasp more fully the conditions and processes which facilitate the persistence and evolution of child labour. The way of thinking we propose is rooted in the concept of ‘adverse incorporation’ in the global economy, which we develop by drawing together currents in gpn analysis and poverty research to explore the commercial and social dynamics in gpns which give rise to these forms of labour exploitation. We illustrate our arguments with reference to the garments industry in New Delhi, India. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 428-446 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.893486 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.893486 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:428-446 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alan Emery Author-X-Name-First: Alan Author-X-Name-Last: Emery Author-Name: Donald Will Author-X-Name-First: Donald Author-X-Name-Last: Will Title: Liberation movements, universal citizenship and the resolution of ethno-national conflict: non-racialism and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict Abstract: How does a national liberation movement address the security fears of the Other to promote a democratic transition? We consider South Africa and Israel–Palestine apt cases for comparison as the intractability of each conflict derives in large part from a colonial settlement process that led to the creation of ethno-nationalist states. Similarly the manner in which the liberation movements have defined themselves and the Other accounts in part for the successful transition in South Africa and the lack thereof in Israel–Palestine. In the Palestinian case collective intra-movement struggles framing the post-liberation state in exclusive terms have reinforced a predilection by Israelis to fight, leading to an ongoing stalemate and violence; in the South African case framing the post-liberation state in inclusive terms initiated a cycle of movement–Other concessions and democratisation. Our study suggests that universalistic democratic principles codified in public charter will function as a ‘master frame’ applicable to divided society struggles. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 447-467 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.893487 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.893487 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:447-467 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hans-Jürgen Burchardt Author-X-Name-First: Hans-Jürgen Author-X-Name-Last: Burchardt Author-Name: Kristina Dietz Author-X-Name-First: Kristina Author-X-Name-Last: Dietz Title: (Neo-)extractivism – a new challenge for development theory from Latin America Abstract: This paper addresses new challenges and identifies starting points for development theory following recent debates in Latin America on ‘new or neo-extractivism’. It focuses on the concept of neo-extractivism and the context of its emergence, and on the changing role of the state. Looking at a number of social economic indicators, we find that, even after considering differences between countries, (neo-)extractivism is not merely a temporary economic strategy in the region. Instead, it exhibits features of a consolidated development project. Empirical evidence from the region shows the fundamental implications of resource-based development paths in politics, social relations and territorial orders. To grasp these implications conceptually, we argue for a shift in theoretical perspectives related to the link between development and resource extraction. Key elements for such a shift are to be found in recent studies in rentier theory and politics and new approaches in the field of political ecology. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 468-486 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.893488 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.893488 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:468-486 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Denise Garcia Author-X-Name-First: Denise Author-X-Name-Last: Garcia Title: Not yet a democracy: establishing civilian authority over the security sector in Brazil – lessons for other countries in transition Abstract: Brazil is considered one of the more successful examples of democratic transition and consolidation in the developing world; and one of the fastest developing and emerging countries. This article contends that Brazil is not yet a fully established democracy, because it lacks the proper civilian checks and balances ensuring full authority over the armed forces, police and secret services. There are five main reasons for this: first, the Constitution does not provide a generalised guide for the institution of civilian oversight. Second, a change of cultural perceptions vis-à-vis the security sector entities is needed. Third, piecemeal rather than holistic or comprehensive legal and institutional transformation has occurred, with little civilian oversight of the armed forces. Fourth, the large structures still held by each of the armed forces require re-articulation and fundamental transformation. Finally, there is no fully fledged civil society participation in security sector life through the media and academia. These problems weaken democracy in Brazil. The course of democratisation in Brazil and the role the security sector played in the transition are examined before discussion of some of the more recent legal and political developments in the security sector, as part of the democratic consolidation. The conclusion presents insights from Brazil’s experience and lessons for states facing similar transition challenges. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 487-504 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.893489 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.893489 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:487-504 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Simon Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Simon Author-Name: Edward R. Carr Author-X-Name-First: Edward R. Author-X-Name-Last: Carr Title: Introduction: engaging critically from theory to policy and implementation Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 505-506 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.893490 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.893490 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:505-506 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jonathan Cook Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan Author-X-Name-Last: Cook Author-Name: Natalie Elwell Author-X-Name-First: Natalie Author-X-Name-Last: Elwell Title: Bridging the academic–practitioner divide Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 507-509 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.893491 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.893491 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:507-509 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kathleen O’Reilly Author-X-Name-First: Kathleen Author-X-Name-Last: O’Reilly Title: Praxis: changing world, changing self Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 510-512 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.893492 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.893492 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:510-512 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Brent McCusker Author-X-Name-First: Brent Author-X-Name-Last: McCusker Title: Practical, critical and constructive engagement Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 513-515 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.893493 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.893493 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:513-515 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Farhana Sultana Author-X-Name-First: Farhana Author-X-Name-Last: Sultana Title: Doing development as a critical development scholar Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 516-519 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.893494 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.893494 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:516-519 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anthony Bebbington Author-X-Name-First: Anthony Author-X-Name-Last: Bebbington Title: The endogenous scholar: porous boundaries and travelling ideas in development Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 520-523 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.893495 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.893495 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:520-523 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Edward R. Carr Author-X-Name-First: Edward R. Author-X-Name-Last: Carr Author-Name: David Simon Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Simon Title: Conclusions – engaging critical perspectives in development policy and implementation Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 524-527 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.893739 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.893739 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:524-527 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alejandro A. González-Ormerod Author-X-Name-First: Alejandro A. Author-X-Name-Last: González-Ormerod Title: Octavio Paz’s India Abstract: Third World citizens have the unique difficulty of attempting to self-define as a community independent of colonial Orientalism. This paper explores the emergence of Third World Orientalism, where the people of underdeveloped states are themselves the perpetrators. It critiques scholars’ description of Third World interactions, which simultaneously dismiss the impact of intra-orientalist prejudices as non-existent, unimportant or benign. The use of Paz’s exploration of Indian identity illustrates how the benefit of being even a nuanced, cosmopolitan intellectual was also an alienating weakness in trying to conceive what it meant to be a member of the developing world. Using Paz as a prism, Indians became subject not only to evolving historical circumstances, but also the personal evolution of individuals who studied them. The instability created by these fluctuations made identity inherently paradoxical. Paz creatively conciliated these paradoxes by ultimately embracing them. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 528-543 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.895119 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.895119 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:3:p:528-543 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ravi Palat Author-X-Name-First: Ravi Author-X-Name-Last: Palat Title: World Turned Upside Down? Rise of the global South and the contemporary global financial turbulence Abstract: By focusing on the consequences of the dismantling of regulations over the financial sector, the current debate on the causes of the global economic meltdown obscures the cyclical occurrence of speculation in capitalism, as the accumulation of more capital than can be profitably invested in the production and sale of commodities results in financial expansion. Historically financial expansion has signalled the end of one world-scale system of accumulation and the transition to a new system as capital flows from declining powers to rising powers. However, the contemporary period is distinguished by capital flows from rising powers to declining ones. An analysis of the current crisis suggests a reversal of this anomaly as it reduces the ability of China and other East Asian states to support the US dollar. At the same time ‘emerging market economies’ have begun to forge new relationships that could provide the framework for a new system of partnership between states and enterprises to reconstruct a new cycle of accumulation if two hurdles are overcome: 1) absorption of labour that is being displaced because of the high organic composition of capital and 2) dampening of the growing inequalities in income which has not only restricted the growth of markets but is also fuelling increasing social conflict. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 365-384 Issue: 3 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.488465 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.488465 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:3:p:365-384 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Benedikt Korf Author-X-Name-First: Benedikt Author-X-Name-Last: Korf Author-Name: Michelle Engeler Author-X-Name-First: Michelle Author-X-Name-Last: Engeler Author-Name: Tobias Hagmann Author-X-Name-First: Tobias Author-X-Name-Last: Hagmann Title: The Geography of Warscape Abstract: This article elaborates a heuristic approach to understanding the geography of warscape from a theoretically informed perspective. It argues that agency in protracted civil war emerges at the ambiguous interface of different, competing systems of power and authority. In order to account for the multiple trajectories of threat and opportunity that warscapes offer to different social actors and at different times and places, the article proposes the concept of ‘governable order’, which is derived from a critical review of the literature on ‘social navigation’ and ‘governable space(s)’. The usefulness of combining these three concepts is illustrated by two empirical vignettes. They demonstrate the dynamics of governable spaces in distinct phases of the Sierra Leone and Sri Lanka civil wars. The two cases highlight the temporal and territorial fluidity of governable spaces, which both constrain and enable warscape inhabitants' agency. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 385-399 Issue: 3 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.488466 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.488466 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:3:p:385-399 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mohsen Al Attar Author-X-Name-First: Mohsen Author-X-Name-Last: Al Attar Author-Name: Rosalie Miller Author-X-Name-First: Rosalie Author-X-Name-Last: Miller Title: Towards an Emancipatory International Law: the Bolivarian reconstruction Abstract: In this article, we argue that a unique South American treaty known as ALBA—the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas—puts forward a cohesive counter-vision of international law rooted in notions of complementarity and human solidarity. We further argue that Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) scholars might use this initiative as a springboard to push forward a long-overdue reform of the international legal regime. While, on its own, ALBA is unlikely to pose much of a challenge to the structural imbalances that permeate global society, when juxtaposed alongside the many initiatives of the Bolivarian Revolution, it appears to possess significant democratic potential. With both scholarly and popular support, ALBA may even have the capability of sparking a renewal of a united Third World movement. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 347-363 Issue: 3 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.488469 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.488469 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:3:p:347-363 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephanie Matti Author-X-Name-First: Stephanie Author-X-Name-Last: Matti Title: Resources and Rent Seeking in the Democratic Republic of the Congo Abstract: By examining the Congolese political economy through the lens of the ‘resource curse’ theory, this article aims to advance our understanding of the chronic underdevelopment of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Proceeding in three distinct phases the article examines the effect of resource rents, foreignn aid and the likely effect of Chinese investment. It finds that a political tradition of patrimonialism and corruption based on large inflows of easily corruptible resource rents was established in the Mobutu period. In the post-conflict period the source of revenue shifted from resource rents to foreign aid, while the political tradition remained essentially unchanged. The model of the Congolese political economy established in these first two sections will then be used to make an informed assessment of the Sicomines deal. The article finds that the structured nature of the deals means that it is unlikely to perpetuate the ‘resource curse’ condition. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 401-413 Issue: 3 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.488471 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.488471 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:3:p:401-413 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bina Fernandez Author-X-Name-First: Bina Author-X-Name-Last: Fernandez Title: Poor Practices: contestations around ‘Below Poverty Line’ status in India Abstract: This article has two objectives. First, it interrogates the normative understanding of the identification of poor people as a technical process confined to the domain of experts. The paper analyses the construction of Below Poverty Line (bpl) status in India, and provides evidence for how this is contested at multiple levels of the policy process, through both formal and informal policy practices. Second, the paper uses a case study of a major anti-poverty policy, the Suvarnajayanti Gram Swarozgar Yojana, to demonstrate how the cumulative outcome of formal and informal policy practices is the erosion of the redistributive intent of policy. The paper emphasises the importance of foregrounding within policy discourse the politically contested nature of the processes of identifying poor people, and of determining their eligibility for anti-poverty policy resources. The typology of policy practices generated calls for deeper recognition of the significant influence of informal policy practices on the policy process in India. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 415-430 Issue: 3 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.488473 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.488473 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:3:p:415-430 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrew Walton Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Walton Title: What is Fair Trade? Abstract: This article categorises the emerging conceptualisations of Fair Trade and explores which of them offers the best characterisation of the project. It introduces Fair Trade and establishes a set of desiderata to guide the process of conceptualisation. It is argued that the practices and rhetoric of the project suggest it is best characterised as an attempt to establish a form of interim global market justice in a non-ideal world. Three alternative conceptualisations are explored, some including sub-categories. In each section a description of the view is outlined and it is argued that each such alternative is either an unpersuasive account of Fair Trade or cannot better the one already defended. In the final section the normative debate surrounding Fair Trade conceptualised as an attempt to establish interim global market justice in a non-ideal world is introduced. The article suggests that there are avenues for the project's ethical defence but concludes that this can be settled only with further research. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 431-447 Issue: 3 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.488474 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.488474 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:3:p:431-447 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anna Hutchens Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Hutchens Title: Empowering Women through Fair Trade? Lessons from Asia Abstract: Fair Trade is promoted as a system of trade that empowers women producers. Yet there is little empirical evidence with which to evaluate this claim. To what extent are women empowered through Fair Trade? While some suggest that focusing on handicrafts would advance the goal of women's empowerment, an analysis of the Fair Trade craft industry from the perspective of Asian craft producer networks reveals two key obstacles: fair trade's ‘charity’ approach to the craft sector, which reinforces traditional gender hierarchies, and the absence of a policy framework and institutional mechanisms that promote women's empowerment as a rights-based rather than a culture-based issue. The paper identifies two solutions to these discrete problems: a market-oriented craft business model, of which there are several empirical examples; and a human rights-based policy framework and robust regulatory mechanisms to address gender inequality in Fair Trade. The implications of these findings for Fair Trade's approach to empowering women are discussed. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 449-467 Issue: 3 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.488477 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.488477 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:3:p:449-467 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gabriella Carolini Author-X-Name-First: Gabriella Author-X-Name-Last: Carolini Title: The Tools of Whose Trade? How international accounting guidelines are failing governments in the global South Abstract: As the adoption and harmonisation of international public sector accounting standards and guidelines strengthen, decision-making processes and definitions assumed in establishing accounting best practices become more critical objects of study. Especially for countries in the global South that are making efforts to converge with such international guidelines, a review is warranted of the creation of the UN's System of National Accounts (guiding the derivation of GDP, for example) and the International Federation of Accountants' public sector accounting standards. This paper endeavours to undertake such a review, concluding that, as currently designed and articulated, public sector accounting guidelines fail to adequately encompass and address the voices and concerns of governments in the global South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 469-483 Issue: 3 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.488480 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.488480 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:3:p:469-483 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shehzad Qazi Author-X-Name-First: Shehzad Author-X-Name-Last: Qazi Title: The ‘Neo-Taliban’ and Counterinsurgency in Afghanistan Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 485-499 Issue: 3 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2010.488484 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2010.488484 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:3:p:485-499 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Heather Marquette Author-X-Name-First: Heather Author-X-Name-Last: Marquette Author-Name: Danielle Beswick Author-X-Name-First: Danielle Author-X-Name-Last: Beswick Title: State Building, Security and Development: state building as a new development paradigm? Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1703-1714 Issue: 10 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.610565 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.610565 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:10:p:1703-1714 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alina Rocha Menocal Author-X-Name-First: Alina Author-X-Name-Last: Rocha Menocal Title: State Building for Peace: a new paradigm for international engagement in post-conflict fragile states? Abstract: This article is intended to analyse two leading approaches that have guided international efforts to promote peace and development in conflict-afflicted fragile states since the 1990s, namely peace building and state building. In a relatively recent development a growing number of donors has sought to bring these two closer together, based upon the perception that the challenges posed by (post-)conflict fragile states need to be addressed through an approach that combines both—‘state-building for peace’, as the undp has put it. The article thus seeks to explore how the processes of building peace are related to the processes of building more resilient, effective and responsive states in (post-)conflict settings. It provides an overview of the evolution of these two concepts and analyses key complementarities between peace building and state building. It also explores the challenges that arise for both on the basis of these complementarities. The article goes on to examine some of the most significant tensions that arise between the two, and what these tensions may imply for the international assistance community. By way of a conclusion the article offers a few key lessons that emerge from the analysis for improved donor policy and practice in state building for peace efforts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1715-1736 Issue: 10 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.610567 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.610567 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:10:p:1715-1736 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Edward Newman Author-X-Name-First: Edward Author-X-Name-Last: Newman Title: A Human Security Peace-Building Agenda Abstract: International peace building in post-conflict societies has helped to bring armed conflicts to an end and reduced the recurrence of war. According to some scholars, peace building has therefore contributed to the apparent downward trend of major intra-state conflict in recent years. However, the liberal institutionalist values which underpin international peace building—emphasising democracy, free market economics and the liberal state—have raised a range of criticisms and challenges from scholars as well as local stakeholders in the societies in which peace-building programmes are deployed. In particular, the prevailing approaches to peace-building give insufficient attention to basic and everyday human needs, and promote externally conceived models of state institutions which are not always appropriate. This article explores the problems of contemporary peace building and argues that an alternative vision which draws upon the concept of human security and gives greater emphasis to welfare, livelihoods and local engagement can make peace building more legitimate and sustainable. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1737-1756 Issue: 10 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.610568 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.610568 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:10:p:1737-1756 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mick Moore Author-X-Name-First: Mick Author-X-Name-Last: Moore Title: Globalisation and Power in Weak States Abstract: Both academic literature and popular ideas focus on the ways in which globalisation might be leading to convergence in the ways in which societies are governed. This is misleading. There are marked differentiation processes. Patterns of governance are diverging. These divergences are concentrated in smaller, poorer countries outside the ranks of the oecd and bric/emerging economies category. This article focuses on the ways in which these divergences are driven by changes in sources of government and elite revenues (‘political revenues’). As a result of late 20th century globalisation, fewer governments are funded by broad general taxation, and elites in poor countries face increased incentives to use their power for personal profit rather than the collective good. The emergence of ‘failing’ or ‘weak’ states is not an isolated or random phenomenon, but an aspect of a broader shift in the character of public authority. That understanding has direct implications for the policies employed to combat the problem. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1757-1776 Issue: 10 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.610572 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.610572 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:10:p:1757-1776 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stefan Wolff Author-X-Name-First: Stefan Author-X-Name-Last: Wolff Title: Post-Conflict State Building: the debate on institutional choice Abstract: A significant theoretical and empirical question underlying much of the literature on post-conflict state building is which institutions offer the best prospect for peace and democracy in divided societies recovering from conflict. This debate is highly relevant for many developing countries. With much invested by third parties in post-conflict reconstruction and a mixed track record of success at best, the question explored by this article is whether consociational institutional designs—widely applied in policy practice and severely criticised in academic discourse—can accomplish the twin goals of peace and democracy in divided post-conflict societies. Examining the claims of supporters and detractors of consociationalism, the article finds substantial conceptual and empirical evidence that consociational institutions hold significant promise for building democratic states after conflict in divided societies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1777-1802 Issue: 10 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.610574 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.610574 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:10:p:1777-1802 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Paul Jackson Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Jackson Title: Security Sector Reform and State Building Abstract: This article argues that there is a close link between security sector reform (ssr) and state building. Focusing on UK approaches to state building and ssr, it argues that these are an extension of liberal models containing a number of assumptions about the nature of states and how they should be constructed and that any analysis of ssr approaches needs to be seen within a broader framework of the international community, which tends to see the replacement of ‘dysfunctional’ societies as desirable both for the people of those states and for the international community. As a result, state building has largely been carried out as a ‘technical-administrative’ exercise focusing on the technicalities of constructing and running organisations rather than on the politics of creating states, leading to a lack of overall political coherence in terms of where ssr is, or should be, going and of what kinds of state are being constructed. Politics is frequently cited by practitioners as representing a set of obstacles to be overcome to achieve ssr rather than a set of assumptions about actually doing it. The effect of development and security policies working closely together in insecure environments is an overarching emphasis on security at the expense of the harder, more long-term process of development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1803-1822 Issue: 10 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.610577 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.610577 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:10:p:1803-1822 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nicolas Lemay-Hébert Author-X-Name-First: Nicolas Author-X-Name-Last: Lemay-Hébert Title: The Bifurcation of the Two Worlds: assessing the gap between internationals and locals in state-building processes Abstract: Studies increasingly highlight the limits of state building conducted ‘from the top-down’. Building on the literature and using a Rosenauian concept in a novel way, this article posits that international interventions create a ‘bifurcation of the two worlds’. Departing from a study of Kosovo and Timor-Leste, the article posits that the massive arrival of staff involved in international governance will create a social gap between the international and the local ‘worlds’, which will in turn become a target of narratives of resistance by local actors. This bifurcation is exemplified by the ‘white car syndrome’, a concept representing the horde of white UN vehicles accompanying major interventions and developed in this contribution. Thus, the article attempts to shed new light on the legitimacy crises that Kosovo and Timor-Leste experienced at the beginning of the current century, while demonstrating and increasing the linkages between development studies and peace studies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1823-1841 Issue: 10 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.610578 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.610578 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:10:p:1823-1841 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stefan Lindemann Author-X-Name-First: Stefan Author-X-Name-Last: Lindemann Title: Inclusive Elite Bargains and the Dilemma of Unproductive Peace: a Zambian case study Abstract: This article seeks to contribute to recent debates on the link between political settlements and state building. It proposes a theoretical framework that centres on the alternative concept of ‘elite bargain’ and suggests that inclusive elite bargains can be expected to facilitate both peace and economic development. Yet a detailed case study of elite bargains in Zambia shows that all good things do not always go together. While inclusive elite bargains have indeed helped to avoid civil war, they have often constrained economic development—a dilemma of unproductive peace. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1843-1869 Issue: 10 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.610585 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.610585 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:10:p:1843-1869 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Heather Marquette Author-X-Name-First: Heather Author-X-Name-Last: Marquette Title: Donors, State Building and Corruption: lessons from Afghanistan and the implications for aid policy Abstract: This article critically analyses the state-building agenda from a governance and aid policy perspective, and from an anti-corruption viewpoint in particular, highlighting potential problems with both theoretical and practical applications of state building in a development context. Inconsistencies and contradictions between the state building and anti-corruption work have not been adequately explored or reconciled. In particular, the article explores these tensions using the example of the Performance-Based Governors' Fund (pbgf) in Afghanistan, where some donors are looking to reduce corruption in local government, encouraging often ‘warlord’ governors to run their administrative offices with integrity. The article argues that the pbgf approach—with its themes of being realistic, going for indirect strategies over the long term and building integrity rather than fighting corruption, provide important lessons for the anti-corruption community as a whole, both at the level of theory and practice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1871-1890 Issue: 10 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.610587 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.610587 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:10:p:1871-1890 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Zoe Marriage Author-X-Name-First: Zoe Author-X-Name-Last: Marriage Title: Divisive ‘Commonality’: state and insecurity in the Democratic Republic of Congo Abstract: Northern donor policies relating to building a common future and building peaceful states and societies go to the heart of national and international security agendas. This article critiques the concept of commonality between donors and recipients and within recipient countries. It argues that the policies are problematic from the perspective of security theorising, both in their mooted ‘commonality’ and in terms of the political intervention that they imply. Historically security has been competitive and founded on compromise rather than commonality, and the internal legitimacy of states has been contested domestically, rather than ‘built’ from outside. Using the example of the Democratic Republic of Congo, the article argues that the ahistorical assumptions of these policies and the activities they license have entrenched specific forms of insecurity. There have been some returns to the donors and implementing partners but also some costs, which had not been calculated, as lessons have not been drawn from past experiences. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1891-1910 Issue: 10 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.610589 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.610589 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:10:p:1891-1910 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Danielle Beswick Author-X-Name-First: Danielle Author-X-Name-Last: Beswick Title: Aiding State Building and Sacrificing Peace Building? The Rwanda–UK relationship 1994–2011 Abstract: This article explores the relationship between the UK and Rwanda, using the lens of the UK Department for International Development's integrated approach to state building and peace building in fragile and conflict-affected states. It identifies a number of priorities for UK aid under such a framework, but shows that in the case of Rwanda these have not been foregrounded in the bilateral aid relationship. The article suggests a number of reasons for this, arguing that, by refusing to acknowledge or address Rwanda's deviations from what was considered a positive development trajectory, the UK is becoming internationally isolated in its support for the rpf regime. It concludes that, while this bilateral relationship may support achievement of stability and relative security in Rwanda, promoting such a narrow form of state building is detrimental to more holistic peace building, both nationally and regionally. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1911-1930 Issue: 10 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.610593 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.610593 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:10:p:1911-1930 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Editorial Board Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-1 Issue: 10 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.611388 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.611388 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:10:p:1-1 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Notes on contributors Journal: Pages: 1-3 Issue: 1 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701726376 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701726376 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:1:p:1-3 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pinar Bilgin Author-X-Name-First: Pinar Author-X-Name-Last: Bilgin Title: Thinking past ‘Western’ IR? Abstract: The laudable attempts at thinking past ‘Western’ir should not limit their task to looking beyond the spatial confines of the ‘West’ in search for insight understood as ‘difference’, but also ask awkward questions about the ‘Westernness’ of ostensibly ‘Western’ approaches to world politics and the ‘non-Westernness’ of others. For there may be elements of ‘non-Western’ experiences and ideas built in to ‘Western’ ways of thinking about and doing world politics. The reverse may also be true. What we think of as ‘non-Western’ approaches to world politics may be suffused with ‘Western’ concepts and theories. Indeed, those who are interested in thinking past ‘Western’ir should take an additional step and inquire into the evolution of the latter. While looking beyond the ‘West’ may not always involve discovering something that is radically ‘different’ from one's own ways of thinking about and doing world politics, such seeming absence of ‘difference’ cannot be explained away through invoking assumptions of ‘teleological Westernisation’, but requires becoming curious about the effects of the historical relationship between the ‘West’ and the ‘non-West’ in the emergence of ways of thinking and doing that are—in Bhabha's words—‘almost the same but not quite’. This article looks at three such instances (India's search for nuclear power status, Turkey's turn to secularism, and Asia's integration into the liberal world order) in the attempt to illustrate how ‘mimicry’ may emerge as a way of ‘doing’ world politics in a seemingly ‘similar’ yet unexpectedly ‘different’ way. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 5-23 Issue: 1 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701726392 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701726392 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:1:p:5-23 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Neve Gordon Author-X-Name-First: Neve Author-X-Name-Last: Gordon Title: From Colonization to Separation: exploring the structure of Israel's occupation Abstract: Much has changed during Israel's 40 years of occupation of Palestinian territory. Within the past six years Israel has, on average, killed more Palestinians per year than it killed during the first 20 years of occupation. Those who help manufacture public opinion within Israel claim that the dramatic increase in Palestinian deaths results from the fact that the Palestinians have changed the methods of violence they employ against Israel, and that Israel, in turn, has also begun using more violent means. Palestinians might invert this argument, claiming that they have altered their methods of resistance in response to Israel's use of more lethal violence. While such explanations no doubt contain a grain of truth, they are symptomatic accounts, and do little to reveal the root causes underlying the processes leading to the substantial increase in human deaths. A different approach is therefore needed, one that takes into account the structural dimension of Israel's military rule and tracks the two major principles that have informed the occupation over the past four decades: the colonisation principle and the separation principle. By the colonisation principle I mean a form of government whereby the coloniser attempts to manage the lives of the colonised inhabitants while exploiting the captured territory's resources. By the separation principle I do not mean a withdrawal of Israeli power from the Occupied Territories, but rather the reorganisation of power in the territories in order to continue controlling the resources. The major difference, then, between the colonisation and the separation principles is that, under the first principle there is an effort to manage the population and its resources, even though the two are separated. With the adoption of the separation principle Israel looses all interest in the lives of the Palestinian inhabitants and focuses solely on the occupied resources. Such a reorganisation of power helps explain the change in the repertoires of violence and the dramatic increase in the number of Palestinian deaths. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 25-44 Issue: 1 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701726442 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701726442 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:1:p:25-44 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gregory Weeks Author-X-Name-First: Gregory Author-X-Name-Last: Weeks Title: A Preference for Deference: reforming the military's intelligence role in Argentina, Chile and Peru Abstract: In the past decade an effort to reform the military's role in defence institutions such as intelligence services has been underway across Latin America. Utilising the cases of Argentina, Chile and Peru, this article will argue that reform has occurred, but has been limited in terms of expanding civilian authority, and will offer a means of understanding the dynamics of intelligence reform. In particular, incentives for civilians to pursue complicated reform have been absent. The military's proven ability to operate its own intelligence agencies constitutes a disincentive. To examine the dynamics of reform, the analysis centres on three variables: the number of institutions involved in overseeing intelligence, the degree of presidential control, and whether military intelligence activities are overseen by the civilian government. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 45-61 Issue: 1 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701726467 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701726467 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:1:p:45-61 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Todd Gordon Author-X-Name-First: Todd Author-X-Name-Last: Gordon Author-Name: Jeffery Webber Author-X-Name-First: Jeffery Author-X-Name-Last: Webber Title: Imperialism and Resistance: Canadian mining companies in Latin America Abstract: David Harvey's concept of accumulation by dispossession is a useful framework for understanding the predatory activities of Canadian mining companies in Latin America. Capitalist imperialism is rooted in the logic of a socioeconomic system that is driven by the competitive pursuit of profit based on the exploitation of labour, and which is prone to over-accumulation. Capital, backed by state power, pursues a spatial fix to resolve the systematic crisis of over-accumulation. The creation of new spaces of accumulation is not an innocuous process; it inevitably involves the forceful and violent reorganisation of peoples' lives as they are subordinated to the whims of capital. Strategies of accumulation by dispossession by capital therefore commonly spawn popular resistance from the affected communities. The Canadian mining industry is the largest in the world, and much of its outward investment targets Latin America. The Canadian company share of the larger company exploration market in Latin America (and the Caribbean) has grown steadily since the early 1990s, up to 35% by 2004, the largest by far among all its competitors, with seven Canadian companies among the top 20 mineral exploration investors in the region from 1989 to 2001. This paper charts these trends of Canadian mining expansion in Latin America and then focuses on the community, environmental and worker resistance it is generating in the cases of Chile and Colombia. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 63-87 Issue: 1 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701726509 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701726509 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:1:p:63-87 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Horace Campbell Author-X-Name-First: Horace Author-X-Name-Last: Campbell Title: China in Africa: challenging US global hegemony Abstract: In the first decade of the 21st century China has been able to enter political, military and commercial deals with countries of the asean community, the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean, and the countries and observers in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (sco). In November 2006 China sealed this circle with a strategic partnership with Africa at a major feast of leaders celebrating the friendship and co-operation between the two. The emergence of China as a force in Africa complicated the tussle between the EU and the USA over the ‘who controls Africa’. The new relations between Africa and China could be described in the words of Gramsci, as, ‘the old is dying yet the new is yet to be born’. Chinese relations with Africa combine elements of the old (extraction of raw materials), yet the experience of transformation in China ensures that there are many positive and negative lessons to be learnt. What is new is the prospect for the consolidation of African independence and the challenge to the hegemony of the dollar and US imperialism. I argue in this paper that, in the short term, one of China's most important roles will be to break the disarticulation between the financial and productive sectors of the economy and to stem the outflow of capital from Africa. In the long run the experience of linking new ideas of science and technology to a home grown path of reconstruction can be an important lesson for Africa. State-to-state relations are usually opportunistic and it is for this reason that transnational civil society linkages between the Chinese and African people will be more important than relations between leaders. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 89-105 Issue: 1 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701726517 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701726517 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:1:p:89-105 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kevin Gray Author-X-Name-First: Kevin Author-X-Name-Last: Gray Title: Challenges to the Theory and Practice of Polyarchy: the rise of the political left in Korea Abstract: This paper provides an analysis of the development of democracy in Korea since the transition from authoritarianism in 1987, and its implications for critical analyses of Third World democratisation. Accounts of ‘low intensity democracy’ or ‘polyarchy’ have noted Third World democratisation for its constrained and elite-centred nature, and as an outcome of US foreign policy, which has sought to demobilise restive popular movements and extend the reach of global capital. However, the Korean general elections of 2004 saw the historic entry of the explicitly socialist Korean Democratic Labour Party (kdlp) into the National Assembly. A re-examination of post-authoritarian politics in fact shows a process of continuous contestation that belies the claims made by the polyarchy literature. Formal democratisation has by its very nature allowed for a counter-movement to be mobilised. The paper also examines the relationship between the kdlp and the mass labour union movement and argues that, while democracy has provided opportunities for participation by previously marginalised social forces, concomitant neoliberal restructuring has limited the development of the mass movements from which such political projects draw their strength. Thus, inquiry into the implications of democratisation for a progressive challenge to neoliberal capitalism must also extend beyond ‘politics’ to mass movements in the socioeconomic sphere. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 107-124 Issue: 1 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701726566 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701726566 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:1:p:107-124 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Lewis Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Lewis Title: Crossing the Boundaries between ‘Third Sector’ and State: life-work histories from the Philippines, Bangladesh and the UK Abstract: The three-sector model—encompassing the private, public and non-governmental or ‘third’ sectors—is important to much of the research that is undertaken on development policy. While it may be analytically convenient to separate the three sectors, the realities are more complex. Non-governmental actors and government/public sector agencies are linked in potentially important (though often far from visible) ways via personal relationships, resource flows and informal transactions. This paper seeks to understand these links by studying the ‘life-work histories’ of individuals who have operated in both the government and third sector. Two main types of such boundary crossing are identified: ‘consecutive’, in which a person moves from one sector to the other in order to take up a new position, and ‘extensive’, in which a person is simultaneously active in both sectors. Drawing on a set of recently collected life-work history data, the paper explores the diversity of this phenomenon in three countries. It examines the reasons for cross-over, analyses the experiences of some of those involved, and explores the implications for better understanding the boundaries, both conceptual and tangible, that both separate and link government and third sector in these different institutional contexts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 125-141 Issue: 1 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701726582 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701726582 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:1:p:125-141 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alfredo Robles Author-X-Name-First: Alfredo Author-X-Name-Last: Robles Title: EU Negotiations with and Mercosur: integration into the world economy or market access for EU firms? Abstract: The EU claims that its free trade agreements with regional organisations of developing countries can promote the respective regions' integration into the world economy. Taking as case studies EU negotiations with the Southern African Development Community and Mercosur, the paper argues that the EU and its partners have different conceptions of integration into the world economy. For the EU the latter simply means multilateral trade liberalisation under the wto, while, for its partners, it involves increasing industrial production and exports of manufactured products. If the latter notion is accepted, an fta with the EU should increase European foreign direct investment into the region or at least increase their trade surpluses, thus increasing the resources available for support of local firms. The paper argues that an fta with the EU will not be likely to produce these results; thus the fta will simply be an instrument to promote market access for EU firms. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 181-197 Issue: 1 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701726608 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701726608 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:1:p:181-197 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shirin Edwin Author-X-Name-First: Shirin Author-X-Name-Last: Edwin Title: Veiling the Obvious: African feminist theory and the hijab in the African novel Abstract: This article is predicated on the view that African Muslim women do not necessarily perceive Islam or Islamic practice as incompatible with their goals and aspirations of education, independence or leadership. Drawing on the representations of the hijab in three African novels, this paper will simultaneously affirm and challenge certain orientations within African and particularly African feminist theories vis-á-vis African Muslim women and Islam. In responding to the claims by certain African feminist thinkers that Islam is incompatible with female leadership, that African Muslim women mostly practice Islam against their will and that forms of Islamic practice, in this case the hijab, are of little religious significance to African Muslim women, this paper will demonstrate that not only do African Muslim women choose to practice Islam by consciously and voluntarily situating themselves as agents of Islamic practice, but, in so doing, they, in fact, embody leadership, education, independence and consequently a re-affirmation of their religious identity. Islamic practice among African Muslim women, as will be explored in this analysis of the hijab, therefore, is infused with a deeper religious meaning and it cannot be convincingly concluded that the women have little regard for it. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 199-214 Issue: 1 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701726624 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701726624 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:1:p:199-214 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jeffrey Haynes Author-X-Name-First: Jeffrey Author-X-Name-Last: Haynes Title: Religion and Foreign Policy Making in the USA, India and Iran: towards a research agenda Abstract: This article is concerned with religious soft power in foreign policy making through a focus on the foreign policies of the USA, India and Iran. It suggests that, if religious actors ‘get the ear’ of key foreign policy makers because of their shared religious beliefs, the former may become able to influence foreign policy outcomes through the exercise of religious soft power. In relation to the above-mentioned countries, the article proposes that several named religious actors do significantly influence foreign policy through such a strategy. It also notes that such influence is apparent not only when key policy makers share religious values, norms and beliefs but also when policy makers accept that foreign policy should be informed by them. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 143-165 Issue: 1 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701739668 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701739668 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:1:p:143-165 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lorenzo Fioramonti Author-X-Name-First: Lorenzo Author-X-Name-Last: Fioramonti Author-Name: Arlo Poletti Author-X-Name-First: Arlo Author-X-Name-Last: Poletti Title: Facing the Giant: Southern perspectives on the European Union Abstract: The European Union portrays itself as a different global actor. This self-representation has triggered a debate around the EU as a global ‘normative power’, while providing momentum for innovative research into how other societies view and assess the global performance of the EU. For the first time this article presents the findings of a study conducted respectively in Brazil, India and South Africa. As leading nations of the ‘global South’, these three countries offer important insights into how the EU is perceived not only in emerging markets, but also in the so-called developing world at large. The findings reveal that the EU is an unknown entity to most citizens in these countries and is rarely covered by local media. Moreover, it is often criticised for inconsistencies and double standards by political elites and civil society, especially in the area of international trade, while being praised as a successful example of regional integration. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 167-180 Issue: 1 Volume: 29 Year: 2008 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590701762900 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590701762900 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:29:y:2008:i:1:p:167-180 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anne-Meike Fechter Author-X-Name-First: Anne-Meike Author-X-Name-Last: Fechter Title: The Personal and the Professional: Aid workers' relationships and values in the development process Abstract: This introduction, and the special issue as a whole, consider how the personal and the professional are interrelated, and how they matter for aid work. Taking up Chambers' call for the ‘primacy of the personal', this paper explores why the personal often remains un-acknowledged in development studies, even though its salience for aid workers is well-documented, for example, in the growing popularity of their blogs and memoirs. One possible reason for this is an implicit narrative of aid work as altruistic and sometimes self-sacrificing, which renders it inappropriate to devote much attention to the experiences and challenges of aid workers themselves. As the contributions in this volume demonstrate, however, their personal relationships and values significantly shape perspectives and practices of aid work. They therefore need to be taken into account in order to achieve a more comprehensive understanding of development processes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1387-1404 Issue: 8 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.698104 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.698104 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:8:p:1387-1404 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rosalind Eyben Author-X-Name-First: Rosalind Author-X-Name-Last: Eyben Title: Fellow Travellers in Development Abstract: Although what has been called ‘the people-centred development decade’ of international aid in the 1990s can be explained at the systemic level by the end of the Cold War, such an account does not tell us how it actually came about. This article argues that a contributory factor can be identified through the life-histories of a generation of development semi- professionals, women now in their sixties who were caught up and part of two great emancipatory moments in the second half of the 20 century: freedom from colonialism and women's liberation. These shaped their consciousness and produced political effects that gave them the opportunity to influence development practice. That they were able to make use of that opportunity is attributed to their versatility and entrepreneurship, developed through a force of circumstance that had given them an education but denied them the traditional career path taken by their male peers. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1405-1421 Issue: 8 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.698105 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.698105 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:8:p:1405-1421 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Eric Heuser Author-X-Name-First: Eric Author-X-Name-Last: Heuser Title: Befriending the Field: culture and friendships in development worlds Abstract: This paper explores some of the cross-cultural friendships of Western NGO workers with Indonesians, before and after the 2006 earthquake in Yogyakarta. These kinds of friendships enabled aid workers to transcend a private–professional divide which is often taken for granted. The paper draws attention to different cultural ideals of friendship and argues that cross-cultural friendships present a central instrument for establishing emotional belonging and for crafting identities. The social competences gained frequently moved beyond the individual private sphere and were turned into meaningful resources and professional qualifications relevant in development work. I argue that friendships act as mediators allowing aid workers to oscillate between different spheres of social engagement. This intermediate potential renders friendships highly relevant to more in-depth anthropological enquiry into development workers' everyday lives and their cultural positioning in foreign environments. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1423-1437 Issue: 8 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.698108 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.698108 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:8:p:1423-1437 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dorothea Hilhorst Author-X-Name-First: Dorothea Author-X-Name-Last: Hilhorst Author-Name: Loes Weijers Author-X-Name-First: Loes Author-X-Name-Last: Weijers Author-Name: Margit van Wessel Author-X-Name-First: Margit Author-X-Name-Last: van Wessel Title: Aid Relations and Aid Legitimacy: mutual imaging of aid workers and recipients in Nepal Abstract: This paper considers mutual imaging of aid workers and Bhutanese refugees in Nepal. Based on a theoretical perspective of aid as a socially negotiated arena, the contextual and interactionist concept of imaging is used, rather than labelling (which is done to people), or perceptions (located in one actor's head). The paper uses a Q-methodology that symmetrically researches different groups of actors by posing the same questions. Our data confirm that the distinctions between the way aid workers and recipients view themselves, each other and the aid provided were more gradual than clear-cut between categories and that the legitimacy of aid workers is not determined by the perceived quality of aid. Problems with routinised aid were not translated into negative images, whereas problems with new and irregular types of aid were. Our research indicates the importance of the interaction between implementing staff and active beneficiaries. The roles of these active volunteers and incentive workers are important but ambiguous. They may smooth the divide between aid agencies and clients, but their proximity to the aid regime may also lead to tensions. The way these roles are played out and the effect this has on imaging and aid legitimacy is an area for further research. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1439-1457 Issue: 8 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.698126 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.698126 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:8:p:1439-1457 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Silke Roth Author-X-Name-First: Silke Author-X-Name-Last: Roth Title: Professionalisation Trends and Inequality: experiences and practices in aid relationships Abstract: This article explores the role that skills and knowledge play in the relationships between national and international volunteers and staff. Based on biographical interviews with people working for a wide range of aid organisations, the experiences and strategies of individuals and organisations dealing with inequality and diversity are explored. In particular, the paper addresses the question of whether professionalisation processes that can currently be observed in the field of humanitarian aid might contribute to minimising or perpetuating the gap between national and international aid personnel. Professionalisation processes can have positive effects not only for aid recipients, who obtain better services, and for the careers of aid personnel, but also for donors and hiring aid organisations, which benefit from a skilled workforce. However, we need to critically reflect on what kind of knowledge is validated, where it can be obtained and whether credentials guarantee hiring and promotion of qualified staff from all regions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1459-1474 Issue: 8 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2012.698129 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/09700161.2012.698129 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:8:p:1459-1474 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anne-Meike Fechter Author-X-Name-First: Anne-Meike Author-X-Name-Last: Fechter Title: ‘Living Well’ while ‘Doing Good’? (Missing) debates on altruism and professionalism in aid work Abstract: This paper takes at its starting point public criticism of international aid workers who appear to be ‘doing well out of poverty’. Based on fieldwork in Cambodia, the paper suggests that such public perceptions are mirrored by some aid workers' uncertainties about the moral dimensions of their own and others' lifestyles. Significantly, analyses of such public and private unease are largely absent from development ethics, even though comparable professions, such as nursing or social work, having produced substantial work on these issues. I argue that the scarcity of equivalent studies in development studies is partly the result of a tendency to foreground the ‘other’—the world's poor—while rendering those who deliver aid invisible. Placing ‘aid recipients’ and ‘aid givers’ in separate categories, together with an emphasis on collective rather than individual moral responsibilities, not only makes it difficult to conduct open debates on the role of altruism and professionalism among aid workers, but also indicates how practices of ‘othering’ continue to inform aspects of development theory and practice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1475-1491 Issue: 8 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2012.698133 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/09700161.2012.698133 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:8:p:1475-1491 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Katharina Mangold Author-X-Name-First: Katharina Author-X-Name-Last: Mangold Title: ‘Struggling to Do the Right Thing’: challenges during international volunteering Abstract: This article focuses on young adults from Germany who accomplish one year of voluntary service in various social projects in Uganda. The participants are between 18 and 28 years of age and most of them stay abroad for about 12 months. The study investigates conceptual approaches of experiences and asks for transnational experiences or experiences made in the context of transnationalism. Spaces, in which differences and conflicts can be bridged and negotiated, are meetings amongst the volunteers themselves as well as amongst volunteers and Ugandans, who then become ‘cultural agents'. The community therewith offers a save space of exchange, in which the volunteers do not feel obliged to constantly reflect on their actions, practices and behaviour. In sum, the empirical material shows the different reasons for the young adults to accomplish a year of voluntary service in Uganda. Challenges the volunteers face during their stay can be shown additionally. Doing this, I am developing the concept of ‘inconsistency of status' from the empirical material and also highlight the ways in which the volunteers are dealing with their ‘situations of ambivalence'. Last but not least this ambivalences will be discussed as ‘In-betweenness' and this ‘In-betweenness' as an opportunity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1493-1509 Issue: 8 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.698137 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.698137 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:8:p:1493-1509 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter Tamás Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Tamás Author-Name: Chizu Sato Author-X-Name-First: Chizu Author-X-Name-Last: Sato Title: Is the Non-unitary Subject a Plausible and Productive Way to Understand Development Bureaucrats? Abstract: Development bureaucrats are the human instruments of the policies that mobilise funds, create organisations and underwrite interventions. For their home audiences development organisations need to present bureaucrats who are reliable instruments. In the field these same organisations need staff who can do what makes sense. This arrangement works until what makes sense in head office does not work in the field. At that point staff have to ‘marry off’ these two worlds. How these staff are understood shapes both how they can be approached by locals and how they should be supported by their organisations. This paper draws on research done in a donor organisation headquarters, in a military unit tasked with conducting development activities and at a field-level donor mission in a failed state. It explores the relevance, methods to research, the plausibility and the productivity of understanding the development bureaucrats who do this ‘marrying off’ as non-unitary subjects. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1511-1525 Issue: 8 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.698138 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.698138 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:8:p:1511-1525 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Cathy Shutt Author-X-Name-First: Cathy Author-X-Name-Last: Shutt Title: A Moral Economy? Social interpretations of money in Aidland Abstract: This article considers the implications of the varied social meanings and values practitioners give to aid and the logics they use to make sense of Aidland's inequitable economy. The author draws on experience as an aid practitioner, as well as on ethnographic research in Cambodia to propose that dominant economic approaches to assessing the value for money delivered by aid risk overlooking the values and varied interpretive logics aid workers use to make sense of aid allocations and exchanges. The article highlights dilemmas experienced by aid workers living and working in an inequitable socioeconomic system produced by aid flows that constantly have to be negotiated, reconciled or ignored. A case study from Cambodia shows how the interpretive lenses aid workers use to evaluate the use of aid money influence their relationships and practice in ways that have material effects. This suggests they deserve further study, likely to be aided by reference to ideas from economic sociology and anthropology. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1527-1543 Issue: 8 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.698139 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.698139 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:8:p:1527-1543 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Raymond Apthorpe Author-X-Name-First: Raymond Author-X-Name-Last: Apthorpe Title: Effective Aid: the poetics of some aid workers' angles on how humanitarian aid ‘works' Abstract: International aid workers are invisible in the absence of data as to who cleaves to what knowledges and practices about how aid works to be effective. When it is similar or different best practice positions that are taken is another unknown, despite what this could tell us about aid effectiveness. This paper identifies through their everyday poetics two of the angles on ‘how aid works’ that aid workers take. One angle displays a programmatic, or ‘like clockwork’ aesthetic about how aid is said to ‘work' through causal mechanisms, provided only that the right policy and ‘the tools we have' are put in place and implemented. The other, a ‘like an artwork’ aesthetic, puts constitutive institutions and new interpretative understandings to the fore. The aid effectiveness issues and reforms associated with the 2005 Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness and subsequent meetings, the latest in Busan in 2011, do not address many, if any, of the issues raised in this paper. They should. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1545-1559 Issue: 8 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.698141 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.698141 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:8:p:1545-1559 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elisa Randazzo Author-X-Name-First: Elisa Author-X-Name-Last: Randazzo Title: The paradoxes of the ‘everyday’: scrutinising the local turn in peace building Abstract: With the advent of the local turn in the mid-2000s, critical approaches have attempted to rethink peace building from the bottom up, placing local agents at the centre of the debate, declaring the end of top-down governance and affirming the fragmented, complex and plural nature of the social milieu. While local turn approaches have become popular in peace-building theory, this article invites the reader to question and problematise the local turn’s use of the concept of ‘everyday’, in order to explore paradoxes and contradictions that indicate the need to think more deeply about the impact of the local turn’s project of critique. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1351-1370 Issue: 8 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1120154 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1120154 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:8:p:1351-1370 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Geraldina Polanco Author-X-Name-First: Geraldina Author-X-Name-Last: Polanco Title: Consent behind the counter: aspiring citizens and labour control under precarious (im)migration schemes Abstract: ‘Managed migration’ schemes promote mobility of labour across international borders, diversifying worksites and introducing new systems of enacting labour consent. This article examines how Canadian franchisees are recruiting Filipino migrants to staff their restaurants, facilitating employers’ access to new, flexible subjects. These workers covet their employment as pathways to Canadian citizenship. Some are unaware, however, that they are recruited under a precarious immigration scheme, one that neither directly denies nor facilitates access to legal incorporation. Instead, migrants are (transnationally) encouraged to compete in the worksite for employer-nominated citizenship, a highly productive system for engendering consent. This draws attention to new challenges ‘managed migration’ schemes pose for resisting downward pressures on work and employment conditions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1332-1350 Issue: 8 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1129892 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1129892 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:8:p:1332-1350 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Louise Bloom Author-X-Name-First: Louise Author-X-Name-Last: Bloom Author-Name: Romily Faulkner Author-X-Name-First: Romily Author-X-Name-Last: Faulkner Title: Innovation spaces: lessons from the United Nations Abstract: This paper explores the notion of ‘innovation spaces’ within the UN system, as physical and virtual laboratories for innovation. Using empirical research in a range of innovation labs the authors explore four key questions: what form UN innovation labs have taken, what has motivated their creation, what their aims and objectives are, and what impact they are having. The answers to these questions promote reflection on the future of innovation spaces, particularly an analysis of whether a model of ‘siloed’ innovation spaces will survive in the humanitarian system. The paper demonstrates the important role that innovation labs play in the UN system, as well as grappling with the challenges they face. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1371-1387 Issue: 8 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1135730 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1135730 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:8:p:1371-1387 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Håkan Thörn Author-X-Name-First: Håkan Author-X-Name-Last: Thörn Title: Politics of responsibility: governing distant populations through civil society in Mozambique, Rwanda and South Africa Abstract: This article presents and analyses the findings of a research project on power relations in the context of development partnerships with civil society on HIV/AIDS in Mozambique, Rwanda and South Africa, and engages in a critical dialogue with governmentality analysis. It argues that contemporary neoliberal government needs to be understood as context-specific articulations of three forms of power discussed by Foucault – sovereignty, discipline and biopower – and, in the global domain, a fourth form of power – (new) imperialism. Further, the analysis demonstrates how the introduction of a ‘package of (de-)responsibilisation’ shapes CSOs’ activities so that they become competitive service providers, use evidence-based methods and produce measurable results. Addressing the issue of resistance, it shows how the transfer of responsibilities may involve tension and struggle – a politics of responsibility. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1505-1523 Issue: 8 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1136207 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1136207 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:8:p:1505-1523 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Róisín Read Author-X-Name-First: Róisín Author-X-Name-Last: Read Author-Name: Bertrand Taithe Author-X-Name-First: Bertrand Author-X-Name-Last: Taithe Author-Name: Roger Mac Ginty Author-X-Name-First: Roger Author-X-Name-Last: Mac Ginty Title: Data hubris? Humanitarian information systems and the mirage of technology Abstract: This article looks at the promise of technology to revolutionise humanitarian action, especially in terms of the gathering and use of data. With many heralding a ‘data revolution’, the opportunities and enthusiasm for using social media and SMS data in crisis response are on the rise. The article constructs an analytical framework in order to scrutinise the three main claims made on behalf of technologically advanced humanitarian information systems: that they can access data more accurately, more quickly, and alter power relations in emancipatory ways. It does so in relation to two aspects of digital humanitarianism: visual technology and crisis mapping, and big data. The article is partly informed by a historical perspective, but also by interview and other material that suggests some of the claims made on behalf of technology are exaggerated. In particular, we argue that the enthusiasm for the data is vastly outstripped by the capacity to meaningfully analyse it. We conclude by scoping the implications of the future technological evolution of humanitarianism, in particular by examining how technology contributes to what Duffield terms ‘post-modern humanitarianism’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1314-1331 Issue: 8 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1136208 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1136208 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:8:p:1314-1331 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Antonio Roman-Alcalá Author-X-Name-First: Antonio Author-X-Name-Last: Roman-Alcalá Title: Conceptualising components, conditions and trajectories of food sovereignty’s ‘sovereignty’ Abstract: This paper addresses the ambiguity of the term ‘sovereignty’ in food sovereignty (FS), intending to clarify the ‘aspirational sovereignty’ that food sovereignty movements indicate as the ideal configuration of power that would allow FS to flourish, or which might help measure movement towards FS. Since aspirational sovereignty is conditioned by existing power relations, the paper elaborates components of ‘actually existing sovereignty’, based on readings of a variety of political and social science literatures. By critically assessing the difference between actually existing and aspirational sovereignty across three geographic–political levels, the paper offers strategic options for constructing FS, and suggests what such an elaborated definition of FS’s sovereignty might offer future research on FS. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1388-1407 Issue: 8 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1142366 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1142366 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:8:p:1388-1407 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Emel Parlar Dal Author-X-Name-First: Emel Author-X-Name-Last: Parlar Dal Title: Conceptualising and testing the ‘emerging regional power’ of Turkey in the shifting ınternational order Abstract: Turkey has thus far been generally neglected in most IR studies on power categorisations, such as middle or middle-range power, regional power or rising/emerging power, despite its rising regional power status in the past decade. This paper attempts to understand Turkey’s regional power together with its rising power status using an integral approach. In doing so, it empirically tests whether or not Turkey fits Daniel Flemes’s ‘regional power’ category, which seems to be proposing a more complete and integral framework through the fulfilment of four basic preconditions: claim to leadership; possession of necessary power resources (material and ideational); employment of material, institutional and discursive foreign policy instruments; and acceptance of leadership by third parties. Based upon these analytical tools, the article will discuss Turkey’s performance in creating a regional impact in its neighbouring regions of the Middle East, the Balkans and the Black Sea and Caucasus. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1425-1453 Issue: 8 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1142367 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1142367 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:8:p:1425-1453 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kylie Baxter Author-X-Name-First: Kylie Author-X-Name-Last: Baxter Author-Name: Renee Davidson Author-X-Name-First: Renee Author-X-Name-Last: Davidson Title: Foreign Terrorist Fighters: managing a twenty-first century threat Abstract: In the aftermath of the Arab uprisings Foreign Terrorist Fighters (FTFs) have emerged as a significant security challenge. Since the 1980s and the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan the notion of a ‘foreign fighter’ has been closely linked, if not synonymous, with those ideologically or religiously motivated individuals who have travelled to join conflicts in Islamic lands. This article will explore the contemporary FTF movement, offering a comparison of Afghanistan in the 1980s and Syria in the contemporary period. It will explore the international community’s expansive responses to the challenge of FTFs, with special focus on the role of the United Nations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1299-1313 Issue: 8 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1159127 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1159127 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:8:p:1299-1313 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Liisa L. North Author-X-Name-First: Liisa L. Author-X-Name-Last: North Author-Name: Ricardo Grinspun Author-X-Name-First: Ricardo Author-X-Name-Last: Grinspun Title: Neo-extractivism and the new Latin American developmentalism: the missing piece of rural transformation Abstract: What, if anything, is actually new about political and economic transformation in twenty-first century Latin America? Here we explore how ostensibly ‘new’ policies are being built on two ‘old’ foundations that may be mutually exclusive. These are ‘extractivism’ and ‘developmentalism’, concepts that have been used rather loosely to describe current economic policies. The new developmentalism, however, may not only be contradicted by extractivism; it may be more constrained than its predecessor by fortified capitalist class interests and new global conditions. Moreover, it pays little attention to the employment-generating potential of rural areas or to the agricultural sector. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1483-1504 Issue: 8 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1159508 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1159508 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:8:p:1483-1504 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Esther Meininghaus Author-X-Name-First: Esther Author-X-Name-Last: Meininghaus Title: Humanitarianism in intra-state conflict: aid inequality and local governance in government- and opposition-controlled areas in the Syrian war Abstract: This article argues that humanitarian aid in intra-state conflict plays a crucial but largely unrecognised role in shaping the preconditions for negotiations for peace and post-conflict reconstruction. Drawing on a spatial theory approach, it identifies the role of humanitarian aid as not being temporary and independent, but as forming an integral part of the daily lives of local communities and of continuously evolving structures of governance during conflict. As a result, significant imbalances in the distribution of aid between different geographical areas, as highlighted in the current Syrian war, threaten not only the immediate survival of civilians, but also their future. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1454-1482 Issue: 8 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1159509 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1159509 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:8:p:1454-1482 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adam Tarock Author-X-Name-First: Adam Author-X-Name-Last: Tarock Title: The Iran nuclear deal: winning a little, losing a lot Abstract: Iran’s nuclear programme had for more than a decade become a controversial issue between Iran and the West; it had even threatened to develop into a military confrontation between Teheran and its arch adversary, Washington. The issue was finally resolved in an agreement, after more than a year of negotiations, between the two sides in Geneva in July 2015. This was hailed as a ‘breakthrough’ and a ‘win-win’ for both parties. It is argued here that the nuclear deal has made Iran’s nuclear programme almost inoperable, and pointed out that many members of Congress are vehemently against the deal; the next administration may not honour it or may revise it. The high costs of sanctions against Iran to the sanctioning countries are also examined, with a comparison made between the meagre concessions that Iran will get and the huge concessions that the West will receive under the deal. Furthermore, Iran has acceded to very intrusive inspection of some of its military sites. It is contended that, if the Iranians hope the agreement will soon bring about the resolution of other thorny regional and international issues that exist between Teheran and Washington, they are very likely to be disappointed. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1408-1424 Issue: 8 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1166049 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1166049 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:8:p:1408-1424 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ian Taylor Author-X-Name-First: Ian Author-X-Name-Last: Taylor Title: South African ‘Imperialism’ in a Region Lacking Regionalism: a critique Abstract: The expansion of South African capital throughout southern Africa notwithstanding, the values and type of regionalism that Pretoria (at least rhetorically) wishes to promote in the subcontinent through the Southern African Development Community (sadc) jars considerably with the extant modalities of governance in many of the states in the region. While market-led integration may be moving apace, political commitment to any supranational regional project remains—and is likely to remain—muted and arrested. South Africa's ability to thus become an alleged political ‘leader’ of southern Africa and/or exercise ‘imperialism’ is less significant than many think or fear. Studies of regionalisation in the region need to be grounded firmly within the realm of political economy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1233-1253 Issue: 7 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.596743 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.596743 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:7:p:1233-1253 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Samer Frangie Author-X-Name-First: Samer Author-X-Name-Last: Frangie Title: Post-Development, Developmental State and Genealogy: condemned to develop? Abstract: This article investigates the fate of two trends in development studies—post-development and the ‘developmental state’—in order to question the critical purchase of the genealogical mode of critique in this discipline. These two trends enact a critique of the orthodox discourse of development that problematises its understanding of history, self-perception and practical implications and is akin to a genealogical form of critique. Yet the success of these trends in the discipline of development has been relatively minimal, compared to the insights it has generated in other academic disciplines. This outcome raises questions as to the problem-space of development and the structure of the arguments in this discipline. More specifically, the article argues that the prescriptive bent of this discipline imposes specific requirements on critical discourse, requirements that make it less amenable to this form of genealogical critique. The article concludes on the potential insights of this form of critique when filtered through the prescriptive bias of this field. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1183-1198 Issue: 7 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.596745 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.596745 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:7:p:1183-1198 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ben Jones Author-X-Name-First: Ben Author-X-Name-Last: Jones Author-Name: Marie Petersen Author-X-Name-First: Marie Author-X-Name-Last: Petersen Title: Instrumental, Narrow, Normative? Reviewing recent work on religion and development Abstract: There is a growing body of research on religion and development, primarily from development scholars and practitioners. In many ways this represents a new departure for development studies, which has been largely uninterested in religion in the past. This growing interest can be explained through a number of inter-linking factors, including the persistence of religion in much of the world, and the sense that existing approaches to development have been ineffective. In reviewing the literature we put forward three broad criticisms. First, it is instrumental in its approach—it is interested in understanding how religion can be used to do development ‘better’. Second, it has a narrow focus on faith-based organisations, which is in many ways a consequence of the need to understand religion instrumentally. Third, it is based on normative assumptions in terms of how both religion and development are conceptualised: religion is understood to be apart from ‘mainstream’ development, while development is defined as that thing that development agencies do. In making sense of these criticisms we emphasise the extent to which the recent interest in religion and development has come from donors and development agencies. We found little evidence of academic research on religion and development prefiguring the interest of the World Bank or bilateral agencies. The article concludes with some suggestions of how to move forward. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1291-1306 Issue: 7 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.596747 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.596747 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:7:p:1291-1306 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andreu Solà-Martín Author-X-Name-First: Andreu Author-X-Name-Last: Solà-Martín Title: Liberia: security challenges, development fundamentals Abstract: This research article argues that security challenges in post-conflict Liberia cannot be addressed effectively without synchronising current stabilisation policies with the implementation of development fundamentals. The article explores key strategic sectors of the Liberian economy and their impact on the security and development dimensions of peace building. The political economy of post-conflict Liberia has not structurally modified an economic model which relies on the concessionary system and the extraction of raw materials at the expense of developing productive sectors which could be used to secure sustainable livelihoods. It is suggested that a shift in the political economy pursued by national and international actors is needed to link current peacebuilding efforts to sustainable development processes; one policy measure recommended to achieve such a goal is enhanced support for land reform and small farmers' rights. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1217-1232 Issue: 7 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.596749 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.596749 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:7:p:1217-1232 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Abdelwahab El-Affendi Author-X-Name-First: Abdelwahab Author-X-Name-Last: El-Affendi Title: Constituting Liberty, Healing the Nation: revolutionary identity creation in the Arab world's delayed 1989 Abstract: The amazing scenes that were beamed from Cairo's Tahrir Square in January and February 2011 conveyed an important revelation about the ingenuity and resourcefulness of the human spirit. In particular, they highlighted the miraculous power of joint public action not only to carve out spaces for freedom, but to forge a new shared identity which is indispensable for the establishment of a durable democratic order. No less significant, however, is that revolutionary action by pro-democracy insurgents has provided concrete answers to many puzzles that had exercised democracy theorists and Middle East experts for decades. By showing how such action can overcome the divisions and obstacles theorists have seen as an impediment to democratisation, the preoccupation with ‘prerequisites’ for democracy has been revealed as a diversion. From the American Revolution to Tahrir Square, pro-democracy revolutionary action has the power not just to overthrow tyranny, but also to refashion the nation, starting with the revolutionaries themselves. It can also ‘overthrow’ theory. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1255-1271 Issue: 7 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.596750 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.596750 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:7:p:1255-1271 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Masooda Bano Author-X-Name-First: Masooda Author-X-Name-Last: Bano Title: Co-Producing with FBOs: lessons from state–madrasa engagement in the Middle East and South Asia Abstract: Forging partnerships for development is one of the eight Millennium Development Goals. While faith-based organisations (fbos) are receiving growing attention within development policy as important non-state service providers, they are assumed to be less conducive to forging partnerships with governments or development organisations than secular ngos due to their allegiance to specific religious beliefs. Analysing the dynamic of engagement between the state and madrasas (the most prominent fbo in the Muslim world) in six countries across two geographical regions—the Middle East (Egypt, Syria, Turkey), and South Asia (Pakistan, India, Bangladesh)— the paper counters the assumption that fbos are less likely to enter into negotiations, demonstrate flexibility, and engage in the strategic bargaining often involved in forging such partnerships. Like ngos, fbos respond to socio-political and economic incentives and enter into a variety of relationships with the state, ranging from co-operation to conflict. The defining feature in building a cooperative relationship is the level of trust between the negotiators on the two sides. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1273-1289 Issue: 7 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.596751 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.596751 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:7:p:1273-1289 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Williams Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Williams Title: Cracks in the Firmament of Burma's Military Government: from unity through coercion to buying support Abstract: Despite holding recent elections, Burma's military government does not intend to relinquish power; its new constitution guarantees the army the right to do whatever it wants. Democracy will therefore not come to Burma through legal, peaceful, incremental steps. Instead, democracy will come to Burma outside the legal process, because the basis for the regime's power has changed, becoming markedly weaker. When it first seized power in 1961, the military was united and therefore able to rule through coercion alone. In the past several decades, by contrast, the generals have increasingly sought to purchase support by giving income and resource streams to key players. But if people support the regime only because it pays them, they will stop doing so when it stops paying. In recent years the regime has alienated many traditional supporters by taking away the income and resource streams on which they had come to rely. As these groups become alienated from the top generals, they may turn to each other to forge new deals, and ultimately some may try to enlist the people as political allies. Burma therefore fits the most common pattern for democratisation: it will come through elite defections rather than popular insurrection. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1199-1215 Issue: 7 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.596753 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.596753 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:7:p:1199-1215 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christian Von Soest Author-X-Name-First: Christian Author-X-Name-Last: Von Soest Author-Name: Karsten Bechle Author-X-Name-First: Karsten Author-X-Name-Last: Bechle Author-Name: Nina Korte Author-X-Name-First: Nina Author-X-Name-Last: Korte Title: How Neopatrimonialism Affects Tax Administration: a comparative study of three world regions Abstract: Neopatrimonialism is a concept that has predominately been applied to describe governance in sub-Saharan Africa. Recently, however, it has also been used to describe governance in states from other world regions. However, scholars have rarely attempted systematically to compare neopatrimonial rule in different regional settings. This paper aims to narrow this gap by examining the effect of neopatrimonialism on the tax administration as a core state function in six countries from three different world regions: Argentina, Venezuela, Indonesia, the Philippines, Kenya and Zambia. We conclude that neopatrimonialism is a valuable concept for comparative area studies with the potential to foster dialogue on the ‘state in operation’ across the regional divide. Nevertheless, several indicators are more valid for some world regions than for others. We find that there is no systematic relationship between neopatrimonial trajectories and the strength of tax administration. Individual actor decisions influence the outcomes of neopatrimonialism substantially. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1307-1329 Issue: 7 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.600099 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.600099 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:7:p:1307-1329 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: April Biccum Author-X-Name-First: April Author-X-Name-Last: Biccum Title: Marketing Development: celebrity politics and the ‘new’ development advocacy Abstract: Politics and culture, once considered separate, are now fusing in new and interesting ways. Political activism is becoming popular, particularly through the expansion of a new kind of development advocacy made highly visible through celebrity involvement. Theorists of globalisation celebrate the democratisation of civil society made possible by new information and communications technology; critical theorists will note the various ways in which ict ambivalently makes the contradictions in global capitalism more obvious and has become the means by which globalisation is contested. Some metropolitan governments have sought to capitalise on this new knowledge economy by making knowledge for development part of their strategies to produce ‘global citizens’ necessary for the global economy. This paper examines the linkages between celebrity and government-funded development advocacy in Australia, which comprise the introduction of free market principles to form a marketing campaign for neoliberal globalisation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1331-1346 Issue: 7 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.600107 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.600107 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:7:p:1331-1346 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Solava Ibrahim Author-X-Name-First: Solava Author-X-Name-Last: Ibrahim Title: A Tale of Two Egypts: contrasting state-reported macro-trends with micro-voices of the poor Abstract: Poverty, inequality, unemployment, torture and corruption were among the main reasons why millions of Egyptians protested to end 30 years of Mubarak's rule in January 2011. The speed with which the regime has fallen and its fragility surprised the world. This is mainly because of the false image of a stable, prosperous and progressive Egypt propagated by the state, ignoring another Egypt, a poor, suffering and repressed one. The failure to see the latter Egypt led to the fall of the former. The aim of this article is to tell a ‘tale of two Egypts’ by contrasting the experiences and voices of poor Egyptians with the misleading figures reported by the state. The analysis shows how the state was able to provide Egyptians with growth without equity, education without inspiration, employment without security, health services without care and voting without any real impact on political processes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1347-1368 Issue: 7 Volume: 32 Year: 2011 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.600108 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2011.600108 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:32:y:2011:i:7:p:1347-1368 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: James H. Mittelman Author-X-Name-First: James H. Author-X-Name-Last: Mittelman Title: Repositioning in global governance: horizontal and vertical shifts amid pliable neoliberalism Abstract: This exploratory case study of repositioning focuses on changing relations among actors and the structures of global governance. It examines interactions between formal institutions, particularly the IMF, and informal networks of authority manifested in global forums, such as the G7/G8 and G20. The core argument is that global repositioning may be best understood in terms of increasing pliability in neoliberal globalisation. Pliable neoliberalism encompasses elasticity in practices and the stretching of spatial and institutional networks, plus pushback in the global North and South. It has two axes, one lateral and the other longitudinal. The former constitutes changes in global governance institutions; the latter turns on the resilience of neoliberalism and challenges to it. Horizontal shifts in global governance, as in changes in membership organisations, are made possible by verticality – hierarchies in social power relations. The evidence is drawn from documentary research and semi-structured discussions with global governance officials in Africa, Europe and North America. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 665-681 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1108160 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1108160 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:4:p:665-681 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas Muhr Author-X-Name-First: Thomas Author-X-Name-Last: Muhr Title: Beyond ‘BRICS’: ten theses on South–South cooperation in the twenty-first century Abstract: Grounded in a review of past and present academic South–South cooperation literatures, this article advances ten theses that problematise empirical, theoretical, conceptual and methodological issues essential to discussions of South–South cooperation in the 21st century. This endeavour is motivated by the perceived undermining, especially in the contemporary Anglophone academic South–South cooperation literature, of the emancipatory potential historically associated with South–South cooperation. By drawing on the interventionist South–South cooperation agendas of ‘left’-leaning Latin America-Caribbean governments, the article seeks to establish a dialogue between social science theories and less ‘visible’ analyses from academic (semi)peripheries. The ten theses culminate in an exploration of the potential of South–South cooperation to promote ‘alternative’ development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 630-648 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1108161 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1108161 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:4:p:630-648 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Soyeun Kim Author-X-Name-First: Soyeun Author-X-Name-Last: Kim Author-Name: Kevin Gray Author-X-Name-First: Kevin Author-X-Name-Last: Gray Title: Overseas development aid as spatial fix? Examining South Korea’s Africa policy Abstract: This paper examines the extent to which South Korea’s developmental aid programme to Africa can be understood as a form of ‘aid as imperialism’. We argue against the depiction of a crude determinism between the ‘interests of capital’ and the international activism of the South Korean state through aid provision. Drawing on Harvey’s theory of the new imperialism, we argue that, while the structural transformations in the South Korean political economy explain Seoul’s ODA programme at a general level, it is strongly influenced by geopolitical objectives which often undermine South Korea’s ability to pursue distinctly mercantile aims. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 649-664 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1108162 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1108162 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:4:p:649-664 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Deepak Nayyar Author-X-Name-First: Deepak Author-X-Name-Last: Nayyar Title: BRICS, developing countries and global governance Abstract: This article analyses the implications and consequences of the rise of BRICS for the developing world and for global governance. In doing so, it examines BRICS’ increasing importance among developing countries and their growing significance in the world economy, situated in historical perspective, and considers the factors underlying the evolution of the group as an economic and political formation. This is followed by an analysis of the possible economic impact of future growth in BRICS on other developing countries, which could be complementary or competitive, positive or negative. In conclusion it discusses the potential influence of BRICS, extending beyond economics to politics, in the wider global context, with reference to international institutions and cooperation among developing countries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 575-591 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1116365 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1116365 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:4:p:575-591 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maria Guadalupe Moog Rodrigues Author-X-Name-First: Maria Guadalupe Moog Author-X-Name-Last: Rodrigues Title: The prospects for transnational advocacy across the IBSA bloc – a view from Brazil Abstract: The literature on transnational advocacy networks (TANs) suggests that they may be a valid option for activists in India, Brazil and South Africa (the members of the IBSA bloc) to coordinate efforts to influence their states’ foreign policy. Since its formation the IBSA bloc has formalised spaces for networking among governmental officials, business interests and academics. Yet there are no examples of TANs whose activism has occurred across IBSA, with the purpose of influencing the bloc’s policies. This case study of the challenges that Brazilian advocacy groups face in forging TANs with like-minded groups across IBSA sheds light on the challenges confronting activists and suggests ways of overcoming them. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 703-720 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1116367 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1116367 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:4:p:703-720 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Fantu Cheru Author-X-Name-First: Fantu Author-X-Name-Last: Cheru Title: Emerging Southern powers and new forms of South–South cooperation: Ethiopia’s strategic engagement with China and India Abstract: This article critically examines Ethiopia’s engagement with China and India. Despite being a non-oil exporting country, Ethiopia has become one of the fastest growing economies in Africa and, over the past decade, millions of people have been lifted out of poverty. Part of Ethiopia’s success has been the ability of the developmental state to harness its relationship with the new as well as the traditional development partners strategically, to unleash the country’s productive potential while maintaining national policy space. Ethiopia’s pragmatic ‘economic diplomacy’ arose from the desire of the liberation movements that formed the umbrella Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) to fundamentally transform all aspects of Ethiopian society and to break out of poverty, which the EPRDF considers a ‘national shame’ and a handicap to the country’s ability to define foreign and development policies independently. The Ethiopian experience challenges the school of thought that equates the rise of emerging powers in Africa with a new form of ‘colonialism’, disregarding African agency to transform these relationship into ‘win-win’ partnerships. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 592-610 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1116368 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1116368 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:4:p:592-610 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Eduardo Gudynas Author-X-Name-First: Eduardo Author-X-Name-Last: Gudynas Title: Beyond varieties of development: disputes and alternatives Abstract: Many South–South cooperation programmes have promoted development without fully discussing the implications of that concept. To evaluate this situation, recent heterodox development strategies are examined, particularly those under progressivist governments in South America. It is found that development strategies are certainly plural, but they all share a common pre-political background. To address this feature, the concept of ‘varieties of development’ is introduced. Then a new typology on the disputes over development is presented. Three types are recognised (controversies within a specific variety of development; disputes among different varieties; and disputes on alternatives to all varieties of development). The concept of Buen Vivir is presented as an alternative to development, and disputes of the third type, that involve this concept, are examined. Paradoxically, as the current focus of South–South cooperation is to reinforce conventional varieties of development, it is blocking alternatives, even the Southern option of Buen Vivir. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 721-732 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1126504 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1126504 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:4:p:721-732 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Markus Kröger Author-X-Name-First: Markus Author-X-Name-Last: Kröger Author-Name: Rickard Lalander Author-X-Name-First: Rickard Author-X-Name-Last: Lalander Title: Ethno-territorial rights and the resource extraction boom in Latin America: do constitutions matter? Abstract: In recent times a growing number of Latin American rural groups have achieved extended ethno-territorial rights, and large territories have been protected by progressive constitutions. These were the outcomes of extended cycles of national and transnational contentious politics and of social movement struggle, including collective South–South cooperation. However, the continent has simultaneously experienced a resource extraction boom. Frequently the extractivism takes place in protected areas and/or Indigenous territories. Consequently economic interests collide with the protection and recognition of constitutional rights. Through a review of selected demonstrative cases across Latin America, this article analyses the (de jure) rights on paper versus the (de facto) rights in practice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 682-702 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1127154 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1127154 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:4:p:682-702 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Branislav Gosovic Author-X-Name-First: Branislav Author-X-Name-Last: Gosovic Title: The resurgence of South–South cooperation Abstract: This essay undertakes to depict, in broad strokes, the evolution, obstacles and main junctures in the history of South–South cooperation. It also suggests some practical and feasible ways for overcoming difficulties, ways that could infuse this aspect of international development cooperation with greater dynamism, more fully tap its inherent and growing potential for the attainment of the practical and systemic objectives that developing countries have for decades been striving for in the North–South development dialogue and negotiations, and strengthen these countries’ influence and role in world affairs and global governance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 733-743 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1127155 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1127155 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:4:p:733-743 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Patrick Bond Author-X-Name-First: Patrick Author-X-Name-Last: Bond Title: BRICS banking and the debate over sub-imperialism Abstract: Funded at $100 billion each, the BRICS Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) and New Development Bank (NDB) represent ‘sub-imperial’ finance, insofar as, by all indications, they fit into – instead of providing alternatives to – the prevailing world systems of sovereign debt and project credits. Balance of payments constraints for BRICS members will not be relieved by the CRA, which requires an IMF intervention after just 30% of the quota is borrowed. In this context the NDB would appear close to the Bretton Woods Institution model, promoting frenetic extractivist calculations based on US dollar financing and hence more pressure to export. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 611-629 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1128816 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1128816 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:4:p:611-629 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kevin Gray Author-X-Name-First: Kevin Author-X-Name-Last: Gray Author-Name: Barry K. Gills Author-X-Name-First: Barry K. Author-X-Name-Last: Gills Title: South–South cooperation and the rise of the Global South Abstract: In this introductory article we examine the recent resurgence of South–South cooperation, which has moved once again onto the centre stage of world politics and economics, leading to a renewed interest in its historic promise to transform world order. We provide an overview of contemporary debates surrounding this resurgence, noting in particular the division between those who are optimistic with regard to the potential of Southern economic development and the project of liberation from Northern domination, and the more pessimistic critics, who see this very success of the South as being subsumed within the existing global capitalist development paradigm. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 557-574 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1128817 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1128817 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:4:p:557-574 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Barry K. Gills Author-X-Name-First: Barry K. Author-X-Name-Last: Gills Title: Interview with Boris Kagarlitsky Abstract: In this interview Boris Kagarlitsky discusses the significance of contemporary ideas surrounding South–South Relations, the continuities and discontinuities between the ‘global South’ and previous notions of the ‘Third World’, and whether such changes in the world economy of over the past half a century can be understood as a form of hegemonic transition. Kagarlitsky also addresses the role of the various social forces and movements of the global South within these emerging South–South relations. Finally, he addresses the question of the role of the Russian Federation in the world system following the global crisis. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 744-748 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1128818 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1128818 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:37:y:2016:i:4:p:744-748 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Irene I. Hadiprayitno Author-X-Name-First: Irene I. Author-X-Name-Last: Hadiprayitno Title: Who owns the right to food? Interlegality and competing interests in agricultural modernisation in Papua, Indonesia Abstract: Economic globalisation has transformed the politics of realising the right to food. This article aims to discuss the extent to which competing as well as conjoined interests in agricultural modernisation reconfigure the right to food as actors, norms and practices change. Drawing upon the concept of interlegality, which considers dynamic perspectives of plural legal orders, the discussion focuses on, first, existing norms linked to the wider understanding of the right to food and, second, the interplay of interests supported by the state, corporations and civil society organisations. The Indonesian agricultural modernisation project in Papua is used as a case study. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 97-116 Issue: 1 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1120155 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1120155 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:1:p:97-116 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anne L. Buffardi Author-X-Name-First: Anne L. Author-X-Name-Last: Buffardi Title: Mediating multiple accountabilities: variation in formal and perceived accountability among international and domestic actors in the health sector in Peru Abstract: Based on a comparative case study of bilateral and multilateral donors, this article examines individual and institutional accountabilities among donor officers, implementing agencies, government officials and intended beneficiaries. It explores how multiple accountability demands interact, the extent to which they conflict, and how development actors mediate among them when they do. Institutionally there was substantial alignment of objectives and little goal conflict between international donors and the state; however, there was poor harmonisation across the many donors and numerous projects they were pursuing. There was greater variation within rather than between bilateral and multilateral donor chains, with perceived accountability differing more based on individuals’ positions within their organisation than by the type of organisation for whom they worked. Most informants cited multiple entities to whom they felt accountable. They more frequently acknowledged outward accountability when there existed formal accountability mechanisms, although intended beneficiary groups were conceptualised in different ways. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 134-148 Issue: 1 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1120640 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1120640 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:1:p:134-148 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anna C. Revette Author-X-Name-First: Anna C. Author-X-Name-Last: Revette Title: This time it’s different: lithium extraction, cultural politics and development in Bolivia Abstract: As governments throughout Latin America have increased their dependence on resource extraction, the debate around extraction-based development has been reinvigorated. This article argues that, despite historical failures and recurrent conflicts associated with extraction-based development, the way in which development is experienced and conceptualised at the subnational level demonstrates why extraction continues to be perceived as a legitimate means for development. These findings show that, as resource extraction continues to play a critical role in the overall development transition of Latin America, the process must be understood and theorised in relation to the experiences and expectations of actors at multiple scales. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 149-168 Issue: 1 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1131118 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1131118 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:1:p:149-168 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maha Abdelrahman Author-X-Name-First: Maha Author-X-Name-Last: Abdelrahman Title: Policing neoliberalism in Egypt: the continuing rise of the ‘securocratic’ state Abstract: This article examines the increasing power of the police, their centrality to the reproduction of the neoliberal global order and their dynamic relationship with various elements of the ruling elite. It focuses on the case of the post-2011 uprising in Egypt to examine how the police institution has taken advantage of the uprising to increase its power and relative autonomy. The article demonstrates the centrality of the police to the Sisi regime’s efforts at reducing political discourse to an inflated and simplistic concept of ‘security’ in an attempt to establish its long-term legitimacy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 185-202 Issue: 1 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1133246 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1133246 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:1:p:185-202 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Guy Burton Author-X-Name-First: Guy Author-X-Name-Last: Burton Title: Building ties across the Green Line: the Palestinian 15 March youth movement in Israel and occupied Palestinian territory in 2011 Abstract: In 2011 Palestinian youth joined together across the Green Line, demonstrating grassroots solidarity and a challenge to the elite consensus in favour of the two-state Oslo process. The movement drew inspiration from the concurrent Arab Spring and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement, organising joint demonstrations in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory. However, the movement struggled to develop as a result of challenges regarding its objectives, strategy and representation, and of external threats from Israel and Palestinian political elites. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 169-184 Issue: 1 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1135398 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1135398 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:1:p:169-184 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Robert Mason Author-X-Name-First: Robert Author-X-Name-Last: Mason Title: China’s impact on the landscape of African International Relations: implications for dependency theory Abstract: Since China began enhancing its economic relationship with key African oil exporters from the early 1990s, the effect this has had on the International Relations (IR) of Africa has remained largely unknown. This paper delves into African IR theory and finds that, rather than representing an alternative pole for African states to bandwagon with, China’s limited interest in Africa and its international socialisation, along with a possible growth of the middle class in Africa, is likely to give many African states few alternatives than those which have existed thus far in the postcolonial period. More development options are found to lie in sub-regional integration. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 84-96 Issue: 1 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1135731 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1135731 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:1:p:84-96 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maggie Dwyer Author-X-Name-First: Maggie Author-X-Name-Last: Dwyer Title: Situating soldiers’ demands: mutinies and protests in Burkina Faso Abstract: In Burkina Faso in 2011 military mutinies followed widespread civilian protests, indicating a crisis of confidence in President Compaoré. Through an in-depth examination of the events, this article encourages an understanding of military revolts that extends beyond the military. Although the mutineers never united with the demonstrators, their grievances mirrored those of the civilians. The article puts the revolts into a historic context and shows a pattern of interconnectedness between military revolts and civilian demonstrations in Burkina Faso. The work draws on interviews conducted with military personnel and civilians involved in the widespread protests. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 219-234 Issue: 1 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1141661 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1141661 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:1:p:219-234 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Isaac Odoom Author-X-Name-First: Isaac Author-X-Name-Last: Odoom Author-Name: Nathan Andrews Author-X-Name-First: Nathan Author-X-Name-Last: Andrews Title: What/who is still missing in International Relations scholarship? Situating Africa as an agent in IR theorising Abstract: This paper engages with non-Western, specifically African, scholarship and insight with the goal of highlighting the importance of African contributions to IR theorising. We highlight the Western dominance in IR theorising and examine the inadequacy of the major analytical constructs provided by established IR theory in capturing and explaining shifting reality in Africa. We argue that African insights, experience and ideas present a challenge to dominant IR constructs and knowledge within the international system, and that these insights, when taken seriously, would enrich our understanding of IR. We show this by problematising some central (often taken-for-granted) IR concepts such as the state, liberalism and individualism and underscore the need to reconstruct more encompassing ‘stories’ and images to innovate, revise and potentially replace some of the conventional ‘stories’ that have been told in IR. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 42-60 Issue: 1 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1153416 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1153416 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:1:p:42-60 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sabina S. Singh Author-X-Name-First: Sabina S. Author-X-Name-Last: Singh Title: Beyond the nation: global democratisation in Uganda and the politics of dispensation Abstract: Global frameworks for democratic development today tend to remain within a comparative lens where each country is treated as a sovereign capsule. This portrait eludes the political structures that accompany contemporary globalisation and set the conditions for domestic development. Notably, the comparative perspective eschews the hierarchical nature of states and influential non-state actors that impact democracy movements. Merging international relations theory and comparative politics and using the example of Uganda to illustrate, I create ‘the politics of dispensation.’ Like a doctor dispensing a pill to a patient, Uganda shows how susceptible a country can be to forces beyond democratic control. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 235-251 Issue: 1 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1159126 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1159126 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:1:p:235-251 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jane Briant Carant Author-X-Name-First: Jane Author-X-Name-Last: Briant Carant Title: Unheard voices: a critical discourse analysis of the Millennium Development Goals’ evolution into the Sustainable Development Goals Abstract: The United Nations’ 2001 Millennium Development Goals and 2015 Sustainable Development Goals are of major importance for worldwide development. This article explores the construction of poverty and development within and across these documents, specifically focusing on the influence of dominant economic discourses – Keynesianism and neoliberalism – in the development paradigm. It assesses the failures of the Millennium Development Goals, as articulated by oppositional liberal feminists and World Social Forum critics, who embody competing values, representations and problem-solution frames that challenge and resist the dominant economic discourses. Finally, it evaluates responsiveness of the UN in the constitution of the Sustainable Development Goals. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 16-41 Issue: 1 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1166944 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1166944 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:1:p:16-41 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Valbona Muzaka Author-X-Name-First: Valbona Author-X-Name-Last: Muzaka Title: A dialogic approach to understanding regime conflicts: the case of the development agenda Abstract: Despite the fact that early work on international regimes conceptualised them as dialogic in nature, this fundamental regime property has remained relatively underdeveloped. Drawing on the work of Mikhail Bakhtin and his circle, this article proposes a dialogic framework for understanding regimes and the political struggles that constitute them. Focusing on the contextual and relational properties of signification processes within a regime, one of the key arguments is that neither their dialogic nature nor the trajectory and outcome of a particular conflict can be understood without giving full attention to language as a power-laden form of action. By focusing on how language and discourse are implicated and put to work in a particular instance of regime contestation, namely the Development Agenda proposed by a group of developing countries’ representatives at the World Intellectual Property Organization in 2004, efforts are made not only to bring to the fore the political and ideological nature of the ‘shared understandings’ without which a regime would not exist, but also the manner in which they are reproduced and reinvigorated, even by acts that set out to challenge them. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 61-83 Issue: 1 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1177456 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1177456 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:1:p:61-83 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jane Shamrock Author-X-Name-First: Jane Author-X-Name-Last: Shamrock Author-Name: Natalie Smith Author-X-Name-First: Natalie Author-X-Name-Last: Smith Author-Name: Marion Gray Author-X-Name-First: Marion Author-X-Name-Last: Gray Author-Name: Melainie Cameron Author-X-Name-First: Melainie Author-X-Name-Last: Cameron Author-Name: Florin Oprescu Author-X-Name-First: Florin Author-X-Name-Last: Oprescu Title: People with disabilities working in the disability sector in Timor Leste: a study of ‘lived experience’ using PhotoVoice Abstract: Perspectives on disability originating from non-Western cultures are beginning to appear in disability literature, however discussions may become lost in rhetoric unless grounded in experiences of people with disabilities themselves. The purpose of this study was to investigate the lived experience of physical disability in Timor Leste with the assistance of a group of Timorese participants with disabilities who were employed in the disability sector. These participants recounted experiences of disability from their own lives together with their observations of people with disabilities living in remote parts of Timor Leste who often lived with stigma or deprivation. The participants thus described their own lived experiences against a backdrop of a non-Western culture. A picture emerged of a stigmatising culture where acceptance of disability is uncommon yet where significant attempts are being made to change attitudes to disability within the culture of Timor Leste. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 117-133 Issue: 1 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1199258 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1199258 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:1:p:117-133 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tanja Kleibl Author-X-Name-First: Tanja Author-X-Name-Last: Kleibl Author-Name: Ronaldo Munck Author-X-Name-First: Ronaldo Author-X-Name-Last: Munck Title: Civil society in Mozambique: NGOs, religion, politics and witchcraft Abstract: Our aim is to problematise the dominant discourses and practices around civil society from a Southern perspective. We first examine critically, from a broadly Gramscian perspective, the way in which the concept of civil society has been deployed in development discourse. This highlights its highly normative and North-centric epistemology and perspectives. We also find it to be highly restrictive in a post-colonial Southern context insofar as it reads out much of the grassroots social interaction, deemed ‘uncivil’ and thus not part of duly recognised civil society. This is followed by a brief overview of some recent debates around civil society in Africa which emphasise the complexity of civil society and turn our attention to some of the broader issues surrounding state-society relations, democracy and representation in a Third World context, exemplified through our case study research in Mozambique, Inhassunge district (Zambézia Province). The privileging of Western-type Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as drivers of democracy and participatory development in Mozambique have considerable implications for current debates around good governance, civil society strengthening and social accountability programmes and strategies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 203-218 Issue: 1 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1217738 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1217738 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:1:p:203-218 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Zeynep Gulsah Capan Author-X-Name-First: Zeynep Gulsah Author-X-Name-Last: Capan Title: Decolonising International Relations? Abstract: How do we ‘decolonise’ the field of International Relations? The aim to decolonise has become a widely discussed and mentioned subject across the social sciences and humanities. The article aims to discuss what 'decolonisation' might mean in the context of the field of International Relations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-15 Issue: 1 Volume: 38 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1245100 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1245100 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:38:y:2017:i:1:p:1-15 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pablo Seward Delaporte Author-X-Name-First: Pablo Author-X-Name-Last: Seward Delaporte Title: ‘We Will Revive’: addiction, spiritual warfare, and recovery in Latin America’s cocaine production zone Abstract: Once a key site in the War on Drugs against cocaine, the Upper Amazon in northeastern Peru has lately seen an increase in addiction to coca paste, a toxic by-product of the cocaine manufacturing process. Unregulated and coercive Pentecostal ministries, founded and administered by recovered pastors, constitute the main form of addiction treatment in the Upper Amazon today. Based on ethnographic research in nine ministries and using the example of the ministry ‘We Will Revive,’ this article suggests that Pentecostal ministries re-articulate addiction as demonic possession. Accordingly, ministries treat addiction through spiritual warfare against the Devil. In so doing, Pentecostal ministries change the locus of the War on Drugs from trade networks to sinful bodies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 298-313 Issue: 2 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1328275 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1328275 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:2:p:298-313 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dennis Rodgers Author-X-Name-First: Dennis Author-X-Name-Last: Rodgers Title: Drug booms and busts: poverty and prosperity in a Nicaraguan narco- Abstract: The income generated by the drug economy can often be substantial for the different parties involved, even at the lowest rung of this illicit trade. Yet the drugs trade is also a notoriously volatile activity, meaning that drug-related prosperity is highly prone to boom-and-bust cycles. Drawing on ongoing longitudinal ethnographic research in urban Nicaragua, this article explores the consequences of the cyclical nature of the drugs trade, tracing its unequal patterns of capital accumulation, as well as what happened to those who benefited from the drug economy when it became more exclusive and then subsequently moved on elsewhere. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 261-276 Issue: 2 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1334546 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1334546 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:2:p:261-276 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maziyar Ghiabi Author-X-Name-First: Maziyar Author-X-Name-Last: Ghiabi Title: Maintaining disorder: the micropolitics of drugs policy in Iran Abstract: This article analyses the ways in which the state ‘treats’ addiction among precarious drug (ab)users in Iran. While most Muslim-majority as well as some Western states have been reluctant to adopt harm reduction measures, the Islamic Republic of Iran has done so on a nationwide scale and through a sophisticated system of welfare intervention. Additionally, it has introduced devices of management of ‘addiction’ (the ‘camps’) that defy statist modes of punishment and private violence. What legal and ethical framework has this new situation engendered? And what does this new situation tell us about the governmentality of the state? Through a combination of historical analysis and ethnographic fieldwork, the article analyses the paradigm of government of the Iranian state with regard to disorder as embodied by the lives of poor drug (ab)users. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 277-297 Issue: 2 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1350818 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1350818 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:2:p:277-297 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: James Mills Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Mills Title: Decolonising drugs in Asia: the case of cocaine in colonial India Abstract: This article examines a drugs trade in Asia that has been largely forgotten by historians and policy-makers, that in cocaine. It will briefly trace some of the contours of this commerce and the efforts to control it. It will also assess how successful these efforts were. The article is designed to contribute fresh perspectives on recent controversies in the historiography of drugs in Asia to argue that the agendas and agency of consumers are central to understanding why markets have formed there for psychoactive substances in the modern period. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 218-231 Issue: 2 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1357116 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1357116 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:2:p:218-231 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Neil Carrier Author-X-Name-First: Neil Author-X-Name-Last: Carrier Author-Name: Gernot Klantschnig Author-X-Name-First: Gernot Author-X-Name-Last: Klantschnig Title: Quasilegality: khat, cannabis and Africa’s drug laws Abstract: This article explores the concept of ‘quasilegality’ in relation to two of Africa’s drug crops: khat and cannabis. It argues that the concept is useful in understanding the two substances and their ambiguous relation to the statute books: khat being of varied and ever-changing legal status yet often treated with suspicion even where legal, while cannabis is illegal everywhere in Africa yet often seems de facto legal. The article argues that such quasilegality is socially significant and productive, raising the value of such crops for farmers and traders, but also allowing states to police or not police these substances as their interests and instincts dictate. It also argues that there is no clear link between the law on the statute book and the actual harm potential of these substances. Finally, it suggests that the concept has much wider use beyond these case studies of drugs in Africa in a world where global consensus on drug policy is cracking, and where many other objects of trade and activities find themselves in the blurred territory of the quasilegal. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 350-365 Issue: 2 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1368383 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1368383 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:2:p:350-365 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anaís M. Passos Author-X-Name-First: Anaís M. Author-X-Name-Last: Passos Title: Fighting crime and maintaining order: shared worldviews of civilian and military elites in Brazil and Mexico Abstract: Domestic internal security missions have become a centrepiece of Brazil and Mexico’s counter-narcotic efforts. Relying on a set of interviews, this article addresses narratives of elites engaged in the decision-making process and implementation of military operations to counter drug trafficking crimes in Rio de Janeiro and Tijuana. In spite of different levels of drug trafficking organisation and international ramification, this article points out the existence of shared narratives of growing insecurity and criminal strength in Brazil and Mexico, justifying state military reaction against a perceived national security threat. The article thus suggests the relevance of civil–military elites’ perception in defining public policies’ instruments and, ultimately, in upholding the militarisation of security in democratic regimes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 314-330 Issue: 2 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1374836 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1374836 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:2:p:314-330 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: James Windle Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Windle Title: Why do South-east Asian states choose to suppress opium? A cross-case comparison Abstract: This paper compares the reasons given by three South-east Asian states (Laos, Thailand and Vietnam) for choosing to suppress opium production. While external pressure, often from the US or United Nations (UN)/League of Nations, is the most commonly identified reason in the literature, and was experienced in each case, it was not by itself sufficient to motivate states into action. All three cases were motivated by religious or ideological opposition to drug consumption or trade, rural development, state extension and concern for increasing domestic drug consumption. Apprehension about rising drug consumption often possessed racial or chauvinistic elements. The development of export commodities, environmental protection and national security were also identified in one or two cases. The paper concludes by hypothesising that economic and/or security considerations underlie all choices to suppress illicit drug crops. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 366-384 Issue: 2 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1376582 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1376582 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:2:p:366-384 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Erratum Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: (iii)-(iii) Issue: 2 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1388562 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1388562 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:2:p:(iii)-(iii) Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Isaac Campos Author-X-Name-First: Isaac Author-X-Name-Last: Campos Title: A diplomatic failure: the Mexican role in the demise of the 1940 Reglamento Federal de Toxicomanías Abstract: In 1940 Mexico implemented a new revolutionary strategy in its fight against drug trafficking and addiction with a policy that legalized the sale of morphine to opiate addicts. While this approach to drug addiction was not entirely new or unique, it was strongly opposed by the United States, which responded by declaring an embargo on narcotic shipments to Mexico. As a result, Mexico was forced to abandon the plan just a few months after it was implemented. Often seen as a moment when Mexico might have gone in a different, less prohibitionist drug-policy direction, this episode has been overwhelmingly interpreted as an early and striking example of U.S. drug-control imperialism in Latin America. While such interpretations are not incorrect, they have missed an equally critical element of the story—a series of catastrophic diplomatic failures on the Mexican side which undermined various opportunities Mexico had to salvage the policy in some form. The episode thus stands in contrast to more well-known diplomatic challenges during the period in which Mexico’s diplomats have been lauded for outmaneuvering their U.S. and European counterparts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 232-247 Issue: 2 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1389268 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1389268 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:2:p:232-247 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Mansfield Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Mansfield Title: Turning deserts into flowers: settlement and poppy cultivation in southwest Afghanistan Abstract: Supply-side interventions are often criticised for reducing illicit drug crop cultivation in one location only for it to rise in another: the balloon effect. The balloon effect is generally seen as an inevitable consequence of attempts to reduce opium and coca cultivation. In Afghanistan, there is little evidence of this causal relationship and limited acknowledgement of the socio-economic, political and environmental processes that govern access to the factors of production such as land and labour. This paper examines the settlement of former desert areas in southwestern Afghanistan. It shows how the encroachment on this land and the rapid expansion of opium production since 2003 were supported by affordable deep-well technology, collapsed controls on the use of what is officially government land and the relatively high price of opium that endured long after the demise of the Taliban prohibition of 2000–2001. Finally, it reveals that the rate of settlement of these areas was affected by an opium ban imposed across the Helmand Food Zone from 2008 to 2011 and shows how this drug control effort ultimately helped transform the province, bringing new land under permanent settlement and thereby increasing Helmand’s capacity to cultivate more opium poppy than ever before. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 331-349 Issue: 2 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1396535 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1396535 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:2:p:331-349 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Philip Robins Author-X-Name-First: Philip Author-X-Name-Last: Robins Title: Drugs of choice, drugs of change: Egyptian consumption habits since the 1920s Abstract: Much has been written and published about the 25 January 2011 Egyptian revolution from the perspective of contemporary history and political science. Much less attention has focused on social policy. I am unaware of any scholarly material that has dealt with illicit drugs during the critical 2011–2016 period, yet increasing drugs consumption provided a social backdrop to the events of that period. This paper identifies historical trends in illicit drugs consumption over the course of the last century to the beginning of the Arab Spring. During much of this period hashish was the drug of choice. This paper argues that drug consumption was on the rise in Egypt well before the downfall of President Husni Mubarak in February 2011, but that it has grown markedly since the ousting of the former president. It will ask which have been and are the drugs of choice in contemporary Egypt. It will further ask how this composition has changed and why, giving special focus to the relatively new mass, opioid drug, Tramadol. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 248-260 Issue: 2 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1399057 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1399057 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:2:p:248-260 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maziyar Ghiabi Author-X-Name-First: Maziyar Author-X-Name-Last: Ghiabi Title: Spirit and being: interdisciplinary reflections on drugs across history and politics Abstract: Few commodities are as global as drugs. Cannabis, opium, heroin, amphetamines, lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD), khat, psychedelic cacti and mushrooms as well as an interminable list of other natural or synthesised substances travel and are consumed around the globe for all possible reasons. Human migration, trade, cultural trends, medical practice, political repression: together they constitute the drug phenomenon today – and indeed in much of human history. In this, drugs are spirit-like commodities, their value resting upon a fundamental ambiguity made up of individual, psychological, social, cultural, economic and medical circumstances. Defining a drug is an attempt at defining a spirit on the edge, which metamorphoses in time and space. At the same time, drugs remain a fundamentally political object. They are substances controlled by states, through mechanisms of policing, legitimated by judicial and medical evaluation, condemned often on moral grounds. Situated between a fluid social existence and a static legal dimension, drugs can become inspiring hermeneutic objects of study. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 207-217 Issue: 2 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1409073 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1409073 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:2:p:207-217 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Philippe Bourgois Author-X-Name-First: Philippe Author-X-Name-Last: Bourgois Title: Decolonising drug studies in an era of predatory accumulation Abstract: The cultural and political-economic valences of psychoactive drugs in the Global South offer critical insights on local and international fault lines of social inequality and profiteering. Historically, in a classic primitive accumulation process the trafficking of industrially produced euphoric substances across the globe have wreaked havoc among vulnerable populations while extracting profit for the powerful. The complex flows of capital generated both by illegal addiction markets and also by the mobilisation of licit public funds to manage their mayhem, however, suggest the contemporary utility of the concept of ‘predatory accumulation’. The Enlightenment-era concept of ‘primitive accumulation’ usefully highlighted state violence and forcible dispossession in the consolidation of European capitalism. A contemporary reframing of these processes as predatory accumulation, however, highlights contradictory, nonlinear relationships between the artificially high profits of illegal drug sales, repressive governmentality and corporate greed. It sets these patterns of destructive profiteering in the context of our moment in history. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 385-398 Issue: 2 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1411187 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1411187 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:2:p:385-398 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ravinder Kaur Author-X-Name-First: Ravinder Author-X-Name-Last: Kaur Author-Name: Ayo Wahlberg Author-X-Name-First: Ayo Author-X-Name-Last: Wahlberg Title: Governing Difference in India and China: an introduction Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 573-580 Issue: 4 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657418 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657418 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:4:p:573-580 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Ludden Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Ludden Title: Imperial Modernity: history and global inequity in rising Asia Abstract: In the recently generalised historical coincidence of neoliberal free-market policy trends with accelerating global economic growth and inequality, India and China stand out as world regions with distinctive histories of imperial inequity. The rise of Asia shows that globalisation does not work the same way everywhere. In Asia historical dynamics of imperial territorialism generate inequities that fit global patterns through their absorption and mediation of capitalism. Economic reforms that brought Asia into global leadership ranks express imperial forms of power, authority, and inequity whose long histories need to be understood to make sense of Asia and global capitalism today. This article focuses particularly on India. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 581-601 Issue: 4 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657419 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657419 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:4:p:581-601 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ravinder Kaur Author-X-Name-First: Ravinder Author-X-Name-Last: Kaur Title: Nation's Two Bodies: rethinking the idea of ‘new' India and its other Abstract: The idea of a post-1990s re-formed India is shaped by an imaginary of a fractured body of the nation—a ‘new’ nation in tune with the neoliberal desires of a structurally adjusted world and the ‘old’ nation constitutive of superfluous matter in excess of that seductive world. This imaginary is not only etched in popular discourses but also in the policy-making apparatus engaged in the task of creating a global identity for India. Taking the Brand India initiative—promoted by the Indian state to produce positive images of the nation for global publicity—as a case study, this article argues that in this shift from nation building to nation branding, the very idea of prosperity and equity has now become first and foremost a matter of image. In this world of images, one can also witness how a competitive strategy to seek more corporate investments through concerted brand campaigns has redefined the relationship between the nation and corporations. While earlier it was the corporations which sought the endorsement and patronage of the sovereign, now it is sovereign nations which are seeking to become the most ‘favoured investment destinations’ that purvey global capital. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 603-621 Issue: 4 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657420 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657420 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:4:p:603-621 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ayo Wahlberg Author-X-Name-First: Ayo Author-X-Name-Last: Wahlberg Title: China as an ‘Emerging Biotech Power’ Abstract: Asia's dramatic entry on to the global biotech scene has not gone unnoticed by commentators and social scientists. Countries like China, India, South Korea and Singapore have been identified as ‘emerging biotech powers’. Consequently scholars have begun examining the particularities of how biotechnologies (eg stem cell science, genetic testing and reproductive medicine) have come to be taken up and grounded in a variety of cultural, legal and socioeconomic contexts. They have also examined how governments, scientists, clinicians and others have been engaged in efforts to build up endogenous biotech sectors as a part of nation-building strategies. In this article, rather than attempting to answer questions of what makes biotechnology particularly Asian, I will instead investigate how demarcations and boundaries are mooted in global negotiations of what constitutes ‘good’ biotechnology. The analysis is based on a collaborative project between Chinese and European scientists and experts on the ethical governance of biomedical and biological research. I show how an underlying condition for the negotiations that took place within this collaboration was the proposition that difference matters when it comes to developing, organising, carrying out and overseeing biotechnological research in a particular country. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 623-636 Issue: 4 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657421 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657421 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:4:p:623-636 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Manuela Ciotti Author-X-Name-First: Manuela Author-X-Name-Last: Ciotti Title: Post-colonial Renaissance: ‘Indianness’, contemporary art and the market in the age of neoliberal capital Abstract: Arjun Appadurai has argued that ‘the materiality of objects in India is not yet completely penetrated by the logic of the market’.1 However, the entry and the visibility of modern and contemporary Indian art into the circuits of the global art world increasingly challenge this argument. The story of modern and contemporary Indian art is one of the inscription of local objects and their ‘Indianness’ into the above circuits, with market value being created inthe process. If the globalisation of the art world provides a conceptual and material arena where objects are circulated, displayed and bought and sold through auction houses, exhibitions, biennales and art fairs, this article analyses an event that epitomises some of the forces at play in this arena: the contemporary art exhibition ‘The Empire Strikes Back: Indian Art Today’ held in 2010 at the Saatchi Gallery, London. An artistic cum business instantiation of ‘India in Europe’—and one that challenges the visual and aesthetic canons ‘traditionally’ associated with India—this article examines this exhibition as anentry point into the analysis of how neoliberal capital produces ‘culture’, and into the tension between the commodity form and the infinite possibilities, and unintended consequences, opened up by this very status. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 637-655 Issue: 4 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657422 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657422 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:4:p:637-655 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tommaso Bobbio Author-X-Name-First: Tommaso Author-X-Name-Last: Bobbio Title: Making Gujarat Vibrant: , development and the rise of subnationalism in India Abstract: A significant aspect of India's postcolonial history has been the rise of subnationalism—popularly addressed as the challenge of regionalism—which has often pitted the Indian state against the regional centres of power. In fact, the organisation of Indian territory along linguistic lines favoured the emergence of regional movements challenging the authority of the central government in arguments typical of nationalist rhetoric, such as the specificity of language, territory and traditions. This notion of subnation, however, has taken a new turn during the past two decades of neoliberal reforms as regional states compete with each other to attract greater foreign and domestic investment and to secure higher growth rates. Taking as a point of departure the case of ‘Vibrant Gujarat’, this article proposes rethinking the emergence of subnational cultures in the past two decades in the light of the effects of the neoliberal economic reforms and the rise of Hindu extremist movements in the political arena. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 657-672 Issue: 4 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657423 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657423 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:4:p:657-672 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Swagato Sarkar Author-X-Name-First: Swagato Author-X-Name-Last: Sarkar Title: Between Egalitarianism and Domination: governing differences in a transitional society Abstract: This article presents the problem of governing differences as a problem of constituting a social whole out of the play of antagonistic elements like class, caste, gender, religion, etc, which is essentially a modernist political project in its normative grounding. The problem is explored here vis-à-vis the trajectories of global capitalism and the options for development (that is, the transition from an agrarian economy to an industrial one) for the smaller federal states. The experience of the Left Front Government in West Bengal, India is analysed to understand the issues at stake. The narrative presented in the article shows that questions of land ownership and freedom from oppression and bodily toil remain the fundamental political problem which determines the course and dynamics of governance of differences, particularly its egalitarian mode. This problemat also points towards the limits of agrarian modernity, which many post-colonial countries have tried to constitute. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 673-688 Issue: 4 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657424 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657424 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:4:p:673-688 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jesper Zeuthen Author-X-Name-First: Jesper Author-X-Name-Last: Zeuthen Title: Rule through Difference on China's Urban–Rural Boundary Abstract: In both the academic debate as well as in Chinese politics urban–rural difference is a frequently used categorisation. Policies addressing previous neglect of rural China have been the official top-priority of China's current leadership since it came to power in 2003–2004. This article argues that we need to nuance the distinct dichotomy between urban and rural, and look into the specifics of how differences are actively mobilised when claims are made. The article builds on extensive fieldwork on the claims made by land-losing peasants and local political leaders on the urban–rural boundary in one of the front posts of the current regime's refocus on rural development, Chengdu, appointed as an experimental zone of Urban–Rural Integration (cheng-xiang yitihua) along with Chongqing in 2007 and, as a result of this, subject to massive restructuring of land use. Instead of a clear-cut urban–rural boundary that would have the potential to split the country in two, I find a much more finely masked form of differentiation based on where people are from. Both local leaders and citizens in each locality may bend and interpret rules and regulations considerably as long as their claims do not go beyond their locality. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 689-704 Issue: 4 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657425 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657425 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:4:p:689-704 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nandini Sundar Author-X-Name-First: Nandini Author-X-Name-Last: Sundar Title: ‘Winning Hearts and Minds’: emotional wars and the construction of difference Abstract: Exploring an ongoing civil war between Maoist guerrillas and the Indian government, this article looks at how emotions are mobilised, conscripted and engendered by both sides. The focus is, however, on the state's performance of emotion, including outrage, hurt and fear-inducing domination, as part of its battle for legitimacy. Intrinsic to this is the privileging of certain kinds of emotions—fear, anger, grief—and the emotions of certain kinds of people over others. Subject populations are distinguished from citizens by the differential public acknowledgement of their emotional claims. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 705-720 Issue: 4 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657428 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657428 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:4:p:705-720 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter van der Veer Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: van der Veer Title: Religion, Secularism and National Development in India and China Abstract: This article addresses the question of the relationship between religion and national development in India and China. It argues that instead of looking at secularisation as a necessary process in national development, one should focus on secularism as a powerful project of intellectuals and the state in these societies. In the post-colonial period, anti-consumerism in China took the form of Maoist secular utopianism, while in India it took the form of Gandhian religious utopianism. The article argues that religious elements can be found in both Indian and Chinese secularisms. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 721-734 Issue: 4 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657429 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657429 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:4:p:721-734 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Susanne Bregnbaek Author-X-Name-First: Susanne Author-X-Name-Last: Bregnbaek Title: Between Party, Parents and Peers: the quandaries of two young Chinese Party members in Beijing Abstract: This article explores the lived contradictions entailed in being a young member of the Chinese Communist Party (ccp) today. The focus is on how political and existential issues intersect. It explores party membership as a strategy for personal mobility among Beijing elite university students by providing an ethnographic account of the quandaries of two young ccp members. Even though one student is of rural origin and the other has an urban elite background, in both cases party membership has been pursued as a strategy for opening paths to the future and tied to a quest for self-development rather than a matter of wishing to make sacrifices for the country. The article focuses on how the two students' efforts play out differently. At the same time it is argued that a sense of moral and existential ambiguity goes hand in hand with both of their party membership strategies, leading to an experience of division. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 735-750 Issue: 4 Volume: 33 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.657431 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.657431 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:33:y:2012:i:4:p:735-750 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Carment Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Carment Author-Name: Joe Landry Author-X-Name-First: Joe Author-X-Name-Last: Landry Author-Name: Yiagadeesen Samy Author-X-Name-First: Yiagadeesen Author-X-Name-Last: Samy Author-Name: Scott Shaw Author-X-Name-First: Scott Author-X-Name-Last: Shaw Title: Towards a theory of fragile state transitions: evidence from Yemen, Bangladesh and Laos Abstract: This article uses the Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) fragile states framework to evaluate fragile state transitions. Our objective is to find out why some states considered fragile have recovered, while others remain fragile for long periods. We identify three categories of countries: those in a fragility trap, those that have exited it, and those that fluctuate between fragility and stability. CIFP data are used to examine state transitions for each category. One state from each category is then subjected to further country-level analysis. Our findings reinforce the view that state transitions do not follow a unique path and that effective engagement in fragile states requires different approaches across cases. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1316-1332 Issue: 7 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1037830 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1037830 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:7:p:1316-1332 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Daniel Lambach Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Lambach Author-Name: Eva Johais Author-X-Name-First: Eva Author-X-Name-Last: Johais Author-Name: Markus Bayer Author-X-Name-First: Markus Author-X-Name-Last: Bayer Title: Conceptualising state collapse: an institutionalist approach Abstract: This paper proposes a theoretically grounded and methodologically rigorous conceptualisation of state collapse. It seeks to overcome several key deficits of research into fragile, failed and collapsed states, which is often criticised as normatively problematic and methodologically deficient. We argue that this is a worthwhile topic to study but that scholarly inquiry needs to become more systematic and focus on extreme cases of state collapse. Following a Weberian institutionalist tradition, we disaggregate statehood into three dimensions of state capacity: making and enforcing binding rules, monopolising the means of violence and collecting taxes. We then propose a set of indicators as well as a mode of aggregation based on necessary and sufficient conditions. Our framework identifies 17 cases of state collapse in the postcolonial era. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1299-1315 Issue: 7 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1038338 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1038338 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:7:p:1299-1315 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jiyoung Kim Author-X-Name-First: Jiyoung Author-X-Name-Last: Kim Title: Aid and state transition in Ghana and South Korea Abstract: This paper examines the questions of why and how foreign assistance was utilised successfully in South Korea but less so in Ghana, with a focus on the role of aid in the process of state building and state transition in these two countries. As multiple policy makers and scholars have noted, in 1957 South Korea and Ghana shared similar levels of GDP per capita, yet South Korea then achieved rapid economic development and democracy in one generation, while Ghana suffered from slow development and a general deterioration of the standard of living. In this study I adopt a comparative historical research method to explain the divergent paths of these two countries, with a special focus on the impact of foreign assistance on state transitions. I argue that contextual factors – including the effect of the colonial legacy in each of these two regions in shaping modern states, and the specific characteristics of foreign assistance intervention – provide useful insights in explaining the differential impact of aid on state building and state transition in Ghana and in South Korea. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1333-1348 Issue: 7 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1038339 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1038339 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:7:p:1333-1348 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jörn Grävingholt Author-X-Name-First: Jörn Author-X-Name-Last: Grävingholt Author-Name: Sebastian Ziaja Author-X-Name-First: Sebastian Author-X-Name-Last: Ziaja Author-Name: Merle Kreibaum Author-X-Name-First: Merle Author-X-Name-Last: Kreibaum Title: Disaggregating state fragility: a method to establish a multidimensional empirical typology Abstract: This conceptual and methodological article makes the case for a multidimensional empirical typology of state fragility. It presents a framework that defines fragile statehood as deficiencies in one or more of the core functions of the state: authority, capacity and legitimacy. Unlike available indices of state fragility, it suggests a route towards operationalisation that maintains this multidimensionality. The methodology presented should help in future research to identify clusters of countries that exhibit similar constellations of statehood, whereby ‘constellation’ refers to the specific mix of characteristics across the three dimensions. Such an identification of empirical types would fulfil a demand that exists both in academic research and among policy circles for finding a more realistic model of fragility at an intermediate level between single-case analyses and the far-too-broad category of state fragility. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1281-1298 Issue: 7 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1038340 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1038340 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:7:p:1281-1298 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Devon E.A. Curtis Author-X-Name-First: Devon E.A. Author-X-Name-Last: Curtis Title: Development assistance and the lasting legacies of rebellion in Burundi and Rwanda Abstract: Rwanda and Burundi have both emerged from civil wars over the past 20 years and foreign donors have provided significant contributions to post-conflict reconstruction and development in the two countries. Yet, although Rwanda and Burundi share several important characteristics, their post-conflict social, political and economic trajectories have been different. This article argues that the nature of the ruling parties in Rwanda and Burundi is key to understanding the countries’ relationships with donors. Rather than seeing aid as an exogenous factor, causing particular development outcomes, it shows how local party elites exert considerable agency over the aid relationship. This agency is influenced by a number of different local contextual factors, including how the parties were established, how they evolved and the ways in which their civil wars ended. Thus, the article provides an analysis of how local context matters in understanding donor–recipient aid relationships, and how the ruling party in Rwanda (the RPF) and in Burundi (the CNDD–FDD) emerged from their respective conflicts with different relationships with international donors. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1365-1381 Issue: 7 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1041103 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1041103 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:7:p:1365-1381 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rachel M. Gisselquist Author-X-Name-First: Rachel M. Author-X-Name-Last: Gisselquist Title: Varieties of fragility: implications for aid Abstract: Aid to fragile states is a major topic for international development. This article explores how unpacking fragility and studying its dimensions and forms can help to develop policy-relevant understandings of how states become more resilient and the role of aid therein. It highlights the particular challenges for donors in dealing with chronically fragile states and those with weak legitimacy, as well as how unpacking fragility can provide traction on how to take ‘local context’ into account. It draws in particular on the contributions to this special issue to provide examples from new analysis of particular fragile state transitions and cross-national perspectives. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1269-1280 Issue: 7 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1041104 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1041104 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:7:p:1269-1280 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ahmad Helmy Fuady Author-X-Name-First: Ahmad Helmy Author-X-Name-Last: Fuady Title: Aid and policy preferences in oil-rich countries: comparing Indonesia and Nigeria Abstract: This paper analyses the role of foreign aid in assisting development in two oil-rich countries: Indonesia and Nigeria. It seeks to understand the way foreign aid provided assistance to transform Indonesia from a ‘fragile’ state in the 1960s into one of the ‘Asian Tigers’ in the mid-1990s, and why it did not prevent Nigeria from falling into ‘African Tragedy’. The paper argues that foreign aid may help not only to finance development, but also to navigate policy makers’ policy choices. It shows how foreign aid may or may not help policy makers turn their policy preferences into action. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1349-1364 Issue: 7 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1041490 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1041490 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:7:p:1349-1364 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Berhanu Abegaz Author-X-Name-First: Berhanu Author-X-Name-Last: Abegaz Title: Aid, accountability and institution building in Ethiopia: the self-limiting nature of technocratic aid Abstract: Forty billion dollars of ODA over the past two decades has reduced destitution in post-socialist and post-conflict Ethiopia. It has also boosted the technocratic capacity of exclusionary state institutions, while doubly enfeebling the fledgling private sector and independent political and civic organisations. This aid–institution paradox is a product of an alignment of donor–recipient strategic interests. The five major donors pursued geopolitical and poverty reduction objectives; and the narrowly based ruling elite sought total capture of the state, ownership of the development agenda and use of pro-poor growth to leverage large aid inflows and to seek domestic political legitimacy. By coupling poverty reduction with adequate space for inclusive market, civic and political engagement, a farsighted coalition of donors could have complemented capacity building with the promotion of state resilience. Scaled-up aid can still be delivered, as in Eastern Europe, conditional on meaningful mutual accountability and the rule of law. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1382-1403 Issue: 7 Volume: 36 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2015.1047447 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047447 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:36:y:2015:i:7:p:1382-1403 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Valbona Muzaka Author-X-Name-First: Valbona Author-X-Name-Last: Muzaka Title: Prizes for Pharmaceuticals? Mitigating the social ineffectiveness of the current pharmaceutical patent arrangement Abstract: We routinely refer to pharmaceutical patents as intellectual property rights. The argument in this article is that pharmaceutical patents represent a ‘bargain’ between government, business and society. The pharmaceutical patent system constitutes a social institution with social goals that go well beyond solely providing incentives to proprietary pharmaceutical companies to develop innovative drugs. Therefore we need to assess this institution in terms of what is referred to here as its social effectiveness, that is, its ability to accomplish the social goals it was set up to achieve. Such assessment has to take into account the fact that the pharmaceutical patent system has now become global, a development that has made its social ineffectiveness more apparent and worrisome. The severity and gravity of unmet global and local public health needs compels urgent scrutiny of the pharmaceutical patent system, as well as of alternatives to it, such as prizes for pharmaceuticals. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 151-169 Issue: 1 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.755009 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.755009 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:1:p:151-169 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alfredo Saad-Filho Author-X-Name-First: Alfredo Author-X-Name-Last: Saad-Filho Author-Name: John Weeks Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Weeks Title: Curses, Diseases and Other Resource Confusions Abstract: Natural resource rents, development assistance and unrequited foreign exchange inflows such as remittances relax the balance of payments constraint on economic growth. The failure of some governments to translate these resources into successful development has been attributed to an affliction called ‘Dutch disease’, or, more ominously, to a ‘curse’ associated with the availability of natural resources. This paper examines the disease/curse analysis and rejects it in favour of a political economy explanation of the problems associated with resource use. We argue that conventional analysis of resource-rich countries is misleading because its various manifestations are based on inappropriate assumptions and flawed logic. In practice the ‘curse’ and the ‘disease’ are outcomes of policy decisions, rather than manifestations of deep structural weaknesses, and they are more likely to be suffered in countries whose governments pursue neoliberal economic policies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-21 Issue: 1 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.755010 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.755010 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:1:p:1-21 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nathan Andrews Author-X-Name-First: Nathan Author-X-Name-Last: Andrews Title: Beyond the Ivory Tower: A Case for ‘Praxeological Deconstructionism’ as a ‘Third Way’ in IR Theorising Abstract: International Relations (ir) scholars and students are often presented with four (sometimes five) ‘great debates’ that characterise the ‘state of the discipline’. However, Robert Cox’s 1981 article in Millennium simplified the discussion into two binaries: problem-solving theory vs critical theory. While this configuration has been influential, it has inhibited the reflexivity, complexity, as well as the multidisciplinary nature of the discipline. This paper moves beyond this problematic simplification to construct a ‘third way’, which borrows from both rationalist and critical approaches to craft a somewhat distinct niche in ir theory. It calls for the dual goal of deconstruction and reconstruction. With this approach I seek to show the mutually constitutive synergies between knowledge/theory and practice, and to expatiate on the argument that theory is indeed always for someone and for some purpose, whether such normative underpinnings are latent or manifest. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 59-76 Issue: 1 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.755011 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.755011 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:1:p:59-76 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Edward Carr Author-X-Name-First: Edward Author-X-Name-Last: Carr Title: Livelihoods as Intimate Government: Reframing the logic of livelihoods for development Abstract: Livelihoods approaches emerged from a broad range of efforts to understand how people live in particular places. They have since cohered into often instrumentally applied frameworks that rest on the broadly held assumption that livelihoods are principally about the management of one’s material circumstances. This assumption limits the explanatory power of livelihoods approaches by shifting a range of motivations for livelihoods decisions outside the analytic frame. This article extends efforts to recover a broader lens on livelihoods decisions and outcomes by conceptualising livelihoods as forms of intimate government, local efforts to shape conduct to definite, shifting, and sometimes contradictory material and social ends. By employing a Foucault-inspired analytics of government to the study of livelihoods in Ghana’s Central Region, the paper presents a systematic, implementable approach to the examination of livelihoods and their outcomes in light of this reframing, one where material outcomes are one of many possible ends of intimate government, instead of the end. By opening the analytic lens in this manner, we can explain a much wider set of livelihoods outcomes and decisions than possible under contemporary approaches. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 77-108 Issue: 1 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.755012 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.755012 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:1:p:77-108 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michael Givel Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Givel Title: Modern Neoliberal Philanthropy: motivations and impact of Pfizer Pharmaceutical’s corporate social responsibility campaign Abstract: One of Pfizer Pharmaceutical’s general corporate goals is that no person anywhere should be restricted from receiving essential and affordable medicines. From 2009 to 11 Pfizer’s internal corporate social responsibility (csr) programmes were private corporate efforts that were discretionary and limited in scope and impact. All Pfizer’s csr preferred public policy governmental positions encompassed neoliberal government requirements based on market and profit considerations, with no positions demonstrating, in detail, how universal provision of drugs for all would be provided. Currently Pfizer’s csr efforts represent a dichotomy when compared with the general corporate goal of not restricting essential and affordable medicines in order to provide medicines for all. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 171-182 Issue: 1 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.755013 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.755013 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:1:p:171-182 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tor Krever Author-X-Name-First: Tor Author-X-Name-Last: Krever Title: Quantifying Law: legal indicator projects and the reproduction of neoliberal common sense Abstract: Development thinking in the past two decades has explicitly embraced law as an engine of development. This legal turn has been accompanied by a dramatic expansion of efforts to measure and quantify legal systems. Against claims that legal indicators are neutral, technical descriptions of the legal world, this article argues that legal indicators do not merely reflect legal reality; their construction and deployment are central to the continuing diffusion of neoliberalism as development common sense. The article considers the two most prominent projects to quantify law in the service of economic development—the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators and Doing Business indicators—and argues that these reproduce a narrow neoliberal conception of law as a platform for private business and entrepreneurial activity, and institutional support for a system of laissez faire markets. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 131-150 Issue: 1 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.755014 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.755014 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:1:p:131-150 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Melissa Labonte Author-X-Name-First: Melissa Author-X-Name-Last: Labonte Author-Name: Anne Edgerton Author-X-Name-First: Anne Author-X-Name-Last: Edgerton Title: Towards a Typology of Humanitarian Access Denial Abstract: Classified by the UN as one of five core challenges to civilian protection, humanitarian access denial is an increasingly urgent dilemma facing humanitarian actors. Conventional thinking about humanitarian access denial focuses on its outcomes rather than factors that shape its occurrence. The norms associated with humanitarian access and civilian protection are highly institutionalised at the intergovernmental level, yet states demonstrate considerable variation in their compliance with them at the domestic level. Utilising an interpretivist approach, we analyse how actions taken by states to deny humanitarian access in Ethiopia, Sri Lanka and Darfur/Sudan are given meaning and how they come to be understood by state actors themselves as a conduit to pursue other goals. We propose a descriptive typology of humanitarian access denial, and discuss the implications this phenomenon carries for civilian protection by humanitarian actors. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 39-57 Issue: 1 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2012.755015 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2012.755015 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:1:p:39-57 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: James Mittelman Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Mittelman Title: Global : emerging market powers and polycentric governance Abstract: Contemporary globalisation is characterised by an explosion of organisational pluralism. Acronyms such as brics (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), ibsa (India, Brazil and South Africa), and basic (Brazil, South Africa, India and China) abound. This proliferation of groupings signals a repositioning within global governance and their names serve as metaphors for adjustments among formal and informal modes of global governance. They may be understood in terms of global bricolage: a framework for analysing incipient assemblages in global governance. Rooted in cultural political economy, this notion offers a language for grasping a loose meshwork of groupings based on certain large countries in the global South. The concept of global bricolage deepens analysis of polycentric governance and enables observers to identify three major tensions that mark contemporary global order. The antinomies are between old and new narratives that represent actual or potential shifts in prevailing forms of global governance, between an emancipatory spirit and contested neoliberal norms, and between interregional coalitions and intraregional differences. Quite clearly, the manner of addressing them will bear greatly on the shape of future world order. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 23-37 Issue: 1 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.755355 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.755355 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:1:p:23-37 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jacqueline Best Author-X-Name-First: Jacqueline Author-X-Name-Last: Best Title: Redefining Poverty as Risk and Vulnerability: shifting strategies of liberal economic governance Abstract: The existence of global poverty poses a dilemma for liberal economic governance. Its persistence is an irritant to expert assertions that things will get better soon, making it necessary to develop new theories about the causes and nature of poverty and new strategies for managing and reducing it. This paper examines the most recent shift in how the World Bank and other organisations conceptualise and manage poverty, by beginning to view it through the lenses of social risk and vulnerability. The paper examines the evolution in how the Bank has historically sought to contend with the problem of poverty, and then considers the various expert debates and bureaucratic negotiations that shaped how this new conception of poverty as risk and vulnerability came to be institutionalised. Finally, I consider the implications of this shift for how the problem of poverty is governed, suggesting that it involves a much more dynamic ontology of poverty and requires the use of a more proactive set of techniques. While this more active intervention requires a more present and engaged state than was evident in the structural adjustment era, its role nonetheless remains constrained by the liberal preoccupation with limiting governmental power. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 109-129 Issue: 1 Volume: 34 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.755356 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.755356 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:34:y:2013:i:1:p:109-129 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Barry Gills Author-X-Name-First: Barry Author-X-Name-Last: Gills Title: Going South: capitalist crisis, systemic crisis, civilisational crisis Abstract: This article argues that the current protracted and severe financial and economic crisis is only one aspect of a larger multidimensional set of simultaneous and interacting crises on a global scale. The article constructs an overarching framework of analysis of this unique conjecture of global crises. The three principal crisis aspects are: an economic crisis of (over) accumulation of capital; a world systemic crisis (which includes a global centre-shift in the locus of production, growth and capital accumulation), and a hegemonic transition (which implies long term changes in global governance structures and institutions); and a worldwide civilisational crisis, situated in the sociohistorical structure itself, encompassing a comprehensive environmental crisis and the consequences of a lack of correspondence and coherence in the material and ideational structures of world order. In these ways, the global system is now `going south'. All three main aspects of the global crisis provoke and require commensurate radical social and political responses and self-protective measures, not only to restore systemic stability but to transform the world system. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 169-184 Issue: 2 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003711926 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003711926 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:2:p:169-184 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Slater Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Slater Title: Rethinking the Imperial Difference: towards an understanding of US–Latin American encounters Abstract: In this article the imperial is envisaged in terms of a multifaceted terrain of analysis that can encourage us to pose a number of interrelated questions. Five issues are identified for discussion. First, the differential way cultural studies and Marxist political economy approaches interpret the imperial present is assessed. Second, the why and how of imperial power are subjected to debate. Third, the overlapping inside and outside of imperialism are identified and analysed. Fourth, the newness of today's ‘new imperialism’ is highlighted and critically examined and, fifth, in relation to the evolving geopolitics of knowledge, some reflections are offered on the significance of the imperial in global times. The context is predominantly provided by US–Latin American encounters. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 185-206 Issue: 2 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003711942 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003711942 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:2:p:185-206 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ilda Lindell Author-X-Name-First: Ilda Author-X-Name-Last: Lindell Title: Informality and Collective Organising: identities, alliances and transnational activism in Africa Abstract: This paper is a conceptual exploration of the dimensions of the contemporary politics of informal economies, from the vantage point of collective organising by ‘informal workers’. It inquires into the formation of the political subjectivities and collective identities of informal actors. The importance of the relations between their organisations and other organised actors is illustrated with a discussion of emerging alliances with trade unions. The transnational scales of collective organising by ‘informal workers’ are addressed. The paper suggests an analytical approach that takes account of the diversity of organised actors, of a variety of governing powers and of the various spatial scales of social struggle involved in the politics of informal livelihoods today. The reflections are informed by the considerable social and economic differentiation contained in informal economies and emphasise the importance of the great diversity of actors, positions, agendas and identities for understanding the complex and contingent politics of informality. Empirical illustrations are drawn from the African continent, but the discussions in the paper address wider trends and theoretical debates of relevance for other developing regions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 207-222 Issue: 2 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003711959 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003711959 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:2:p:207-222 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roger Levermore Author-X-Name-First: Roger Author-X-Name-Last: Levermore Title: for Development Through Sport: examining its potential and limitations Abstract: Recent publications have highlighted the growth of sport as a vehicle in deploying corporate social responsibility (CSR) programmes or for disseminating international development initiatives. However, very little has been written on the considerable increase of the use of sport with corporate social responsibility to further social and economic development. This will expand as a range of CSR for development initiatives are being launched to coincide with mega-sports events in the coming years, starting with the 2010 football World Cup. This article addresses this gap by charting the ways in which sport is being used by businesses (ranging from multinational corporations to sports federations) as part of discrete development initiatives. It highlights the opportunities (notably developing partnerships and reaching those alienated from traditional development) and limitations associated with this. Limitations form around Stefano Ponte et al's typology of CSR initiatives, which is used to highlight the fact that many projects are poorly linked to core business objectives and are therefore less likely to be taken seriously and succeed. A lack of evaluation and the tarnished reputation of sport are other problems associated with CSR for development through sport. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 223-241 Issue: 2 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003711967 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003711967 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:2:p:223-241 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Daniel Jordan Smith Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Jordan Author-X-Name-Last: Smith Title: Corruption, s, and Development in Nigeria Abstract: This article examines corruption in Nigeria's development sector, particularly in the vastly growing arena of local non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Grounded in ethnographic case studies, the analysis explores why local NGOs in Nigeria have proliferated so widely, what they do in practice, what effects they have beyond their stated aims, and how they are perceived and experienced by ordinary Nigerians. It shows that even faux NGOs and disingenuous political rhetoric about civil society, democracy, and development are contributing to changing ideals and rising expectations in these same domains. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 243-258 Issue: 2 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003711975 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003711975 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:2:p:243-258 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bram Büscher Author-X-Name-First: Bram Author-X-Name-Last: Büscher Title: Derivative Nature: interrogating the value of conservation in ‘Boundless Southern Africa’ Abstract: Many conservationists nowadays talk about the urgent need to value nature. To bring out the ‘true value’ of nature and make conservation compatible with poverty reduction, so the argument goes, it must be appropriated into the realm of commodities and priced in monetary terms. By employing the concept of ‘derivative nature’, this paper explores the consequences of this neoliberal move. Derivatives are financial mechanisms whose monetary value is literally derived from the value of underlying assets. They were originally devised to reduce risk in the marketplace, but have actually made the global financial market immensely more complex and created more systemic risk and uncertainty because of their susceptibility to speculation. The paper suggests that similar processes can be seen in the arena of conservation. It argues that both nature and ‘the poor’ are increasingly becoming ‘underlying assets’ for what has become the ‘real’ source of value of neoliberal conservation, namely images and symbols within the realms of branding, public relations and marketing. Empirically grounded in a discussion on transfrontier conservation in Southern Africa in the run-up to the 2010 soccer World Cup, the paper examines the consequences of ‘derivative nature’ and calls for critical thinking to start facing these consequences. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 259-276 Issue: 2 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003711983 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003711983 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:2:p:259-276 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Morten Walløe Tvedt Author-X-Name-First: Morten Walløe Author-X-Name-Last: Tvedt Title: One Worldwide Patent System: what's in it for developing countries? Abstract: This article offers a discussion of the probable effects of a Worldwide Patent System for developing countries. It draws upon insights from the ongoing processes in the World Intellectual Property Organization and elsewhere relevant for the global patent system and discusses these features from a developing country perspective. For scientifically advanced developing countries the effect in their most advanced and most global enterprises is potentially positive as they will benefit as much as other multinational companies. In areas of research and development where these most advanced developing countries do not possess a high level of technological capacity, a Worldwide Patent System is unlikely to create any benefits for them. For countries with the ability to copy and produce inventions made by others a Worldwide Patent System will have a negative effect as inventors will have little opportunity to utilise the system, whereas they will be bound by a larger number of exclusive rights narrowing down their space for innovation. For the least developed countries an additional problem arises: it might become even more difficult to import essential goods because patents will be in force in these countries even though there is no production of that product in the country. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 277-293 Issue: 2 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003711991 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003711991 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:2:p:277-293 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nissim Mannathukkaren Author-X-Name-First: Nissim Author-X-Name-Last: Mannathukkaren Title: The ‘Poverty’ of Political Society: Partha Chatterjee and the People's Plan Campaign in Kerala, India Abstract: Prominent postcolonial thinker Partha Chatterjee's concept of political society is an important one in understanding the vast domain of politics in the ‘Third World’ which falls outside hegemonic Western notions of the state and civil society. This domain, which is often marked by the stamp of illegality, nevertheless contributes to the immense democratic churning that characterises much of the ‘Third World’. However, this paper argues that the series of binaries set up by Chatterjee, like modernity/democracy, civil society/political society and the privileging of the latter half of the binary is ultimately counterproductive to the goal of democratisation. Based on empirical research on the People's Plan Campaign in Kerala, one of the most extensive democratic decentralisation programmes in the world, it will argue that the extension of popular sovereignty requires that we go beyond political society. The failures and prospects of the Plan and the struggles around it demonstrate clearly the breakdown of the binary. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 295-314 Issue: 2 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003712007 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003712007 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:2:p:295-314 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ken Cole Author-X-Name-First: Ken Author-X-Name-Last: Cole Title: Jazz in the Time of Globalisation: the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America Abstract: The hegemony of globalisation has visited poverty, ecological destruction, illiteracy and sickness, on the marginalised and impoverished masses in Latin America, who have been powerless to advance or protect their well-being, and have reacted and protested against the local effects of global exploitation within social movements. However, the construction of an alternative existence in a globalised world requires the emergence of a regional, collective consciousness, and a commitment to addressing local needs. That such a consciousness is emerging is suggested by the sea-change in Latin American politics since Hugo Chávez became president of Venezuela in 1998. A commitment to endogenous development and human need over corporate profits is being effected within the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA). The epochal significance of ALBA is emphasised by posing an analogy between the narrative of Gabriel Garcia Marquez's novel Love in the Time of Cholera, where the transcendental power of love overcomes the oppressive forces of cholera and unrequited love, and the ALBA process of regional endogenous development promoting social improvisation to address the devastation of international competitive exchange. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 315-332 Issue: 2 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003712015 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003712015 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:2:p:315-332 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Timothy M Shaw Author-X-Name-First: Timothy M Author-X-Name-Last: Shaw Title: Comparative Commonwealths: an overlooked feature of global governance? Abstract: The distinctive contributions of the several Commonwealths— inter- and non-state—to global development and governance have been overlooked for too long. The four treated here continue to advance multilateralism and public diplomacy, having earlier contributed to the decolonisation of countries and communities. The anglophone Commonwealth was especially active in support of the liberation movements in Southern Africa, leading to South Africa's transition to a non-racial democracy and return to the Commonwealth in the early 1990s. Commonwealths' norms and values remain relevant in the second decade of the 21st century, symbolised by Rwanda's late 2009 admission to the anglophone family. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 333-346 Issue: 2 Volume: 31 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436591003712049 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436591003712049 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:31:y:2010:i:2:p:333-346 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sonja Grimm Author-X-Name-First: Sonja Author-X-Name-Last: Grimm Author-Name: Nicolas Lemay-Hébert Author-X-Name-First: Nicolas Author-X-Name-Last: Lemay-Hébert Author-Name: Olivier Nay Author-X-Name-First: Olivier Author-X-Name-Last: Nay Title: ‘Fragile States’: introducing a political concept Abstract: The special issue ‘Fragile States: A Political Concept’ investigates the emergence, dissemination and reception of the notion of ‘state fragility’. It analyses the process of conceptualisation, examining how the ‘fragile states’ concept was framed by policy makers to describe reality in accordance with their priorities in the fields of development and security. The contributors to the issue investigate the instrumental use of the ‘state fragility’ label in the legitimisation of Western policy interventions in countries facing violence and profound poverty. They also emphasise the agency of actors ‘on the receiving end’, describing how the elites and governments in so-called ‘fragile states’ have incorporated and reinterpreted the concept to fit their own political agendas. A first set of articles examines the role played by the World Bank, the oecd, the European Union and the g7+ coalition of ‘fragile states’ in the transnational diffusion of the concept, which is understood as a critical element in the new discourse on international aid and security. A second set of papers employs three case studies (Sudan, Indonesia and Uganda) to explore the processes of appropriation, reinterpretation and the strategic use of the ‘fragile state’ concept. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 197-209 Issue: 2 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.878127 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2013.878127 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:2:p:197-209 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Olivier Nay Author-X-Name-First: Olivier Author-X-Name-Last: Nay Title: International Organisations and the Production of Hegemonic Knowledge: how the World Bank and the helped invent the Fragile State Concept Abstract: This article examines the role of the World Bank and the oecd in the emergence and circulation of the ‘fragile state’ concept. These organisations were critical to the early development of the concept and in the consolidation of a knowledge-based agenda set out by Western aid donors to justify international assistance to poor and conflict-ridden countries. Attention is focused on three normative processes affecting the production of transnational knowledge: normalisation, fragmentation and assimilation. ‘Normalisation’ is the process by which influential knowledge producers help to transform a rough concept into a widely accepted transnational norm based on expert knowledge, detailed definitions and statistical exercises. Once the concept has been appropriated by several international actors, it undergoes normative ‘fragmentation’ as it is subjected to various interpretations across time and space. ‘Assimilation’ is the process by which the overarching concept is renewed, enriched and gradually adapted through the incorporation of additional insights. The article argues that the World Bank and oecd have functioned as central knowledge hubs, facilitating the circulation of new and controversial ideas on fragile states and their integration into the prevailing policies of the most powerful aid donors. The two organisations have thus taken an active role in the consolidation and perpetuation of the aid donors’ policy doctrine, ultimately protecting it from major normative dissent. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 210-231 Issue: 2 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.878128 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.878128 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:2:p:210-231 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nicolas Lemay-Hébert Author-X-Name-First: Nicolas Author-X-Name-Last: Lemay-Hébert Author-Name: Xavier Mathieu Author-X-Name-First: Xavier Author-X-Name-Last: Mathieu Title: The ’s discourse on fragile states: expertise and the normalisation of knowledge production Abstract: The concept of legitimacy has been highly influential in policy recommendations concerning state building in ‘fragile states’. Indeed, depending on how ‘legitimacy’ is conceived, the actions and practices of state builders can differ substantially. This article discusses what is at stake in the conceptualisation of ‘legitimacy’ by comparing the academic literature with the normative production of the oecd. Looking at two approaches to legitimacy – the institutionalist or neo-Weberian approach focusing on institutional reconstruction, and the social legitimacy approach emphasising the importance of social cohesion for successful state building – the article shows that both these conceptions are present in most reports, but also that the neo-Weberian approach tends to prevail over the social legitimacy perspective. Through a series of interviews with oecd officials and scholar-practitioners who have participated in the writing process of oecd reports, we hint, finally, at future research avenues on the social conditions of knowledge production and its normalisation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 232-251 Issue: 2 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.878129 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.878129 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:2:p:232-251 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sonja Grimm Author-X-Name-First: Sonja Author-X-Name-Last: Grimm Title: The European Union’s ambiguous concept of ‘state fragility’ Abstract: Although scholars and practitioners alike perceive ‘state fragility’ to be a key challenge for security and development, there are significant variations in the definition of this phenomenon. This article analyses the European Union’s notion of ‘state fragility’. Based on a document analysis covering the years 2001–12 and expert interviews conducted in November 2012, the article reveals that the EU has not (yet) decided on a clear-cut definition of ‘state fragility’. Three factors explain this lack of decisiveness: the EU’s complex institutional framework, which impedes policy coherence; developments at the international level that require the EU’s compliance; and the organisation’s diplomatic efforts to maintain cooperative relationships with aid-recipient countries that have been labelled ‘fragile’. The result is conceptual ambiguity that potentially reduces the EU’s capacity to respond to fragile situations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 252-267 Issue: 2 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.878130 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.878130 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:2:p:252-267 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Isabel Rocha De Siqueira Author-X-Name-First: Isabel Author-X-Name-Last: Rocha De Siqueira Title: Measuring and managing ‘state fragility’: the production of statistics by the World Bank, Timor-Leste and the g7+ Abstract: Indicators are currently being widely used in international policy making to substantiate analyses and justify decisions on the basis of their alleged scientific objectivity. This article analyses the role of indicators and statistics in the labelling and managing of ‘fragile states’, examining the powerful consequences of these classifications but also discussing the untraceable nature of numbers and the difficulties in attributing ownership of numerical claims and assigning responsibility for their many unforeseen impacts. Focusing on the education sector in Timor-Leste and on the World Bank’s Country Policy and Institutional Assessment (cpia) programme, the article shows how accountability and ownership are negotiated within the context of the g7+ group of self-labelled ‘fragile states’, encouraging an examination of the power relations involved. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 268-283 Issue: 2 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.878131 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.878131 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:2:p:268-283 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maria Gabrielsen Jumbert Author-X-Name-First: Maria Gabrielsen Author-X-Name-Last: Jumbert Title: How Sudan’s ‘rogue’ state label shaped US responses to the Darfur conflict: what’s the problem and who’s in charge? Abstract: Few conflicts have been subject to as much international attention and efforts at resolution as the conflict in Darfur between 2004 and 2009. In spite of these attempts, the situation in Darfur today can at best be qualified as an unresolved conflict. This article closely examines the ways in which the Sudanese state has been perceived and qualified in order to determine how the conflict was understood and how the state was approached by outsiders. As is shown, despite frequent descriptions of the nation as a ‘fragile’ or ‘failed’ state, throughout the conflict Sudan has primarily been approached as a ‘rogue’ state. The article argues that this distinction has led to the prioritisation of certain strategies based on ‘protection’ and ‘punishment’ over attempts to resolve the underlying causes of the conflict, something a more sophisticated understanding of the Sudanese state’s internal weaknesses and instability might have allowed. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 284-299 Issue: 2 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.878490 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.878490 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:2:p:284-299 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Felix Heiduk Author-X-Name-First: Felix Author-X-Name-Last: Heiduk Title: State disintegration and power politics in post-Suharto Indonesia Abstract: This article illustrates how discourses on ‘state fragility’ have been instrumentalised by the Indonesian military in order to consolidate its political and economic power after the fall of Suharto. In the wake of Indonesia’s transition to democracy violent conflicts escalated in East Timor, Aceh, Papua, the Moluccas and Sulawesi. Most notably East Timor’s successful secession spawned fears over the potential ‘balkanisation’ of Indonesia. In this context the Indonesian military, which had been shunned for its involvement in Suharto’s New Order, managed to re-establish itself as the ‘guardian of the nation’. Based on fieldwork in Indonesia, the article describes how post-9/11 discourses over a potential break-up of Indonesia were used by the Indonesian military to reconsolidate its power in the post-Suharto era. The research findings illustrate that, against the looming threat of state disintegration, attempts to revoke the military’s prerogatives have either failed or have been aborted during the planning stages. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 300-315 Issue: 2 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.878491 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.878491 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:2:p:300-315 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jonathan Fisher Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan Author-X-Name-Last: Fisher Title: When it pays to be a ‘fragile state’: Uganda’s use and abuse of a dubious concept Abstract: The labelling of certain states as ‘fragile states’ has often been portrayed as an act of domination by Western donors over the developing world. Nonetheless, this type of categorisation also presents opportunities to non-Western governments. This article suggests that the aid-dependent government of Uganda has increased its room for manoeuvre with donors by emphasising the degree of instability in the north of the country. By using this notion of state fragility, the Ugandan regime has successfully persuaded donors to continue their support, despite its domestic transgressions. The article will also attempt to explain the regime’s use of a contradictory, but equally persuasive, international discourse that presents Uganda as stable, strong and secure. In exploring how Kampala has successfully employed both narratives to carve out greater agency with donors, the article will emphasise the significance of donors’ physical detachment from the Ugandan ‘periphery’ in this dynamic. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 316-332 Issue: 2 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.878493 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.878493 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:2:p:316-332 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Derick W. Brinkerhoff Author-X-Name-First: Derick W. Author-X-Name-Last: Brinkerhoff Title: State fragility and failure as wicked problems: beyond naming and taming Abstract: Conceptualising state fragility and failure as a wicked problem set reveals the complex, ill-defined and interdependent nature of the reality behind these labels. This essay builds on the contributions to this special issue by examining why the fragile/failed state concept remains in good currency despite its analytic weaknesses. The discussion reveals that the parsing of state fragility into its component parts and the development of related indicators reflect efforts to tame the wickedness of the problem set; this has led to peace-building and state-building interventions whose plans and actions do not effectively take account of what is necessary to achieve their intended aims. A better problem-solving match would look beyond naming and taming, incorporating lessons from the implementation literature and international development practice. However, achieving this would depend upon the political will of both labellers and the labelled. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 333-344 Issue: 2 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.878495 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.878495 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:2:p:333-344 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mark Berger Author-X-Name-First: Mark Author-X-Name-Last: Berger Author-Name: Heloise Weber Author-X-Name-First: Heloise Author-X-Name-Last: Weber Title: War, Peace and Progress: conflict, development, (in)security and violence in the 21st century Abstract: The theory and practice of development has a complicated relationship to the history of war and peace in the 20th century. Efforts to realise the promise of progress have been played out against the backdrop of the crisis of colonialism, national liberation, decolonisation and the rise and fall of Third Worldism. Third Worldism, conceptualised as a specific project to realise the promises of progress, was also affected by the transformation and onset of the crisis of the nation-state system and the re-calibration of the development–security nexus in the post-Cold War era. The short history of the ‘three worlds of development' appears now to have been overlaid by global development; that is, a process which entails intensified social and political network-relations, with accompanying regulatory efforts becoming more global in scope and reach. Yet, the most influential drivers and proponents of ‘progress' continue to focus on the nation-state as the natural mechanism for the realisation of development, security and to some extent the protection of human rights. A critical reinterpretation, however, of the struggles engendered by this constellation suggests that they are better viewed as struggles for recognition (and redistribution) rather than driven by realising statehood per se. Concurrently, development as an internationally framed global project (underpinned by neoliberalism) has coexisted with alternative conceptions. Collectively, the latter hold out a range of paths-to-progress not-yet-taken at a systemic level, and flag the everyday struggles of denigrated multitudes. This special 30th anniversary issue brings together contributions that seek to revisit the dynamics and complexities of the history of war and peace in relation to the pursuit of progress. The issue as a whole foregrounds contemporary crises of violence and insecurity in relation to core organising principles of world politics; the nation state and the inter-state system and underlying assumptions to realise the promises of progress. That this project is beset with crises and contradictions is recognised by both its advocates and critics. However, there is no consensus on either causal dynamics or potential solutions, despite common acknowledgements of the complexities involved. The first part of this introduction broadly examines the ‘crisis' of the state and brings to the fore the need to appreciate the dynamics of social and psychological aspects of these struggles. The second part focuses on the contours of the ‘crisis' of global development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-16 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802622219 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802622219 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:1:p:1-16 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kamil Shah Author-X-Name-First: Kamil Author-X-Name-Last: Shah Title: The Failure of State Building and the Promise of State Failure: reinterpreting the security–development nexus in Haiti Abstract: This article critically examines the discourse surrounding fragile states in relation to the security–development nexus. I draw on the case of Haiti to problematise key assumptions underpinning mainstream approaches to resolving concerns of security and development through the contemporary project of state building. In contrast, I suggest that a focus on the social and political relations constitutive of social struggles provides a framework for a better analysis of the historical trajectory of development in—and of—fragile states. Through an alternative relational interpretation of Haitian social and political formations, I illustrate the way in which ‘Haitian’ experiences of social change have been co-produced in a world historical context. By foregrounding these relational dynamics at key conjunctures coinciding with periods in which the state, state formation and state building, were perceived to be central to Haitian development, this analysis highlights the extent to which attempts to consolidate the modern (liberal) state, have been implicated in the production and reproduction of insecurities. The article concludes by considering the salience of this relationally conceived interpretation of the security–development nexus for gaining insight into the alternative visions of progress, peace, and prosperity that people struggle for. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 17-34 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802622243 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802622243 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:1:p:17-34 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shahar Hameiri Author-X-Name-First: Shahar Author-X-Name-Last: Hameiri Title: State Building or Crisis Management? A critical analysis of the social and political implications of the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands Abstract: The Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (ramsi), an Australian-led state-building intervention, has attracted considerable attention in policy-making and scholarly circles world-wide since its July 2003 inception. ramsi was lauded by the Development Assistant Committee of the oecd as a model for good practice to be followed by state builders elsewhere because of its perceived success in halting violent conflict and fostering a return to economic growth. The mission has had its critics too, but much of this criticism has centred on whether it was paying sufficient attention to the Melanesian social and cultural context. Such accounts fail to recognise that ramsi should not be viewed as a technocratic exercise in state building and capacity development by outsiders, but rather as a political project that seeks to transform the social and political relations within the Solomon Islands. This contribution critically examines the nature of this political project by focusing on the ways in which political power is (re)produced. By attempting to narrow the political choices available to Solomon Islanders, ramsi's programmes have ended up limiting the prospects for a sustainable political accommodation to emerge in the Solomon Islands. The deployment of coercive force in moments of acute crisis, as a way of managing the contradictions of attempts to build a ‘state’ through the production and reproduction of social and political power conducive to this project, reveals that rather than being a recipe for ‘good’ governance, ramsi remains a form of emergency rule. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 35-52 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802622276 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802622276 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:1:p:35-52 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Benjamin Maitre Author-X-Name-First: Benjamin Author-X-Name-Last: Maitre Title: What Sustains ‘Internal Wars’? The dynamics of violent conflict and state weakness in Sudan Abstract: This contribution emphasises the need for a contextual rather than causal analysis of internal wars. Using Sudan's intransigent north–south divide and the crisis in Darfur as case studies, the underlying argument is that, over the course of Sudanese history since independence in 1956, both rebels and regimes have mobilised conditions of conflict to advance their political and economic agendas. The contemporary international system, in which war is understood as both an aberration and a problem with a presupposed solution, compartmentalises the varied and complex interactions of nation-states within a framework that is far from universally applicable. This encourages, even facilitates, the politics of warlordism in internal wars, particularly in the so-called ‘developing’ nation-states. In Sudan conditions of conflict with self-reinforcing tendencies outweigh the power of existing peace agreements. Issues of resource allocation and political marginalisation provide a volatile context for sustaining the internal wars in Sudan indefinitely and make the success of current or future peace agreements unlikely if not impossible. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 53-68 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802622318 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802622318 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:1:p:53-68 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Arquilla Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Arquilla Title: Realities of War: global development, growing destructiveness and the coming of a new Dark Age? Abstract: This contribution traces the connection between theories about the utility of violence as a tool of development and practical efforts to craft policies based on such beliefs. The basic finding is that the use of force in the name of societal development (eg the Bush Doctrine of waging war to effect ‘regime change’) has proven problematic. Indeed, viewed from the perspective of the past two centuries, such uses of force have often turned out to be profoundly ‘anti-developmental’. In particular, there are some troubling shifts in conflict, apparent since the late 19th century, but which have accelerated in recent decades. First, major warfare has migrated from the developed to the developing world. Second, there is a clearly observable growth trend towards ‘big kill’ wars in which at least one million people die (often in small nation-states where significant percentages of the population are killed). More, and more deadly, wars are thus occurring amid those least able to cope with conflict, providing stark rebuttal to recent studies that argue war is generally on the wane. To the contrary, the ‘barriers to entry’ for waging highly destructive wars have fallen sharply, and it is this trend that poses the greatest threat to political, social and economic progress since the last Dark Age. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 69-80 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802622359 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802622359 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:1:p:69-80 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gordon Mccormick Author-X-Name-First: Gordon Author-X-Name-Last: Mccormick Author-Name: Lindsay Fritz Author-X-Name-First: Lindsay Author-X-Name-Last: Fritz Title: The Logic of Warlord Politics Abstract: This article offers an initial framework for a future theory of warlord politics using a simple game theoretic approach. We address the topic abstractly rather than empirically to develop a set of testable propositions across the wide range of warlord regimes. We discuss the reciprocal military and economic foundations of warlord domination, the structural logic of warlord politics, the stability of warlord regimes, and the circumstances that can be expected to lead to the formation and dissolution of warlord coalitions. We offer a conceptual introduction to these topics and lay the groundwork for a more systematic treatment of these and related themes in subsequent work. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 81-112 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802622391 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802622391 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:1:p:81-112 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kevin Dunn Author-X-Name-First: Kevin Author-X-Name-Last: Dunn Title: ‘Sons of the Soil’ and Contemporary State Making: autochthony, uncertainty and political violence in Africa Abstract: The employment of autochthony discourses has become a prominent feature of contemporary politics around the world. Autochthony discourses link identity and space, enabling the speaker to establish a direct claim to territory by asserting that one is an original inhabitant, a ‘son of the soil’. Drawing from recent African examples, this contribution argues that the employment of autochthony discourses is an attractive response to the ontological uncertainty around political identities within the postmodern/postcolonial condition. Autochthony discourses can resonate deeply with populations longing for a sense of primal security in the face of uncertainty generated by a variety of sources, from the processes of contemporary globalisation to the collapse of neo-patrimonial structures. Yet this sense of security is inevitably fleeting, given the instability and plasticity of autochthony claims. The contribution examines why these discourses are often characterised by violence, and argues that autochthony is frequently linked to the desire for order inherent in contemporary state making, which invariably relies on multiple manifestations of violence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 113-127 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802622417 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802622417 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:1:p:113-127 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sebastian Kaempf Author-X-Name-First: Sebastian Author-X-Name-Last: Kaempf Title: Violence and Victory: guerrilla warfare, ‘authentic self-affirmation’ and the overthrow of the colonial state Abstract: This contribution critically investigates the ideas underpinning the armed struggle of colonial subjects against colonial states in the middle decades of the 20th century. It focuses in particular on two of the most influential texts that inspired and guided violent anti-colonial resistance, The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon and On Guerrilla Warfare by Mao Zedong. Both Fanon and Mao provided powerful analyses of the violent (psychological and military) underpinnings of colonialism and articulated strategies of resistance. This contribution argues that the persuasiveness of Mao's and Fanon's thought stemmed from their deep dialectical (ie Hegelian) understanding of war and colonialism. By demonstrating the dialectical foundations of Mao's and Fanon's thought—inspired intellectually by their readings of Carl von Clausewitz and Jean-Paul Sartre—the contribution illustrates how their understanding allowed them not only to fathom the interactive dynamics at the core of war and colonialism, but also to devise successful ways of unseating colonial power. Yet, while they shared a common belief in violent anti-colonial struggles, they nevertheless diverged fundamentally in their respective conceptions of violence. Mao (through Clausewitz) held an instrumental view of violence, whereas Fanon (through Sartre) understood violence in existential terms. This meant, as is argued here, that their respective conceptions of violence would not necessarily, on their own, have been sufficient to bring colonialism to an end. Taken together, however, their instrumental and intrinsic conceptions of violence complemented each other and helped armed anti-colonial struggles succeed around the globe. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 129-146 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802622433 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802622433 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:1:p:129-146 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marcus Taylor Author-X-Name-First: Marcus Author-X-Name-Last: Taylor Title: Displacing Insecurity in a Divided World: global security, international development and the endless accumulation of capital Abstract: The current triple crisis of food, oil and credit has accentuated social instability across global capitalism, with the most severe effects displaced onto the urban and rural poor who, in the face of escalating prices for staple goods, face deepening immiseration. Mounting social unrest has led the international institutions of global governance to assess the crisis in terms of its security implications. This strategy has two related dimensions. On the one hand, it is part of a discourse that seeks to exceptionalise the current crisis and obscure its social foundations rooted in the evolution of global capitalism in its neoliberal form. On the other, it prepares the ground for interventions that attempt to uphold the status quo of a profoundly uneven global division of labour and consumption. The current crisis, however, reveals not an exceptional situation in need of securitisation, but the degree to which the current global capitalist order inherently displaces insecurity onto marginalised populations in order to reproduce the social conditions for accumulation at a global level. This process of displacement is examined on two levels. First, displacing insecurity is woven into an expanding international division of labour, in which ‘cheap labour’ is socially constructed and reproduced to toil within a global factory. Second, it is inherent to the consolidation of a global division of consumption in which Western mass consumption displaces ecological costs onto the global majority, creating grave insecurities over future life and livelihoods. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 147-162 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802622441 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802622441 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:1:p:147-162 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Teivo Teivainen Author-X-Name-First: Teivo Author-X-Name-Last: Teivainen Title: The Pedagogy of Global Development: the promotion of electoral democracy and the Latin Americanisation of Europe Abstract: This contribution uses insights from the field of critical pedagogy to study North–South power relations. It analyses the attempts of the European Union to promote democracy in the ‘developing world’, or Global South. The metaphor of development helps to reproduce the idea that Europe is more adult. It thereby assumes the social function of the teacher whose role is to instruct and guide the more child-like countries towards the path of development. Contrary to the prevalent idea that the developing world is ‘behind’ Europe, the article will argue that, in issues such as cultural hybridization and growth of the informal sector, Europeans could learn about their own futures from their Southern counterparts. To conclude, the article explores the challenges of constructing North–South relations based on the democratic principle of learning together and links these with more general questions of global democratisation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 163-179 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802622458 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802622458 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:1:p:163-179 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Douglas Borer Author-X-Name-First: Douglas Author-X-Name-Last: Borer Author-Name: Sean Everton Author-X-Name-First: Sean Author-X-Name-Last: Everton Author-Name: Moises Nayve Author-X-Name-First: Moises Author-X-Name-Last: Nayve Title: Global Development and Human (In)security: understanding the rise of the Rajah Solaiman Movement and Balik Islam in the Philippines Abstract: Over the past 30 years rapid advances in the realm of digital technology and the establishment of an ever expanding globally networked communications infrastructure have radically altered the infrastructure of the global economy. Combined with new rules for international finance, the de-regulation of capital and labour markets and the embracing of a ‘free trade’ ethos by most states in the international system, today's ‘information age’ bears little resemblance to the economic world experienced by previous generations. Rapid economic changes have been accompanied by the broad dissemination of social, cultural and political information to all corners of the globe, a phenomenon that has contributed to a number of important socio-political developments. Using social movement theory to frame our analytical narrative, we investigate how the demands and pressures of globalisation have helped to foment ‘Balik Islam’, a religious-based social movement concentrated among the ranks of returned overseas Filipino workers in the northern island of Luzon. These workers, having converted from Catholicism to Islam while employed in the Middle East, are beginning to reshape the political fabric of the Republic of the Philippines, sometimes in a violent fashion. To illustrate the possible extremes of Balik Islam, the article will chart the rise and fall of the Rajah Solaiman Movement, a Balik-Islam group that was responsible for a number of recent terrorist attacks, and whose members, thanks to their ability to blend in with the dominant population, pose a special challenge to democracy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 181-204 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802622615 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802622615 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:1:p:181-204 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sebastian Job Author-X-Name-First: Sebastian Author-X-Name-Last: Job Title: The Rise of a Global God-Image? Spiritual internationalists, the international left and the idea of human progress Abstract: For a period that endured so long it came to seem coextensive with Western modernity, durable barriers stood between those who sought political liberation and those who sought spiritual liberation. We are now emerging from that period. The barriers never operated in the same way or to the same extent in all countries, for much the same reason that ‘secularism’ differed in its effective meaning from country to country. But even in secularism's Anglo-European heartland the division between spirit and politics no longer feels self-evident. This shift cannot help but resonate throughout progressive politics. What we lack are conceptual means for illuminating the shift. The progressive spiritual–political terrain will hardly come into view if it is conceived only in terms of mutual concerns, or shared ethical values, or common campaign work. Pragmatic considerations must be grounded in conceptions of the current world process. Conceptions of the world process must be capable of generating new and fertile responses to many of the deep moral and metaphysical questions which become more insistent in times of rapid—not to say cataclysmic—change. Only in this way can ‘progressive social forces’, whether belonging to the tradition of the left or to spiritual and religious traditions, help to open up the human vista at a time when ‘progress’ is pursued nearly everywhere in its narrowest and most lethal forms. This article takes up these issues, emphasising the need for a reorientation of political thought in the face of a world scene stalked by apocalyptic anxieties. The best child of these anxieties may well be an internationally integrative structure which we can refer to as a ‘progressive global God-image’. Putting forward this idea as an interpretive key both to the possibilities inherent in the progressive spiritual–political encounter and to important aspects of the contemporary planetary situation, the idea is then illustrated by summarising the key claims of a specific group of ‘spiritual internationalists’. In conclusion I suggest that, in so far as the spiritual–political encounter is not joined, contemporary progressives of a spiritual and a traditional leftist kind will continue to represent two forms of ‘unhappy consciousness’. The option that beckons, meanwhile, is for each to discover in the other the resources they need to creatively respond to their own limitations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 205-225 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802622623 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802622623 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:1:p:205-225 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Cristina Rojas Author-X-Name-First: Cristina Author-X-Name-Last: Rojas Title: Securing the State and Developing Social Insecurities: the securitisation of citizenship in contemporary Colombia Abstract: Citizenship is the cornerstone of Colombian President Alvaro Uribe's democratic security policy. In this paper I ask what kind of citizen is formed under this policy. I examine the premises of citizenship when implemented under the double logic of democracy and security, drawing upon the thoughts of Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault. My conclusion is that in Colombia the tensions between security and democracy are resolved with a bias towards the security rather than the democracy side of the equation. The consequence is the formation of a citizen less inclined to claim his or her rights politically and more prone to ‘voluntary obedience’ in return for protection; rather than a lasting peace this engenders a continuation of the barbarisms, this time in the name of securing citizens. I point out that the answers to these contradictions are found in the resistance movements of indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities, peasants, peace communities and the movement of victims of all armed actors. I suggest a framework for analysis inspired by decolonial thinkers. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 227-245 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802622631 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802622631 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:1:p:227-245 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Philip Mcmichael Author-X-Name-First: Philip Author-X-Name-Last: Mcmichael Title: Contemporary Contradictions of the Global Development Project: geopolitics, global ecology and the ‘development climate’ Abstract: The global development project faces newly evident challenges in the combination of energy, climate and food crises. Their interrelationships create a powerful moment in world history in which analysts and practitioners grope for solutions, limited by the narrow market episteme. This contribution argues that official development, in advocating green market solutions, recycles the problem as solution—a problem rooted in the geopolitics of an unsustainable global ‘metabolic rift’ and a discourse of global ecology reinforcing international power relations through monetary valuation, and deepening the North's ‘ecological debt’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 247-262 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802622987 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802622987 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:1:p:247-262 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Heloise Weber Author-X-Name-First: Heloise Author-X-Name-Last: Weber Author-Name: Mark Berger Author-X-Name-First: Mark Author-X-Name-Last: Berger Title: Human (In)Security and Development in the 21st Century Abstract: In this contribution we focus on the political merits as well as limitations of the project of Third Worldism. Through critical historical analysis we identify the difference that Third Worldism made to world politics. At the same time it was without a doubt beset with contradictions from its inception. By foregrounding the contexts of development struggles, we hope to illustrate—at least minimally—these contradictions. From our perspective these are to be found in the politics of emancipatory nationalism. On the one hand, this facilitated a freedom of a kind: recognition and formal equality in world politics. On the other, the institutional form this took was premised on the assumption that national development (especially of the postcolonial states) was somehow independent of wider historical as well as ‘transnational’ social and political relations. A more relational understanding of the history of development would reveal the extent to which wealth and poverty, order, violence and conflict are outcomes of multifaceted, but combined social and political processes that cannot be reduced to the parameters of the nation-state or the nation-state system. For all its contradictions, Third Worldism articulated a radical political imagination (for its time). However, ironically, to carry forth its underlying concerns, we need to move beyond the territorial imagination and the equation of progress and modernity with the sovereign nation-state to understand why it was a contradictory project. Perhaps, through understanding its contradictions, spaces of hope might be opened up to (re)imagine radical and more humane alternatives. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 263-270 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2009 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436590802623001 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436590802623001 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:30:y:2009:i:1:p:263-270 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas G. Weiss Author-X-Name-First: Thomas G. Author-X-Name-Last: Weiss Author-Name: Adriana Erthal Abdenur Author-X-Name-First: Adriana Erthal Author-X-Name-Last: Abdenur Title: Introduction: emerging powers and the UN – what kind of development partnership? Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1749-1758 Issue: 10 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.971583 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.971583 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:10:p:1749-1758 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Toye Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Toye Title: Assessing the G77: 50 years after and 40 years after the Abstract: This article views the history of the Group of 77 through the lens of its relations with unctad’s establishment in 1964, its unsuccessful struggle for the nieo in the 1970s, and the subsequent loosening of ties. The debt crisis of the 1980s, the Uruguay Round negotiations, and the arrival of the wto are seen as crucial forces unravelling the previously close links. Growing differentiation among developing countries and the changing leadership of the G77 are also cited as important influences on its current relationship with unctad. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1759-1774 Issue: 10 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.971589 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.971589 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:10:p:1759-1774 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Paulo Esteves Author-X-Name-First: Paulo Author-X-Name-Last: Esteves Author-Name: Manaíra Assunção Author-X-Name-First: Manaíra Author-X-Name-Last: Assunção Title: South–South cooperation and the international development battlefield: between the and the UN Abstract: This article discusses the transformation in development architecture, focusing on the role of emerging powers and the growing relevance of South–South cooperation (ssc). Drawing on a conceptual toolkit based on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, it aims to approach ssc as a narrative and to understand the processes of contestation that have turned international development into a battlefield since the end of the 1990s. The article argues that the emergence of ssc has contributed to decentring the field of international development, both in terms of the agents authorised to play and the practices considered legitimate. Within this process the Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation, led by the oecd’s Development Assistance Committee, and the United Nations Development Cooperation Forum have become two sites on the battlefield on which the borders of international development are being redrawn. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1775-1790 Issue: 10 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.971591 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.971591 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:10:p:1775-1790 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ramesh Thakur Author-X-Name-First: Ramesh Author-X-Name-Last: Thakur Title: How representative are ? Abstract: The five countries known as brics, while not homogeneous in interests, values, and policy preferences, do have a common interest in checking US/Western power and influence through collaboration with non-Western powers. They vary considerably but all are ahead of other developing countries on population, military power, economic weight, geopolitical clout, and global reach and engagement. They are unrepresentative of the typical developing country in terms of interest, capacity, and resources, but they can represent the interests and goals of developing countries as a group on those issues for which the North–South division is salient. The diversity within brics, their differences from other developing countries, and their potential to reflect and represent the global South are explored with respect to climate change, finance, trade, aid, human rights and intervention, and development. It remains unclear whether brics can morph from a countervailing economic grouping to a powerful political alternative. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1791-1808 Issue: 10 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.971594 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.971594 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:10:p:1791-1808 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bruce Jenks Author-X-Name-First: Bruce Author-X-Name-Last: Jenks Title: Financing the UN development system and the future of multilateralism Abstract: This article seeks to accomplish four tasks. It explores the historical relationship between the financing instruments that dominated different phases of the evolution of the UN development system and the understanding of the concept of multilateralism. Bearing in mind this historical context, it seeks to analyse the defining characteristics of multilateral finance in the context of the UN, in particular the characteristics that make a financial instrument more or less multilateral. It then explores a number of new financial instruments and their possible impact on the future shape multilateralism takes in the UN system. The article concludes with some thoughts on financing for a new multilateralism. In order to go beyond the core/non-core stalemate, it is necessary to develop a new variable geometry based on function, which brings into play assessed, negotiated pledges, voluntary core and non-core instruments. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1809-1828 Issue: 10 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.971597 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.971597 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:10:p:1809-1828 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Silke Weinlich Author-X-Name-First: Silke Author-X-Name-Last: Weinlich Title: Emerging powers at the UN: ducking for cover? Abstract: The economic rise of China, India, South Africa, and Brazil has turned these countries into important providers of development assistance. While they seem increasingly comfortable in their bilateral relations with other developing countries, they are struggling to adapt their position within global institutions such as the United Nations. Do they turn their increased weight into a greater influence at the UN, and if not, why not? This article analyses financial contributions and political positioning at the UN in the area of development. Despite small changes, the four countries mostly insist on keeping their traditional status as recipients and ‘ordinary’ developing countries. This reservation can be explained in two ways: first, a more explicit leadership creates political and material costs that outweigh the potential benefits. Second, their shared experiences as developing countries make it hard to break ranks at the UN. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1829-1844 Issue: 10 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.971598 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.971598 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:10:p:1829-1844 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen Browne Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Browne Title: A changing world: is the UN development system ready? Abstract: This article examines five contemporary areas of development concern that have become major drivers of global transformation since the turn of the millennium: the plight of fragile states; the emergence of new powers and new development funds in a changing aid landscape; the need for developing countries to manage the growing resources at their disposal; encroachments on the political sovereignty of states; and new global challenges that demand global action, including climate change, migration, and food security. These drivers of change call for responses from the UN – and in particular its development system of some 30 organisations. The ongoing protracted debate on the future UN development agenda should take cognisance of these changes if the system is to remain relevant after 2015. But the signs are not promising that either the agenda or the UN development system are up to the task. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1845-1859 Issue: 10 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.971600 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.971600 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:10:p:1845-1859 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Paolo de Renzio Author-X-Name-First: Paolo Author-X-Name-Last: de Renzio Author-Name: Jurek Seifert Author-X-Name-First: Jurek Author-X-Name-Last: Seifert Title: South–South cooperation and the future of development assistance: mapping actors and options Abstract: International development cooperation is undergoing fundamental changes. New – or often re-emerging – actors have gained importance during the past two decades, and are increasingly challenging the traditional approach to development cooperation associated with the members of the Development Assistance Committee of the oecd. Their supposedly alternative paradigm, ‘South–South cooperation’ (ssc), has been recognised as an important cooperation modality, but faces contradictions that are not too different from those of its North–South counterpart. ssc providers are highly heterogeneous in terms of policies, institutional arrangements, and engagement with international forums and initiatives. This article contributes to current debates on ssc by mapping the diversity of its actors – based on illustrative case studies from the first and second ‘wave’ of providers – and by presenting and discussing some possible scenarios for the future of ssc within the international aid system. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1860-1875 Issue: 10 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.971603 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.971603 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:10:p:1860-1875 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adriana Erthal Abdenur Author-X-Name-First: Adriana Author-X-Name-Last: Erthal Abdenur Title: Emerging powers as normative agents: Brazil and China within the UN development system Abstract: Institutions are frequently thought of as ‘socialising’ member states into pre-established norms. However, this influence is not necessarily a one-way street; members can also affect institutions, whether individually or collectively. This article analyses the behaviour of two emerging powers – Brazil and China – within the field of international development. What roles have these two states played in shaping global development norms? The article examines the key motivations, positions, and initiatives taken by Brazil and China, with special reference to the UN development system (unds). Whereas Brazil and China’s early behaviour within the unds diverged significantly, in the post-cold war period both have become increasingly interested in – and capable of – influencing UN norms. However, despite greater involvement in UN development negotiations, these countries’ leverage in normative debates originates outside of the unds, through their South–South cooperation programmes. The current diversification of platforms through which the norms of international development are negotiated may enhance the influence of emerging powers, although their ability to channel this influence effectively will depend on their capacity for norm entrepreneurship, rather than mere norm blocking. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1876-1893 Issue: 10 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.971605 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.971605 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:10:p:1876-1893 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen Browne Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Browne Author-Name: Thomas G. Weiss Author-X-Name-First: Thomas G. Author-X-Name-Last: Weiss Title: Emerging powers and the UN development system: canvassing global views Abstract: The importance of emerging powers in the UN development system is undeniable, but their influence over the shape of the post-2015 agenda is less clear. This article examines recent survey data by the Future UN Development System (funds) Project in order to better gauge the perceptions of the world organisation’s problems and prospects. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1894-1910 Issue: 10 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.971607 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.971607 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:10:p:1894-1910 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Graciana del Castillo Author-X-Name-First: Graciana Author-X-Name-Last: del Castillo Title: War-torn countries, natural resources, emerging-power investors and the UN development system Abstract: The unsustainable aid dependency of war-torn countries – most of which are rich in natural resources – makes it imperative to start gradually replacing aid with foreign direct investment (fdi) and exports. This article identifies ways in which stakeholders – governments, the international community, including the UN development system, foreign investors, and local communities – could work together in a ‘win-win’ situation. Most crucial is avoiding conflict-insensitive policies that fuel discord by putting governments and foreign companies, often from emerging markets, in direct confrontation with local communities. The control of natural resources is often a root cause of conflict, and the latter’s exploitation can become a major challenge as wars end. The peculiarities of war-torn countries are discussed along with the specific impediments to attracting fdi into the exploitation of natural resources. An effective and fair legal framework is necessary to ensure that investors do not operate as ‘enclaves’, creating new conflicts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1911-1926 Issue: 10 Volume: 35 Year: 2014 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2014.971610 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2014.971610 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:35:y:2014:i:10:p:1911-1926 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rowan Popplewell Author-X-Name-First: Rowan Author-X-Name-Last: Popplewell Title: Civil society, hybridity and peacebuilding in Burundi: questioning authenticity Abstract: Critics argue that liberal peacebuilding has resulted in the creation of a civil society populated with organisations that are artificial and externalised. These associations are contrasted with more locally-based groups that are considered to be more authentic and better able to build a hybrid peace that is emancipatory. At first glance, this characterisation appears to describe civil society in post-war Burundi, but on closer inspection a much more complex and interesting picture is revealed which challenges existing conceptualisations of post-conflict civil society. The paper finds that even associations that are deeply rooted in local communities are composites forged through their encounters with the global. Furthermore, this hybridity is not new. Rather it is the product of decades of prior hybridisation, raising important questions about the authenticity and legitimacy of these organisations and, ultimately, their ability to promote a peace that is transformative. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 129-146 Issue: 1 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1432347 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1432347 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:1:p:129-146 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Natascha Mueller-Hirth Author-X-Name-First: Natascha Author-X-Name-Last: Mueller-Hirth Title: Women’s experiences of peacebuilding in violence-affected communities in Kenya Abstract: Despite the attention to gender and conflict in empirical positivist peace research, and the interest in local agency in recent peacebuilding literature, women’s understandings and lived experiences of peacebuilding are not necessarily well accounted for. This article, drawing on interviews, focus groups and observation research with 57 female victims/survivors of post-election violence in Kenya, provides an ethnographic study of women’s largely informal peacebuilding activities, ranging from mediation and dialogue to economic empowerment. It analyses women’s constructions and ways of making sense of being peacebuilders, demonstrating that, while participants employed dominant gender frames, they exerted considerable transformative agency in their communities. It argues that their ‘gendered responsibility for peace’ at community level is simultaneously empowering and disempowering. The research aims to increase understanding of the gendered nature of peacebuilding and the ways in which women exercise peacebuilding agency through a focus on their own voices and lived experiences. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 163-179 Issue: 1 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1509701 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1509701 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:1:p:163-179 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elham Kadkhodaee Author-X-Name-First: Elham Author-X-Name-Last: Kadkhodaee Author-Name: Zeinab Ghasemi Tari Author-X-Name-First: Zeinab Author-X-Name-Last: Ghasemi Tari Title: Otherising Iran in American political discourse: case study of a post-JCPOA senate hearing on Iran sanctions Abstract: Using van Dijk’s critical discourse analysis, this paper attempts to analyse the ways in which the Islamic Republic of Iran is constructed as a security threat in US congressional hearings. The article is based on the case of the two-day congressional hearing on post-JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action) held by the US Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs, on 24–25 May 2016. The session was presumably held to examine ‘sanctions relief’ provided to Iran; however, the study reveals that through the use of discursive tools such as lexical style and argumentation, Iran is framed and evaluated as a security threat to (1) the US; (2) US allies, specifically Israel; and (3) the international community. This construction reflects the established political and ideological stereotypes and also orientalist clichés which have led to Otherisation and vilification of Iran. Therefore, by representing Iran as an ‘irrational’, ‘radical’ and ‘barbaric’ entity, the US discrimination against Iran through sanctions and other unilateral political decisions is legitimised and justified. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 109-128 Issue: 1 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1513786 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1513786 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:1:p:109-128 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lina Benabdallah Author-X-Name-First: Lina Author-X-Name-Last: Benabdallah Title: Contesting the international order by integrating it: the case of China’s Belt and Road initiative Abstract: What does the Belt and Road initiative (BRI) tell us about China’s perceptions of the international order? This paper takes an inductive approach by examining the BRI for a two-pronged purpose: first, to understand China’s perception of the international order by examining Beijing’s official discourse around its intentions and vision for the initiative; and, second, to examine the mechanisms through which Chinese norms are diffused and normalised in Global South states. I find that Chinese policy navigates a dialectical interchange between upholding the existing international order while simultaneously promoting alternative norms and practices to reform parts of the order that are unsatisfactory to Chinese interests. To answer the second part of the puzzle, the paper finds that a central socialisation mechanism in China’s foreign policy for Global South states occurs through professionalisation training programmes. These programmes allow for Chinese expert knowledge and technical know-how to be shared with and mimicked by elites and civil servants across many Global South states. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 92-108 Issue: 1 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1529539 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1529539 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:1:p:92-108 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Grace Ese-osa Idahosa Author-X-Name-First: Grace Ese-osa Author-X-Name-Last: Idahosa Author-Name: Louise Vincent Author-X-Name-First: Louise Author-X-Name-Last: Vincent Title: Strategic competence and agency: individuals overcoming barriers to change in South African higher education Abstract: Social relations, institutional arrangements and cultures bequeathed by South Africa’s system of apartheid continue be felt in the present despite the country’s formal transition to democracy 25 years ago. Race, class and gender inequities continue to structure South African society in ways that have proven intransigent to change, leading to growing frustration and widespread public dissatisfaction expressed in multiple arenas including worker strikes, service delivery and university student protests. While it is clear that social structures inherited from the past are difficult to change, it is also the case that change does happen. In this paper, we discuss the findings of a hermeneutic phenomenological study with 10 academics at one historically White university in South Africa, who have been agents of change within their particular context. We show how participants engaged in struggles to counter resistance to their efforts. In doing so they demonstrate what we call ‘strategic competence’ – the ability to act in ways that not only draw on personal resources but recognise the resources, contradictions and opportunities offered within the existing limitations of the social structure. Strategic competence thus emerges as a central feature of agency, enabling individuals to stretch the boundaries of what is possible. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 147-162 Issue: 1 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1535273 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1535273 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:1:p:147-162 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Winston Hyman van Zyl Author-X-Name-First: Winston Hyman Author-X-Name-Last: van Zyl Author-Name: Frederik Claeyé Author-X-Name-First: Frederik Author-X-Name-Last: Claeyé Author-Name: Véronique Flambard Author-X-Name-First: Véronique Author-X-Name-Last: Flambard Title: Money, people or mission? Accountability in local and non-local NGOs Abstract: Little is known about how ownership affects accountability in non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This article explores differences between locally- and non-locally-owned NGOs in South Africa. Our data suggest that locally-owned NGOs more often claim to implement downward and internal accountability mechanisms, while non-local NGOs more often claim to implement upward accountability mechanisms. Bigger NGOs also perform better at downward and upward accountability mechanisms than smaller ones. The data suggest there is much these organisations can learn from each other to strengthen their accountability mechanisms. Furthermore, assuming there is a positive relationship between local ownership and development effectiveness, these findings may have important implications in furthering effective development interventions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 53-73 Issue: 1 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1535893 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1535893 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:1:p:53-73 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas G. Weiss Author-X-Name-First: Thomas G. Author-X-Name-Last: Weiss Author-Name: Nina Connelly Author-X-Name-First: Nina Author-X-Name-Last: Connelly Title: Protecting cultural heritage in war zones Abstract: In the throes of war, protecting such cultural heritage as the Bamiyan Buddhas, the Mostar Bridge, the Timbuktu libraries and Palmyra supposedly is a priority on the international public policy agenda; but government responses so far have been limited to deploring such destruction. This article explores the evolving, albeit contested, norm of the ‘responsibility to protect’ (R2P) and its relevance for cultural heritage. There is no need for a hierarchy of protection – civilians or culture – because the juxtaposition is as erroneous as choosing between people and the environment. This essay begins with a discussion of cultural heritage and defines the scope for the application of any new international normative consensus. It then explores why R2P, in the original concept of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS), is an appropriate framework for thinking about cultural protection, despite considerable political headwinds. It then examines the current opportune political moment and existing legal tools. Finally, there is a brief consideration of the obstacles facing the creation of a better framework for cultural protection in zones of armed conflict. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-17 Issue: 1 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1535894 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1535894 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:1:p:1-17 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jason Hickel Author-X-Name-First: Jason Author-X-Name-Last: Hickel Title: Is it possible to achieve a good life for all within planetary boundaries? Abstract: The safe and just space framework devised by Raworth calls for the world’s nations to achieve key minimum thresholds in social welfare while remaining within planetary boundaries. Using data on social and biophysical indicators provided by O’Neill et al., this paper argues that it is theoretically possible to achieve a good life for all within planetary boundaries in poor nations by building on existing exemplary models and by adopting fairer distributive policies. However, the additional biophysical pressure that this entails at a global level requires that rich nations dramatically reduce their biophysical footprints by 40–50%. Extant empirical studies suggest that this degree of reduction is unlikely to be achieved solely through efforts to decouple GDP growth from environmental impact, even under highly optimistic conditions. Therefore, for rich nations to fit within the boundaries of the safe and just space will require that they abandon growth as a policy objective and shift to post-capitalist economic models. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 18-35 Issue: 1 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1535895 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1535895 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:1:p:18-35 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Xavier Mathieu Author-X-Name-First: Xavier Author-X-Name-Last: Mathieu Title: Critical peacebuilding and the dilemma of difference: the stigma of the ‘local’ and the quest for equality Abstract: Recent research has revealed the need to include and understand local actors in order to improve the effectiveness of peacebuilding. According to these analyses, peacebuilding could become more respectful of cultural differences thanks to a genuine engagement with the specificities of the local. Empirical studies of the ‘different’ local have thus flourished in the field with the ambition of countering the universalist tendency of traditional peacebuilding. Through the use of the concept of ‘dilemma of difference’, this article challenges this intuitive argument and argues that these approaches risk reproducing a stigma attached to the ‘different’ local. Indeed, emphasising difference in order to ensure its respect means separating and reifying ‘it’ as a deviation from the norm(al). As such, this analytical strategy is likely to recreate the stigma that contributed to the exclusion of local actors in previous peacebuilding practice and research. In contrast, I outline three strategies for studying difference differently in peacebuilding: focusing on the institutional arrangements that enabled specific differences to emerge and become visible; recognising that these differences are internal to peacebuilding (and thus an unlikely source of alternative and emancipation); and revealing the unstated and implicit Self for/from whom local difference is relevant. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 36-52 Issue: 1 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1538732 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1538732 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:1:p:36-52 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thorsten Wojczewski Author-X-Name-First: Thorsten Author-X-Name-Last: Wojczewski Title: Identity and world order in India’s post-Cold War foreign policy discourse Abstract: This article examines the dominant conception of world order in India’s post-Cold War foreign policy discourse. Drawing on a poststructuralist, discourse-theoretical framework, I argue that the discourse uses foreign policy and world order as sites for the (re-)production of India’s identity by placing India into a system of differences that constitutes ‘what India is’. The article shows that India’s foreign policy discourse frames world order in accordance with India’s own national experiences and thus seeks to upheave India’s identity to a position from where it can represent the universal: a global political community. This notion of Indian Exceptionalism constitutes the affective dimension of the discourse that obscures the absence of an extra-discursive foundation on which national identities could be grounded by endowing the Self with an imaginary essence and seemingly unique qualities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 180-198 Issue: 1 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1552079 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1552079 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:1:p:180-198 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roos Haer Author-X-Name-First: Roos Author-X-Name-Last: Haer Title: Children and armed conflict: looking at the future and learning from the past Abstract: Children are currently being recruited to an increasing extent by armed groups, assuming both ancillary and combat roles. Academic research on this phenomenon has grown in scope over the last few years. However, the current research lacks a comparative perspective. As a result, we presently have a very restricted perspective of the state of the art on the subject of child soldiering, making it difficult to recognise research areas that urgently require further investigation. The ambition of this article is twofold: first, to explore the existing state of child soldier studies across disciplines, and second, to encourage potential research by highlighting three relatively underdeveloped research areas. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 74-91 Issue: 1 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1552131 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1552131 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:1:p:74-91 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anke Schwittay Author-X-Name-First: Anke Author-X-Name-Last: Schwittay Title: Digital mediations of everyday humanitarianism: the case of Kiva.org Abstract: The proliferation of Web 2.0 platforms that aim to facilitate social action, often connected to international development or environmental sustainability, has contributed to the ongoing popularisation of development. In this article, I argue that it has resulted in the digitally-enabled constitution of everyday humanitarians, who are everyday people supportive of poverty alleviation. Kiva.org, a US-based online microlending platform that invites everyday humanitarians to make US$25 loans to Kiva entrepreneurs around the world, is a prime site to study these processes. I show how Kiva cultivates supporters through the mediated production of affective investments, which are financial, social and emotional commitments to distant others. This happens through the design of an affective architecture which in turn generates financial and spatial mediations. While these result in microloans and attendant sentiments of affinity, they also lead to financial clicktivism and connections that obscures the asymmetries and riskscapes resulting from Kiva’s microlending work. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1921-1938 Issue: 10 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1625267 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1625267 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:10:p:1921-1938 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bertrand Taithe Author-X-Name-First: Bertrand Author-X-Name-Last: Taithe Title: Demotic humanitarians: historical perspectives on the global reach of local initiatives, 1940–2017 Abstract: This article focuses on over 70 years of demotic humanitarianism from a grassroots perspective. Using the archives of Hudfam and Elizabeth Wilson as well as more recent oral history of local nongovernmental organisations in the West Yorkshire region of the United Kingdom, this paper seeks to cast a new light on the complex network of humanitarianism enabled by local groups. The concept of demotic humanitarians will be used here to denote the modest scale of this work, but also the humanitarians’ self-perception as local agents of internationalism acting within localised networks. From the creation of Hudfam in 1942 (before Oxfam but in Huddersfield) to the birth of the Christian African Relief Trust or local partnerships with Ghana, this article shows how entangled in other social and political initiatives demotic humanitarians were. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1781-1798 Issue: 10 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1630815 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1630815 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:10:p:1781-1798 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Deirdre McKay Author-X-Name-First: Deirdre Author-X-Name-Last: McKay Author-Name: Padmapani Perez Author-X-Name-First: Padmapani Author-X-Name-Last: Perez Title: Citizen aid, social media and brokerage after disaster Abstract: In a crisis, aid providers deliver humanitarian relief across a hierarchy of organisations where influence and capacity map to their scale of operations. On the front lines of crises, ‘citizen aid’ is what small, local and informal groups offer to fellow citizens. These citizen aid groups are well-networked in place and tend to work through longstanding personal relationships. In the Philippines, citizen aid groups frequently support their activities by documenting their work with photos of beneficiaries to solicit donations from within the country and around the world across social media platforms. This paper builds on recent debates on brokerage through a case study of citizen aid in the relief effort after Typhoon Haiyan (2013–2017). Using this case-study approach, we demonstrate how social media has produced novel forms of brokerage shaped by circulating images online. This new kind of brokerage involves a layered network of brokers that both shapes citizen aid efforts and creates new channels for localising aid, enhancing the control of citizen groups in the Global South over aid. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1903-1920 Issue: 10 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1634470 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1634470 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:10:p:1903-1920 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Susan Appe Author-X-Name-First: Susan Author-X-Name-Last: Appe Author-Name: Allison Schnable Author-X-Name-First: Allison Author-X-Name-Last: Schnable Title: Don’t reinvent the wheel: possibilities for and limits to building capacity of grassroots international NGOs Abstract: How can support organisations build the capacity of volunteer-driven non-governmental organisations (NGOs)? Citizen aid for relief and development has expanded rapidly in the twenty-first century, and the number of American aid organisations operating in the Global South has grown to nearly 10,000. These grassroots international NGOs – GINGOs – are small-budget, volunteer-driven organisations typically launched by Americans without professional experience in international development or nonprofit management. These groups prize the expressive and voluntaristic dimensions of development work, yet face challenges of amateurism, material scarcity, fragmentation, paternalism and restricted focus. We investigate whether support organisations, whose primary goals are to build the capacity of organisations and strengthen the organisational field, offer solutions to GINGOs’ inherent weaknesses. We draw on 15 semi-structured interviews with a stratified selection of support organisations, including associations tailored towards international development and towards nonprofit work at large. We find that support organisations offer resources to help GINGOs in managerial and administrative domains. Fewer support organisations help GINGOs build technical development skills, and fewer still push GINGOs to critically reflect on their role in development. We find that peer learning and online platforms could help engage GINGOs volunteers in networking spaces, even as their geographic dispersal in the US encourages their fragmentation and isolation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1832-1849 Issue: 10 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1636226 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1636226 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:10:p:1832-1849 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sara Kinsbergen Author-X-Name-First: Sara Author-X-Name-Last: Kinsbergen Title: The legitimacy of Dutch do-it-yourself initiatives in Kwale County, Kenya Abstract: Established development organisations face a long-standing legitimacy crisis for not living up to the expectations once set. Meanwhile, thousands of small-scale, voluntary development organisations – referred to as Private Development Initiatives (PDIs) – have joined the field of international development. In this article, I examine the legitimacy of their acts from a local government perspective based on an analysis of four dimensions of legitimacy: regulatory, pragmatic, normative and cognitive legitimacy. The study took place in May 2017 in the Kenyan coastal county of Kwale. A range of government officials were interviewed on how they perceive the interventions of international development organisations in general, and Dutch PDIs in particular, and on their cooperation with these development actors. The study shows that, although many of these PDIs operate in areas that fall under the responsibility of the local government, most of them have a rather limited cooperation with the local government, putting their legitimacy in the eyes of local government officials at stake. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1850-1868 Issue: 10 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1644497 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1644497 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:10:p:1850-1868 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anne-Meike Fechter Author-X-Name-First: Anne-Meike Author-X-Name-Last: Fechter Title: Development and the search for connection Abstract: The stated purpose of development is often characterised by the motivation to ‘help’ – that is, to intervene in the lives of others in supportive ways. This paper argues that this perspective has obscured how development activities are also animated by its twin desire to ‘connect’. While this holds significance for development more broadly, it becomes particularly evident in a mode of assistance that has gained prominence more recently. These are privately funded, small-scale projects led by individual founders, here described as ‘citizen aid’. Based on ethnographic research among citizen aid initiatives in Cambodia, the paper argues that the relevance of ‘connecting’ has been insufficiently recognised so far. It explores different aspects of what participants mean by ‘making a connection’, including face-to-face contact, direct experience of aid activities, and their tangible efficacy. It also finds that establishing interpersonal relationships across national, ethnic and cultural differences, while potentially challenging, is a key motivation for those involved. Finally, the paper argues that acknowledging the desire to connect questions notions of the ‘distant stranger’ as the archetypical humanitarian object, highlighting the wish for familiarity and closeness as potentially just as important for motivating and directing assistance to others. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1816-1831 Issue: 10 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1649089 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1649089 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:10:p:1816-1831 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Lewis Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Lewis Title: Humanitarianism, civil society and the Rohingya refugee crisis in Bangladesh Abstract: This paper reflects on responses to Bangladesh’s Rohingya refugee crisis in the weeks that followed the increased numbers of Rohingya refugees who arrived from Myanmar after 24 August 2017. Drawing on literature on the local and international dimensions of humanitarianism, and the analytical lens of performance, it explores narratives of helping in relation to the shifting character of Bangladesh’s civil society, changing expressions of local and international religious sentiments, and the importance of understanding both formal and informal responses historically in the context of Bangladesh’s own experiences as a country born from a crisis in which citizens became refugees fleeing state-sponsored violence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1884-1902 Issue: 10 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1652897 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1652897 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:10:p:1884-1902 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hanne Haaland Author-X-Name-First: Hanne Author-X-Name-Last: Haaland Author-Name: Hege Wallevik Author-X-Name-First: Hege Author-X-Name-Last: Wallevik Title: Beyond crisis management? The role of Citizen Initiatives for Global Solidarity in humanitarian aid: the case of Lesvos Abstract: In recent years, what has been called citizen initiatives for global solidarity (CIGS) have grown considerably in numbers across Europe and beyond. Lately, CIGS have also received attention as they are responding to humanitarian crisis across the world. In Europe during 2015, citizens were heavily involved in catering for incoming refugees, putting up loosely organised voluntary-based initiatives. CIGS popped up in places such as Lesvos, which is the focus of our research. Humanitarian CIGS are quick in their response to needs on the ground, are quickly governed by rules and regulations as well as overall ideas about crisis management, and come to work either with or in opposition to other actors. We examine two examples of CIGS positioned at the margins of the humanitarian aid machinery in Lesvos. Through a lens of power and resistance, we discuss how they resisted paradigmatic ideas of crisis management and instead called for a different interpretation of how to think about and do crisis management. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1869-1883 Issue: 10 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1656060 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1656060 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:10:p:1869-1883 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: June Fylkesnes Author-X-Name-First: June Author-X-Name-Last: Fylkesnes Title: Motivations behind citizen aid: Norwegian initiatives in The Gambia Abstract: Little is known about citizen aid initiatives originating in Norway, and they are not recognised as part of the official Norwegian development aid. Citizen aid initiatives are personal and small, and by themselves they do not raise large sums of money, nor do they individually have a large-scale development impact. But collectively, their influence on sponsors in Norway and on aid beneficiaries in the Global South might be substantial. Through qualitative interviews, this study explores the motivations of Norwegian founders of citizen aid initiatives, who run small development projects in The Gambia. The study finds that they are motivated by the very characteristics of these citizen aid initiatives which set them apart from formal development organisations. These include the initiatives’ small size, which allows for a personal closeness to and control over the projects. These features are often interconnected with motivations stemming from the founders’ personal experiences. The study finds that, inasmuch as the founders see the need for beneficiaries to be supported, they also experience a need to help themselves. The founders’ identities, as helpers and givers, are both formed and continually reinforced by their personal involvement in this specific type of aid work. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1799-1815 Issue: 10 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1656061 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1656061 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:10:p:1799-1815 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anne-Meike Fechter Author-X-Name-First: Anne-Meike Author-X-Name-Last: Fechter Author-Name: Anke Schwittay Author-X-Name-First: Anke Author-X-Name-Last: Schwittay Title: Citizen aid: grassroots interventions in development and humanitarianism Abstract: The introduction to this collection brings together, under the umbrella terms of citizen aid and grassroots humanitarianism, interdisciplinary research on small-scale, privately funded forms of aid and development. It notes the steady rise of these activities, including in the Global South as well as North, such as in the context of the recent European refugee crisis. It considers their position vis-à-vis more institutionalised forms of aid; methodological approaches and their challenges; and asks what political dimensions these initiatives may have. It outlines key themes arising from the contributions to the collection, including historical perspectives on ‘demotic humanitarianism’, questions of legitimacy and their apparent lack of professionalisation, motivations of their founders, the role of personal connections, as well as the importance of digital media for brokerage and fundraising. Being mindful of its critiques and implicit power imbalances, it suggests that citizen aid deserves more systematic academic attention. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1769-1780 Issue: 10 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1656062 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1656062 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:10:p:1769-1780 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dylan O’Driscoll Author-X-Name-First: Dylan Author-X-Name-Last: O’Driscoll Author-Name: Bahar Baser Author-X-Name-First: Bahar Author-X-Name-Last: Baser Title: Independence referendums and nationalist rhetoric: the Kurdistan Region of Iraq Abstract: Using the case study of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) and the 2017 independence referendum, this article examines the nexus between independence referendums, nationalism and political power. It argues that the referendum in the KRI was held due to internal political competition and growing rebellion from the population against the poor economic performance and political situation rather than because the time was right for independence referendum. Focusing on the poor political and financial dynamics, as well as the lack of regional and international support for Kurdish independence, the article argues that independence was not a realistic goal and was rather used as a distraction amid internal turmoil. The example of the referendum in the KRI poses questions about the democratic credibility of such referenda, as the population were voting for an unachievable result and the referendum itself became a tool of internal political competition. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2016-2034 Issue: 11 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1617631 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1617631 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:11:p:2016-2034 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Chuck Thiessen Author-X-Name-First: Chuck Author-X-Name-Last: Thiessen Author-Name: Alpaslan Özerdem Author-X-Name-First: Alpaslan Author-X-Name-Last: Özerdem Title: Turkey in Somalia: challenging North/Western interventionism? Abstract: Turkey’s humanitarian and development intervention in Somalia is unusually illuminating as a case study to investigate the relations between emerging and conventional interveners in conflict zones since, in this case, Turkey’s intervention carries adequate impetus to resist assimilation with conventional North/Western counterparts. Our starting point is the observation that Turkish and conventional humanitarian and development interveners have struggled to coordinate or cooperate in Somalia. This article investigates what this uncooperative and uncoordinated organisational behaviour means, and we root our investigation in 21 face-to-face interviews with officials working inside the Turkish and conventional intervention in Mogadishu and Nairobi to inquire about how they understand and theorise this discordant behaviour. We use a parsimonious analytical framework of trustworthiness that questions the ‘ability’ and ‘integrity’ of counterpart organisations to explore the intentions behind organisational behaviours. Our analysis of interview narratives evidences challenges to conventional methods of intervention by Turkish organisations and the protection of the same by North/Western organisations. Our concluding discussion interprets these findings in relation to consequences for the status quo hierarchy of global governance and its promotion of liberal intervention norms, and for the utilisation of securitised and remote-control intervention methodologies in conflict zones such as Somalia. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1976-1995 Issue: 11 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1619074 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1619074 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:11:p:1976-1995 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Suweon Kim Author-X-Name-First: Suweon Author-X-Name-Last: Kim Title: The misadventure of Korea Aid: developmental soft power and the troubling motives of an emerging donor Abstract: Korea Aid was a development project delivering Korean medical services, food and pop music via trucks to rural communities in Africa. The project was poorly conceived, vulnerable to corruption and ultimately ineffective. While Korea Aid marked a backward step for Korea’s development cooperation, revealing many of the challenges associated with emerging donors, it also reflected Korea’s aspiration to become a cultural and developmental alternative to hegemonic nations. This paper examines the historical circumstances that led to the formation of Korea Aid, and further argues that Korea Aid embodied a synthesis of ‘cultural soft power’ and ‘developmental soft power’ intended to create the perception of Korea as culturally and developmentally attractive and benign. Korea’s current pursuit of developmental soft power intentionally transforms the country’s development experience into a ‘politically odourless’ model, masking its authoritarian undercurrent and in turn camouflaging growing aspirations to expand its global influence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2052-2070 Issue: 11 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1622410 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1622410 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:11:p:2052-2070 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Frederieke Dijkhuizen Author-X-Name-First: Frederieke Author-X-Name-Last: Dijkhuizen Author-Name: Michal Onderco Author-X-Name-First: Michal Author-X-Name-Last: Onderco Title: Sponsorship behaviour of the BRICS in the United Nations General Assembly Abstract: The formation of informal groupings of states is a manifestation of the global shift in economic power. One such a grouping is the BRICS, consisting of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, which stands out for its importance due to its economic weight, its coverage across continents and the numerous internal differences. The BRICS have collectively flexed their muscle and expressed their intentions to extend their cooperation at the United Nations (UN). Proposals in the United Nations General Assembly (UN GA) take the form of resolutions, which can be written and co-written by the UN member states. This so-called sponsoring of resolutions is a way to push agenda items forward. Using a large-N network analysis, we examine the patterns of co-sponsorship of the BRICS of resolutions adopted in the UN GA plenary sessions. We find that the BRICS cooperate on fields such as economic issues, however, they do not form a coherent bloc when it comes to resolution sponsorship. These results raise the question in what way the BRICS actually cooperate at the UN level. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2035-2051 Issue: 11 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1622411 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1622411 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:11:p:2035-2051 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Theresa Reinold Author-X-Name-First: Theresa Author-X-Name-Last: Reinold Title: The promises and perils of subsidiarity in global governance: evidence from Africa Abstract: In the messy world of global governance, the principle of subsidiarity has the potential to order relations between different layers of governance as well as compensate for the legitimacy deficit of global governance institutions. However, subsidiarity has received surprisingly little scholarly attention in the discipline of International Relations. This article therefore seeks to examine the promises and perils of subsidiarity in global governance by adducing empirical evidence from Africa, a region which has authored norms and policies that often contest global norms and institutions. Based on two case studies of pro-democratic intervention in The Gambia and court proliferation at the (sub-)regional levels, the article concludes that while subsidiarity may strengthen democracy and the rule of law at the national level, it may also undermine the rule of law at the global level, as well as dilute fundamental global norms that serve to protect basic human rights. At the same time, subsidiarity provides opportunities for normative innovation, which suggests that more attention needs to be paid to the law-generating effects of subsidiarity and to the Global South as an agent of change in international law and global governance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2092-2107 Issue: 11 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1623665 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1623665 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:11:p:2092-2107 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thais Bessa Author-X-Name-First: Thais Author-X-Name-Last: Bessa Title: Informed powerlessness: child marriage interventions and Third World girlhood discourses Abstract: Child marriage has gained increased international prominence over the past decades. Organisations working with the issue have promoted empowering girls as the best strategy to address it. Informed by postcolonial feminist theory, this article will locate these discourses in broader ‘turn to the girl’ and ‘turn to agency’ in international development, analysing how Third World girlhood, agency, resistance and voice are conceptualised. Girls are constructed as threatened by their families and communities, with agency exercised through resistance and materialised by their voice. I argue that this ignores the complexity of decision-making processes and broader structural factors related to child marriage, so that interventions providing ‘empowerment-as-information’ for girls to be agents of change instead leave them in a state of informed powerlessness. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1941-1956 Issue: 11 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1626229 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1626229 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:11:p:1941-1956 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rasha Kassem Author-X-Name-First: Rasha Author-X-Name-Last: Kassem Title: Understanding financial reporting fraud in Egypt: evidence from the audit field Abstract: This study expands our knowledge and understanding of financial reporting fraud in Egypt by drawing on the perceptions of experienced international and Big 4 auditors in that country. In particular, it explores (1) how common financial reporting fraud is in Egypt, (2) the perpetrators and victims of financial reporting fraud in Egypt and (3) how financial reporting fraud is committed and concealed in Egypt. The study sheds light on generic issues that could have implications for auditors and audit regulators. In addition, the study provides a detailed guide on how financial reporting fraud schemes are committed and concealed in Egypt, knowledge of which could help auditors design effective audit tests to assess fraud risk and help those charged with governance to design effective prevention and detection techniques. Egypt could be an attractive destination for international investors, therefore knowledge of the nature and victims of fraud in Egypt could help investors make informed decisions about where to invest their money. The results of this study could also help regulators in Egypt as well as World Trade Organizations determine where to focus their support and enforcement efforts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1996-2015 Issue: 11 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1626709 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1626709 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:11:p:1996-2015 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jostein Hauge Author-X-Name-First: Jostein Author-X-Name-Last: Hauge Title: Should the African lion learn from the Asian tigers? A comparative-historical study of FDI-oriented industrial policy in Ethiopia, South Korea and Taiwan Abstract: Ethiopia’s economy has been growing at breakneck speed for well over a decade now, earning the nickname as Africa’s lion. In recent years, the development literature on Ethiopia has paid particular attention to the role of industrial policy, especially the ways in which the Ethiopian experience compares to that of the Asian tigers. But through this comparative-historical perspective, little attention has been devoted to an important aspect of industrial policy in Ethiopia – foreign direct investment (FDI) in the manufacturing sector. This paper compares FDI-oriented industrial policy in Ethiopia in the current era (particularly focusing on light manufacturing) to that of South Korea and Taiwan between 1960 and 1990, arguably the two most generalisable cases among the Asian tigers. The paper argues that FDI-oriented industrial policy in Ethiopia seems to be bringing about short-term economic benefits, and is showing promise for further industrialisation. At the same time, it could benefit from taking more lessons from the long-term economic development perspective that characterised South Korea’s and Taiwan’s approach to FDI. Such a long-term perspective most importantly includes pro-active strategies to transfer technology from foreign firms to the domestic economy and the creation of backward linkages from foreign to domestic firms. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2071-2091 Issue: 11 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1629816 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1629816 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:11:p:2071-2091 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Lewis Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Lewis Title: ‘Big D’ and ‘little d’: two types of twenty-first century development? Abstract: Confusion between the idea of development as purposeful intervention and development as outcome has been addressed by efforts to distinguish ‘intentional’ from ‘immanent’ development, and the distinction between ‘big D’ development as Western post- World War Two modernisation in the Global South, and ‘little d’ as the creation of winners and losers within unfolding capitalist change. As a heuristic device this distinction has been put to a variety of uses within development studies, but it has rarely been subjected to further scrutiny. This paper asks (1) whether the distinction remains coherent or risks being stretched too far, and (2) whether it remains relevant within the changing landscape of twenty-first century development. It first traces the historical evolution of the distinction, and then presents an exploratory case study of Bangladesh’s garment sector in order to analyse the relationship between the two kinds of development empirically, identifying a number of contradictions and ambiguities. It finds that while the ‘D/d’ distinction remains useful at a general level, further conceptualisation is now needed, and its relevance may fade as the significance of Western aid declines. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1957-1975 Issue: 11 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1630270 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1630270 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:11:p:1957-1975 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kamaran Palani Author-X-Name-First: Kamaran Author-X-Name-Last: Palani Author-Name: Jaafar Khidir Author-X-Name-First: Jaafar Author-X-Name-Last: Khidir Author-Name: Mark Dechesne Author-X-Name-First: Mark Author-X-Name-Last: Dechesne Author-Name: Edwin Bakker Author-X-Name-First: Edwin Author-X-Name-Last: Bakker Title: The development of Kurdistan’s de facto statehood: Kurdistan’s September 2017 referendum for independence Abstract: This research aims to analyse the drivers which informed the decision and timing of Kurdistan’s independence referendum on 25 September 2017. Here we argue that any proper examination of these drivers must begin by investigating the relationship between the fight to counter the Islamic State begun in 2014, the disputes arising as a result of Kurdistan’s presidential election issue in 2015 and the internal political rivalry exacerbated by the question of whether to hold a referendum. The findings of this article highlight the centrality of de facto entities’ internal governance in their struggle towards statehood. The fight against IS served as a primary driver in influencing the timing and the approach of the September 2017 referendum. While the 2015 political deadlock resulting in the illegal extension of Barzani’s presidency was not a determining factor leading to the referendum, nonetheless it quickened the process and influenced the timing. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2270-2288 Issue: 12 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1619452 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1619452 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:12:p:2270-2288 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roanne van Voorst Author-X-Name-First: Roanne Author-X-Name-Last: van Voorst Title: Praxis and paradigms of local and expatriate workers in ‘Aidland’ Abstract: This paper discusses practices and paradigms that expatriate and national humanitarian aid workers use to deal with major problems they encounter in their daily work. It views ‘Aidland’ as an arena where different actors encounter, negotiate and shape the outcome of aid. One of the main findings is that there are consistent differences in the way expatriate and national aid actors perceive problems in their field, as well as in the way they respond to these issues. The paper shows that these perceptions often translate into heterogeneous paradigms and practices between expatriate and national staff, particularly around remote control aid, partnerships and donor reporting. These findings are highly relevant in the current context of ‘localisation’, suggesting that the so-called North/South divide continues to exist and more explicit attention should be given in aid research to the heterogeneous strategies of different actors working in the aid sector. The paper is based on analysis of data derived from a multiple-round Delphi expert panel study involving 30 highly experienced humanitarian aid practitioners. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2111-2128 Issue: 12 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1630269 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1630269 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:12:p:2111-2128 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Farah Mihlar Author-X-Name-First: Farah Author-X-Name-Last: Mihlar Title: Religious change in a minority context: transforming Islam in Sri Lanka Abstract: Scholarly work exists on how Muslim minority positioning affects identity and politics, but what is less known is its impact on religion. Sri Lanka’s 9% Muslim population, the country’s second largest minority, has undergone a series of recent changes to religious identity, thinking and practice, which have been shaped by its relationship to the dominant and warring ‘ethnic others’. As Sri Lanka plunged deeper into armed conflict in the 1990s, Muslims experienced significant shifts in religious thinking and practice, identifying strictly with a more ‘authentic’ Islam. After the war ended in 2009, Muslims became the target of majoritarian Sinhala-Buddhist violence, resulting in a reinterpretation of Islam and a counter process of change. Using the Sri Lankan Muslim case study to engage with scholarly critiques of majority–minority binaries, this article analyses how religious change is brought about through the interjection of minority status with ethno-nationalisms and conflict. Its focus on Islam in Sri Lanka contributes to area studies and to Islamic studies, the latter through a rare analysis of Islamic reform in a Muslim minority context. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2153-2169 Issue: 12 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1632186 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1632186 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:12:p:2153-2169 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Troy Lorde Author-X-Name-First: Troy Author-X-Name-Last: Lorde Author-Name: Tennyson S. D. Joseph Author-X-Name-First: Tennyson S. D. Author-X-Name-Last: Joseph Title: Airbnb, technological change and disruption in Barbadian tourism: a theoretical framework Abstract: This paper focuses on how Airbnb, an internet platform which has created the possibility for mass participation in the tourism market, is resulting in class conflict between new entrants and the ‘traditional’ tourism industry. Specifically, it studies how traditional tourism interests in Barbados have responded to Airbnb by seeking to restrict participation in the industry and presents this as a microcosm of broader class transitions and conflicts associated with new technologies. The paper utilises a Marxist theoretical perspective buttressed by Joseph Schumpeter’s theory of ‘creative destruction’ – places emphasis on the process of destroying productive systems to understand how specific industries expand and survive – and Clayton Christensen’s notion of ‘disruptive innovation’ – a process by which a disruptive product transforms a market – for studying how transformations in technology are impacting the tourism industry in Barbados. Its aim is to provide an account of how the process of disruption is unfolding in Barbados by highlighting the reactions of the main hotel lobby group to Airbnb, while also applying the ideas of Marx, Schumpeter and Christensen as useful theoretical lenses through which to examine the unfolding of the process of disruption of settled class and historical control of a dominant economic sector by new technologies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2190-2209 Issue: 12 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1633913 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1633913 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:12:p:2190-2209 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Olli Hellmann Author-X-Name-First: Olli Author-X-Name-Last: Hellmann Title: The visual politics of corruption Abstract: Despite the fact that corruption is essentially invisible, communication campaigns by the global anti-corruption industry regularly feature photographic images. So far, however, we do not know much about the narratives that are encoded in these images. Through the theoretical lens of postcolonialism, this paper takes a first step towards developing an understanding of the visual representation of corruption. Specifically, the paper applies semiotic and iconographic methods to two photography competitions run by Transparency International – the major non-governmental player in the anti-corruption industry. The analysis shows, first, that the anti-corruption industry reinforces colonial stereotypes, suggesting that the ‘sinful’ and ‘irrational’ Global South is waiting to be civilised by the North. Second, through its visual imagery, the anti-corruption industry also emphasises ideas of a ‘humanitarian family’, which serves to cover up the North’s role in transnational webs of corruption. These findings are triangulated with semiotic/iconographic analyses of the Transparency International logo and the Corruption Perceptions Index map. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2129-2152 Issue: 12 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1636224 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1636224 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:12:p:2129-2152 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marcelo Moriconi Author-X-Name-First: Marcelo Author-X-Name-Last: Moriconi Author-Name: Carlos Aníbal Peris Author-X-Name-First: Carlos Aníbal Author-X-Name-Last: Peris Title: Merging legality with illegality in Paraguay: the cluster of order in Pedro Juan Caballero Abstract: Paraguay is often described as a territory of drug trafficking, smuggling and commercial piracy. However, the country remains understudied by academics researching criminality and illegal markets. Pedro Juan Caballero, a city located on the northern border with Brazil, is an interesting case study to illustrate how legality and illegality merge in Paraguay to create hybrid social orders. The daily life in the city, one of the best places in the world for cultivating marijuana, unfolds between the higher homicides rates and some of the lowest levels of common criminality in Paraguay. Far from being a matter of state weakness, the expansion and tolerance of illegal activities is framed within a cluster of order that combines both rational legal practices and neo-­patrimonial norms. The presence and roles of state institutions are re-signified, generating alternative hierarchies, practices and values to supply social, political and economic outcomes. Through in-depth interviews with key informants, ethnography visits and analyses of aggregated data, this paper describes the hybrid order of Pedro Juan Caballero by tallying the incentives that encourage social and institutional tolerance of illegality and describes how illegal practices create access to goods, services, protection and expectations not provided by the legal framework. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2210-2227 Issue: 12 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1636225 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1636225 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:12:p:2210-2227 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Taner Akan Author-X-Name-First: Taner Author-X-Name-Last: Akan Title: Economic transformation through political change? Evidence from Turkey Abstract: Turkey recently initiated a political change by replacing its parliamentary model with the presidential governmental system (PGS) to achieve, inter alia, a structural transformation from an efficiency-driven to an innovation-driven model of growth. To investigate the PGS’s potential for mediating such a change, this paper uses four key concepts of institutionalist analysis: systemic governance, credible commitment, institutional fragmentation and institutional traps. In doing so, the paper concludes that the PGS’s potential to unleash a structural transformation towards an innovation-driven and high growth depends on the prospect of its mediating an imperative commitment in political and economic governance. This prospect proves to be weak due to both the PGS’s institutional pillars and the path-dependent dynamics of the country’s trap in efficiency-driven growth that have become embedded under a parliamentary model. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2246-2269 Issue: 12 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1636369 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1636369 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:12:p:2246-2269 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jérémie Sanchez Author-X-Name-First: Jérémie Author-X-Name-Last: Sanchez Title: Urban development falling into the gutter: sanitation planning and ‘anti-politics’ in Myanmar Abstract: Urban development, and particularly the improvement of basic services delivery, is still approached in mostly technical terms by international development actors and municipalities of the Global South. Sanitation planning, for instance, remains the realm of engineers despite decades of evidence that conventional approaches focusing on infrastructure upgrading have failed to tackle socio-environmental challenges. Against this background, this paper explores sanitation planning in Mandalay, the second largest city of Myanmar. Here, the Asian Development Bank and a French consulting firm have seized the opportunity created by the country’s recent opening to embark with the municipality on a multi-million dollar scheme: the Mandalay Urban Services Improvement Project (MUSIP). Drawing upon insights from critical development studies, the paper argues that the MUSIP can be interpreted as an ‘anti-politics machine’ that ignored local needs and proposed disputable solutions to local sanitation challenges. The paper further explores how this machine jeopardised urban development in Mandalay more generally, and was eventually challenged by the municipality. The paper concludes that the case is not unique and illustrates how urban development is today being reshaped throughout Myanmar, while it also shows the continued relevance of the ‘anti-politics’ framework to understand contemporary urban development assistance projects. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2228-2245 Issue: 12 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1636641 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1636641 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:12:p:2228-2245 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Chih-Yu Shih Author-X-Name-First: Chih-Yu Author-X-Name-Last: Shih Title: Knowledge as civilizational role play: China watching by its Southern neighbours Abstract: Colonial and postcolonial relations have always constituted sites of knowledge production in the Global South. This is particularly noticeable when it comes to the production of knowledge of a Global South self vis-à-vis the West. However, the literature has not seriously attended self-knowledge production in the Global South with regard to non-Western others. The paper compares South and Southeast Asian think tanks to reflect upon a common identity strategy of small nations to become a civilizational bridge between competing major neighbours. Specifically, China experts in these areas host more or less a common wish or even a desire to be a bridge over the difference of China and its potential rival in India, the West, or both. The bridge role is a rare sensibility in the postcolonial critique of the West. Watching China from its Southern Third World neighbourhood incurs such an agenda. Relying on interviews of retired diplomats and think tank experts, the paper also discusses how the abovementioned methodological characteristics affect the enactment of the bridge role. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2170-2189 Issue: 12 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1636642 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1636642 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:12:p:2170-2189 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: María José Méndez Author-X-Name-First: María José Author-X-Name-Last: Méndez Title: The violence work of transnational gangs in Central America Abstract: According to international relations scholars, an important change taking place in the post-Cold War context concerns the lethality of non-state armed groups (NSAGs). Underlying this observation is the conventional assumption that non-state violence is intrinsically illegitimate. This article shifts the analysis of violence away from the terrain of legitimacy, which tends to moralise the difference between state and non-state forces, and towards the terrain of work, where their violence features as part and not separate from a shared political economy. I propose the notion of violence work as a resourceful analytic into the dialectics of everyday violence and the complex processes of value production in social life. Against the background of the extreme cruelty attributed to transnational gangs in Central America, I argue that their violence work is expressive of prevailing modes of accumulating wealth in the region. Drawing on multi-sited fieldwork in Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador and Mexico, I show how gang violence work animates a system of economic cooperation that engages a wide array of subjects who traverse state/non-state and legal/illegal divides. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 373-388 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1533786 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1533786 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:2:p:373-388 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sankaran Krishna Author-X-Name-First: Sankaran Author-X-Name-Last: Krishna Title: Manhunt Presidency: Obama, race, and the Third World Abstract: President Obama’s commitment to a creedal narrative of American exceptionalism and his understanding of the Third World as a space of ontological deficit together made for a presidency that could neither mitigate the structural racism of the United States nor deflect a racist foreign policy premised on an unending war against terror. By examining the murders of two American teenagers – Trayvon Martin and Abdulrahman Al-Awlaki – this essay argues that the very self-fashioning narratives that propelled Obama to the presidency of the United States rendered him incapable of effecting any substantive changes in the racism than animates its domestic and foreign policies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 284-297 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1533787 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1533787 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:2:p:284-297 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Randolph B. Persaud Author-X-Name-First: Randolph B. Author-X-Name-Last: Persaud Title: Killing the Third World: civilisational security as US grand strategy Abstract: This article disputes explanations of American expansionism that are based on the requirements of national security or more abstract theories such as the balance of power. In contradistinction to the imperatives of defence and survival, the article shows how civilisational factors weighed heavily on the emergence of US grand strategy at the turn of the nineteenth century. In particular assumptions about the peoples of the Third World being lesser played an important role in the conception and legitimation of imperial expansion. During this period, the US Navy went through a dramatic build-up. The article shows the ways in which the worldviews of many of the key players (such as Alfred Mahan and Theodore Roosevelt) contributed to the militarisation of global racism, a development that led to widespread killing in the Philippines and elsewhere. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 266-283 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1535891 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1535891 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:2:p:266-283 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jeffrey S. Bachman Author-X-Name-First: Jeffrey S. Author-X-Name-Last: Bachman Title: A ‘synchronised attack’ on life: the Saudi-led coalition’s ‘hidden and holistic’ genocide in Yemen and the shared responsibility of the US and UK Abstract: Since the Saudi-led coalition (Coalition) began its military campaign in Yemen in March 2015, upwards of 13,000 Yemen civilians have been killed, including nearly 2000 women and 3000 children. Additionally, Coalition aerial attacks have intentionally targeted Yemen’s civilian infrastructure, economic infrastructure, medical facilities and cultural heritage. Combined with the ongoing air and naval blockade, which has impeded the ability of Yemenis to access clean water, food, fuel and health services, the violence visited upon Yemen has created near-famine conditions. Furthermore, United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) predicts another imminent outbreak of cholera, with the potential to be as deadly as last year’s which infected more than one million children and killed a child every 10 minutes. Through engagement with genocide studies literature, this article applies a holistic conception of genocide to the Coalition military campaign. It finds that the Coalition is conducting an ongoing campaign of genocide by a ‘synchronised attack’ on all aspects of life in Yemen, one that is only possible with the complicity of the United States and United Kingdom. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 298-316 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1539910 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1539910 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:2:p:298-316 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mariam Georgis Author-X-Name-First: Mariam Author-X-Name-Last: Georgis Author-Name: Riva Gewarges Author-X-Name-First: Riva Author-X-Name-Last: Gewarges Title: Violence on Iraqi bodies: decolonising economic sanctions in security studies Abstract: United Nations agencies report that by 1998, Iraqi infant mortality had risen from the pre-Gulf War rate of 3.7% to 12%. Insufficient food and medical supplies and deterioration of sewage and sanitation systems and electrical power systems reportedly caused an increase of 40,000 deaths annually of children under the age of 5 and of 50,000 deaths annually of older Iraqis. Why is this violence on Iraqis absent from analyses of sanctions in international relations and security studies? This paper is concerned with, first, situating sanctions against the Global South as violence by challenging the conventional theorisation of violence inflicted by the hegemon as a mechanism of ‘national security’. Second, we offer a decolonial reading of the sanctions imposed on Iraq by shifting the locus of enunciation from the state to Iraqi people’s suffering. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 317-336 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1541735 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1541735 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:2:p:317-336 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Narendran Kumarakulasingam Author-X-Name-First: Narendran Author-X-Name-Last: Kumarakulasingam Title: The horror of ‘horrorism’: laundering metropolitan killings Abstract: Modern colonialism carries many names. But ‘horror’ is not one of them. How and why is this? Why does the slaughter of the ‘native’, the ‘Indian’ and the ‘slave’ not register as crime or horror? This essay explores these questions though a close reading of philosopher Adriana Cavarero’s Horrorism: Naming Contemporary Violence. Horrorism has become an increasingly influential source for critical international scholarship concerned with broadening the frames of violence beyond those offered by strategic and legalistic lenses. Its focus on the dismemberment of the body and discovery of a new form of ontological violence offer a fruitful avenue of inquiry for theorising the wounding and violation wrought by practices of terror and counter-terror. This essay cautions against such a supposition. A close reading of the key claims and conditions of possibility of horrorism reveals it to be constituted through the erasure of colonial violence. Tracing the lineaments of this erasure shows that horrorism functions not as a sign of newness but of Western revanchism in a time of crisis. However, this does not make horrorism redundant, for it offers valuable insights for understanding the pervasive failure to consider the horrors perpetrated by the West against non-Western others. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 250-265 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1551057 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1551057 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:2:p:250-265 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Horace Bartilow Author-X-Name-First: Horace Author-X-Name-Last: Bartilow Title: Corporate power, US drug enforcement and the repression of indigenous peoples in Latin America Abstract: The question that motivates this article is: what are the mechanisms through which the prosecution of the drug war in Latin America lead to human rights repression? In answering this question, I theorise that drug enforcement is a coalition of actors that facilitates domestic and international consensus around prohibition as a mechanism for corporate expansion. Drug war infrastructure financing is likely to facilitate the expansion of corporate investments by resource-seeking industries that require greater land use, which encroaches on the ancestral territories of indigenous peoples. And, in response to indigenous resistance to corporate appropriation of ancestral lands, resource-seeking transnational corporations will collude with private security firms and paramilitary organisations to repress and eliminate indigenous resistance. In the process of accumulating capital in Latin America, transnational corporations, domestic security, and paramilitary organizations are the drug enforcement coalition’s mediators of terror. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 355-372 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1552075 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1552075 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:2:p:355-372 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Emily Mitamura Author-X-Name-First: Emily Author-X-Name-Last: Mitamura Title: The coloniality of abridgment: afterlives of mass violence in Cambodia and the US Abstract: This article examines processes of knowledge production around mass violence in 1970s Cambodia including media reportage and coeval scholarly debate, developing a conceptualisation of colonial abridgment. It assesses operations by which Cambodia as a country is violently essentialised, the occurrence of mass violence taking on metonymic grandeur that works to deny imperial legacies, entomb modern Cambodia in a hermetically sealed past and thereby maintain global order within existing racial-colonial logics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 389-404 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1568191 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1568191 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:2:p:389-404 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christopher Rhodes Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Author-X-Name-Last: Rhodes Title: Evangelical violence: Western Christianity and the use of force against the Third World Abstract: Recognising the impact of religion on state action, this article identifies two variables that interact to affect the type and level of violence employed by Western states against Third World targets. First, variation in the degree to which the prominent Christian denominations and organisations within these states view evangelisation as either an individual-level or national-level process – Christian individualism vs Christian nationalism – has determined church support for using violence as a tactic. Second, the level of influence that churches and missionary organisations have over their home states affects the ability of Christian actors to directly impact state actions. Western violence against Third World peoples is expected to be lowest when churches and Christian organisations view evangelisation in primarily individualistic terms and have significant influence over the state. The article examines the relationships between concepts of evangelisation, Christian influence over state policies, and levels of violence against the Third World by examining British, French and German colonialism during the late colonial period of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 224-249 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1574564 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1574564 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:2:p:224-249 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alexander D. Barder Author-X-Name-First: Alexander D. Author-X-Name-Last: Barder Title: Scientific racism, race war and the global racial imaginary Abstract: The premise of this paper is the elucidation of a different ontology of global politics and order of the nineteenth century. International relations theory takes for granted a largely ahistorical state-centric ontology, which reifies a specific Eurocentric state and state-system as the embodiment of global politics. Instead, I focus on an alternative ontology of race, racial hierarchy and racial difference as significant for defining the content of an imperial global politics and order. My paper places into context the emergence of scientific racism and social Darwinism as key intellectual elements in defining a political imaginary that influenced the politics of difference and violence. What I show is that this intellectual history reveals a global order that was fundamentally racialised and that global violence was understood and practiced as race wars. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 207-223 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1575200 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1575200 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:2:p:207-223 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Swati Parashar Author-X-Name-First: Swati Author-X-Name-Last: Parashar Title: Colonial legacies, armed revolts and state violence: the Maoist movement in India Abstract: This article examines the connected histories of armed tribal and peasant revolts in colonial and postcolonial India with reference to the ongoing Maoist conflict in rural and tribal areas of central and eastern India. The article makes two interrelated arguments about the violent continuities that endure from colonial to postcolonial contexts: (1) the nation-state system, in its efforts to establish control and influence, creates a hierarchy of citizenship engaging in the hostile policing of marginalised subjects, thereby engendering armed revolts and political violence; (2) the postcolonial state’s response to these armed revolts by marginalised subjects who challenge its sovereignty and monopoly over violence, is equally violent and repressive. Most significantly, the state’s response is legitimised in the same colonial idioms and justifications that mark epistemic and physical violence against the third world. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 337-354 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1576517 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1576517 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:2:p:337-354 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: W. Andy Knight Author-X-Name-First: W. Andy Author-X-Name-Last: Knight Title: The nexus between vulnerabilities and violence in the Caribbean* Abstract: This article analyses the nexus between the Caribbean’s manifold vulnerabilities and the direct and structural violence evident throughout the region’s history. It argues that Caribbean states are threatened not only by direct violence but also by the structural violence permeating in impoverished and marginalised sectors of the state–society complex. Both forms of violence are attributable to the historical legacy of colonisation, to US paternalism and hegemonic dominance in the post-colonial era, and to the persistence of the coloniality of power, even after Caribbean states won their independence from European imperial powers. Today, the region is, per capita, one of the most violent areas on the globe. Evidence of concatenated violence is growing across this region, demonstrating the difficulty small underdeveloped states have in addressing threats to their security, independence, economic viability, and continued existence in the intermestic environment within which they operate. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 405-424 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1576518 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1576518 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:2:p:405-424 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Randolph B. Persaud Author-X-Name-First: Randolph B. Author-X-Name-Last: Persaud Author-Name: Narendran Kumarakulasingam Author-X-Name-First: Narendran Author-X-Name-Last: Kumarakulasingam Title: Violence and ordering of the Third World: an introduction Abstract: The decisive role violence has played in the ordering of the Third World cannot be ignored or consigned to the past. Accordingly, we argue for a more systematic and determined attention to the connections between the devastation unleashed by colonialism, imperialism, and other forms of large-scale violence in the post-independence periods. In contradistinction to situating violence in and against the Third World as a backdrop of incomplete modernization, we recognize that its proper location is in the larger dynamics of racialized and colonial international relations. The articles in this volume address these dynamics of violence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 199-206 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1578646 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1578646 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:2:p:199-206 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Correction Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 425-427 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1589790 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1589790 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:2:p:425-427 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Correction Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 428-428 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1592321 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1592321 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:2:p:428-428 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marianne Kneuer Author-X-Name-First: Marianne Author-X-Name-Last: Kneuer Author-Name: Thomas Demmelhuber Author-X-Name-First: Thomas Author-X-Name-Last: Demmelhuber Author-Name: Raphael Peresson Author-X-Name-First: Raphael Author-X-Name-Last: Peresson Author-Name: Tobias Zumbrägel Author-X-Name-First: Tobias Author-X-Name-Last: Zumbrägel Title: Playing the regional card: why and how authoritarian gravity centres exploit regional organisations Abstract: The evidence of regional authoritarian clustering across different world regions goes together with the finding that after the end of the bipolar world regional patterns of interaction became more important. Especially in the 2000s a process of revitalisation of regional organisations and even the creation of new regional organisations took place. Interestingly, these newly founded organisations consist predominantly of authoritarian regimes. Due to the emergence and resilience of authoritarianism in the world, the question arises: To what extent do regional organisations (ROs) play a role in this phenomenon? We argue that authoritarian protagonists which we call authoritarian gravity centres (AGCs) constitute a force of attraction for countries in geopolitical proximity – and use ROs as a transmission belt and a learning room for disseminating autocratic elements. In a cross-regional comparison, based on extensive field work, we provide empirical analysis on two AGCs (Saudi Arabia and Venezuela) within their respective ROs Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA-TCP) and tackle the questions of why and how autocracies decide to move forward multilaterally within the RO. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 451-470 Issue: 3 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1474713 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1474713 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:3:p:451-470 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pål Røren Author-X-Name-First: Pål Author-X-Name-Last: Røren Author-Name: Paul Beaumont Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Beaumont Title: Grading greatness: evaluating the status performance of the BRICS Abstract: An impressive portfolio of case-study research has now demonstrated how and through what means the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) countries have sought higher social status. However, this field of research lacks systematic means of evaluating this status-seeking. This article fills this lacuna by developing a mixed-methods framework enabling scholars to zoom in and compare individual states’ relative status performance. Using diplomatic representation as a proxy for status recognition and comparing it to a country’s status resources (wealth), the framework indicates how successfully countries have generated recognition from the international society. The findings show that China’s economic ascent has been matched by increased recognition, and that South Africa enjoyed an almost immediate ‘status bounce’ following apartheid, turning it from a pariah to a significant overperformer. Russia should be understood as an ‘overperforming status-dissatisfied power’ while India’s status performance has been around ‘par’ for a country of its economic resources. Lastly, Brazil underperforms more than any of the other BRICS, especially since its democratic transition. The findings highlight considerable variance in the type and duration of gaps between status resource and recognition and suggests that rather than treating these as ‘inconsistencies’ awaiting correction, they can and should be accounted for by case study analyses. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 429-450 Issue: 3 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1535892 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1535892 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:3:p:429-450 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Karol Czuba Author-X-Name-First: Karol Author-X-Name-Last: Czuba Title: Karamojan politics: extension of state power and formation of a subordinate political elite in northeastern Uganda Abstract: State-making processes that occur in peripheral areas and the role that local political elites play in such processes have not been adequately explored by scholars. This article investigates these important phenomena through the lens of the Ugandan state’s presence in Karamoja, in the country’s northeast, which until the early years of the twenty-first century was very limited. Rapid extension of the power of the Ugandan state in the region, upon which the country’s rulers have embarked in the last decade, has radically altered existing governance arrangements in Karamoja and led to the formation of a subordinate Karamojan political elite. This elite has been instrumental in government efforts to establish control over the region’s population and shaped this state-making process in important ways. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 558-577 Issue: 3 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1538733 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1538733 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:3:p:558-577 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marianne H. Marchand Author-X-Name-First: Marianne H. Author-X-Name-Last: Marchand Author-Name: Adriana Sletza Ortega Ramírez Author-X-Name-First: Adriana Sletza Ortega Author-X-Name-Last: Ramírez Title: Globalising cities at the crossroads of migration: Puebla, Tijuana and Monterrey Abstract: This article is part of a larger project that focuses in part on the migration dynamics in large Mexican metropolitan areas or globalising cities. In particular, it develops a comparative analysis of the urbanised region of Puebla-Tlaxcala, the metropolis of Monterrey and Tijuana. All three metropolitan areas are important industrial centres that attract rural–urban as well as interstate migrations. Moreover, these urban centres are situated at routes used by migrants from Central and South America to get to the US. Yet, despite the increasing impact of migration(s) on urban areas, very little is known about its characteristics and municipal authorities have not identified inward or transmigration as issues of political importance. For our analysis we intend to map the different migrations through addressing the following question: How are migrations transforming the urban areas of Monterrey, Tijuana and Puebla-Tlaxcala and how are they inserted in and contributing to urban assemblages in these metropolitan zones? For this particular article we have chosen three distinct migratory groups to contrast: Germans in Puebla-Tlaxcala, Haitians in Tijuana and Indigenous populations in Monterrey. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 612-632 Issue: 3 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1540274 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1540274 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:3:p:612-632 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Özge Zihnioğlu Author-X-Name-First: Özge Author-X-Name-Last: Zihnioğlu Title: European Union civil society support and the depoliticisation of Turkish civil society Abstract: Despite growing critical literature on external funding, the link between EU funding to Turkish civil society organisations (CSOs) and their depoliticisation remains understudied. This article fills this gap. This article explores EU funds in Turkey and shows the incentives it creates for a depoliticised civil society. Drawing on an original set of interviews with 45 CSOs, this article analyses how Turkish CSOs interact with EU funding and how this support impacts on Turkish civil society. This article argues that EU funding’s short-term, activity-based, measurable outcome and visibility-oriented structure contributed to the depoliticisation of those CSOs benefited from EU funds. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 503-520 Issue: 3 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1545567 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1545567 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:3:p:503-520 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Huseyn Aliyev Author-X-Name-First: Huseyn Author-X-Name-Last: Aliyev Author-Name: Emil A. Souleimanov Author-X-Name-First: Emil A. Author-X-Name-Last: Souleimanov Title: Ethnicity and conflict severity: accounting for the effect of co-ethnic and non-ethnic militias on battlefield lethality Abstract: How does the presence of armed pro-regime groups affect conflict lethality? This study examines the relationship between ethnicity, militia violence and conflict lethality in civil wars. We emphasise that differences in whether pro-regime militias were recruited in accordance with their ethnicity or not are critical in their influence upon conflict lethality, which we estimate in battlefield deaths. To that end, we categorise militias into groups recruited on their ethnic basis (co-ethnic militias) and those recruited regardless of their ethnicity (non-ethnic militias). We hypothesise that conflicts are more lethal when non-ethnic militias are involved. We link higher number of battle-deaths in conflicts with non-ethnic militias with the militia use of one-sided violence against civilians. Co-ethnic militias – that is militias recruited from the same ethnicity as rebels – are deployed amongst their co-ethnics and therefore tend to target civilians less than non-ethnic militias. This militia–civilian relationship has direct impact on conflict severity. To test our hypotheses we conduct global statistical analysis of 84 intrastate conflicts from 1989 to 2014. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 471-487 Issue: 3 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1545568 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1545568 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:3:p:471-487 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Fritz Nganje Author-X-Name-First: Fritz Author-X-Name-Last: Nganje Author-Name: Kgalalelo Nganje Author-X-Name-First: Kgalalelo Author-X-Name-Last: Nganje Title: Liberal internationalism meets third worldism: the politics of international election observation in the DRC’s post-war elections Abstract: In this article, we draw on the contradictions in, and the geopolitics of, international election observation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s 2006 and 2011 elections to identify and analyse the emergence of a neo-third world behaviour among African states intended to counter the excesses of Western liberal democracy promotion on the continent. We argue that the decision by African states to quickly endorse the 2011 elections and close ranks around Joseph Kabila’s government, amidst mounting international criticisms of the electoral process, should be understood in the context of a new form of third worldism that is emerging in the global South in response to the unrestrained exercise of US power. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 521-541 Issue: 3 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1549941 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1549941 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:3:p:521-541 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jinghan Zeng Author-X-Name-First: Jinghan Author-X-Name-Last: Zeng Title: Chinese views of global economic governance Abstract: China’s rise and America’s global retreat have made China’s role in global governance more important than ever before. By analysing Chinese (mainly academic) literature, this article studies contemporary Chinese views of global economic governance. It finds that the 2008 financial crisis is a notable point of the Chinese discourse. In addition, dialogue platforms – the G20 in particular – rather than key institutions of global economic governance such as International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank and Word Trade Organization (WTO) win overwhelming attention in the Chinese discourse. Chinese views of global economic governance also highly value the role of the state, while paying less attention to Non Governmental Organisations (NGO) and civil society. Overall, this article highlights a diverse, shifting and sometimes contradictory Chinese discourse on global economic governance, which helps to develop a more accurate understanding of China’s ambition in global economic governance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 578-594 Issue: 3 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1552828 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1552828 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:3:p:578-594 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Moses Khisa Author-X-Name-First: Moses Author-X-Name-Last: Khisa Title: Politics of exclusion and institutional transformation in Ethiopia Abstract: Ethiopia experienced a critical juncture in 1991 with the defeat of the military dictatorship, opening up the possibilities of a new political order. Since then the country underwent social engineering and institutional transformation emerging as a leading reformist state under hegemonic-party rule with high institutional state capacity but also a concentration, and even personalisation, of decision-making power. This approximates to a path of ‘authoritarian institutionalisation’. This article argues that Ethiopia’s institutional trajectory can be explained by the nature of coalition politics in the formative years of transition, specifically the extent to which credible challengers were excluded from transitional processes. The strategy of excluding Pan-Ethiopian parties and sideling the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) set the country on the path of establishing a hegemonic rule by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Sustaining hegemonic rule entailed fending off threats from excluded groups in the 1990s but which coalesced into a strong electoral performance in the 2005 elections in whose aftermath the ruling party embarked on aggressive pursuit of state-directed development for political legitimation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 542-557 Issue: 3 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1556564 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1556564 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:3:p:542-557 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mohsin Bashir Author-X-Name-First: Mohsin Author-X-Name-Last: Bashir Author-Name: Shoaib Ul-Haq Author-X-Name-First: Shoaib Author-X-Name-Last: Ul-Haq Title: Why madrassah education reforms don’t work in Pakistan Abstract: Despite global pressure and national security concerns, the efforts of the Government of Pakistan to reform the madrassah system have proven to be futile. Extant literature on madrassah reform challenges relies overwhelmingly on information provided by governments and experts situated outside of these institutions. While these studies and reports present important findings and viable analysis on madrassah systems; most of the research fails to give voice to the major stakeholders of this system itself, such as the administration staff, teachers, students and parents. Our study fills this crucial gap by conducting semi-structured interviews and field observations inside Pakistani madaris (plural for madrassah) and their professional associations. We find that these madaris have been reluctant to participate in policy interventions offered by the government due to a major trust deficit brought on by differences over financial and curriculum regulation, degree recognition and the government’s role in shaping popular perceptions about madaris. This reluctance has turned down attempts for madrassah reformation and has in turn made them vulnerable to radicalisation. We conclude with policy recommendations for more effective government reforms and a stronger relationship between madrassah representatives and the Government of Pakistan. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 595-611 Issue: 3 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1570820 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1570820 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:3:p:595-611 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maria-Louise Clausen Author-X-Name-First: Maria-Louise Author-X-Name-Last: Clausen Title: Justifying military intervention: Yemen as a failed state Abstract: The Saudi-led military intervention into Yemen began on 26 March 2015, and it has largely been supported by the international community despite resulting in the world’s largest current humanitarian disaster. The paper explores the emergence of the failed state concept, particularly as it has impacted the norm of sovereignty. It shows how being defined as a failed state can undermine the norm of sovereignty. This article argues that Saudi Arabia has utilised the failed state concept to legitimise its military intervention into Yemen by framing the intervention as necessary to establish a strong executive power and protect the Yemeni people. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 488-502 Issue: 3 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1573141 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1573141 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:3:p:488-502 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Werner Distler Author-X-Name-First: Werner Author-X-Name-Last: Distler Title: Dangerised youth: the politics of security and development in Timor-Leste Abstract: International organisations, the national government and civil society alike have identified youth as a potential threat to the stability of the young state of Timor-Leste over the last decade. In this article, I ask how these actors define the danger of youth and what reasons they identify for the potential threat of young citizens for the society and state. Guided by a theoretical framework of Critical Security and Development Studies, I argue that while political manipulation as reason for youth violence was a prominent part of the security discourse in the years after the crisis in 2006, the discourse on the danger of youth in very recent international and national documents has been depoliticised. Despite decreasing numbers of youth-related violence, the threat construction has not vanished; rather, the language on youth has been adapted to the existing international discourse on violent youth as a threat to successful development. In this way, international and national actors have sustained the image of a society in need of management. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 727-742 Issue: 4 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1401924 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1401924 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:4:p:727-742 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Federico M. Rossi Author-X-Name-First: Federico M. Author-X-Name-Last: Rossi Title: Conceptualising and tracing the increased territorialisation of politics: insights from Argentina Abstract: The territorialisation of politics is a crucial transformation in state–society relations that has implications on how contemporary politics works. Defined here as the dispute for the physical control of space, be it a municipality, province or portion of land, within one or more politically constituted entities. It does not mean the emergence of a new regime type, but the process through which the territory re-emerges as a new cleavage after neoliberal reforms and authoritarian regimes have weakened/dissolved neo-corporatist arrangements for the resolution of socio-political conflicts in society. It is a cleavage because central political divisions are produced as a result of the physical encounter of or distance between political actors and of the dispute for the control of a territory for sociopolitical goals and causes that are not always territorially defined. Departing from this definition, I also raise potential explanatory hypotheses for the transformations that favoured this transformation in Argentina. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 815-837 Issue: 4 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1465815 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1465815 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:4:p:815-837 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Billy Graeff Author-X-Name-First: Billy Author-X-Name-Last: Graeff Author-Name: Diego Monteiro Gutierrez Author-X-Name-First: Diego Author-X-Name-Last: Monteiro Gutierrez Author-Name: Thais Sardá Author-X-Name-First: Thais Author-X-Name-Last: Sardá Author-Name: Paul Bretherton Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Bretherton Author-Name: Marco Bettine Author-X-Name-First: Marco Author-X-Name-Last: Bettine Title: Capable, splendorous and unequal: international media portrayals of Brazil during the 2014 World Cup Abstract: This article examines how Brazil was perceived internationally during the 2014 World Cup (2014WC), for which one of Brazil’s perceived objectives was to enhance its international image to play a more significant role on the world stage. Nine media outlets’ coverage of the 2014WC was analysed using the website Alexa. These outlets published 699 articles about diverse themes relating to Brazilian society. The outlets studied considered the event a success overall and emphasised Brazil’s natural beauty, but raised concerns about social problems such as inequality. We conclude that the 2014WC updated but did not fundamentally alter Brazil’s international image. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 796-814 Issue: 4 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1526070 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1526070 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:4:p:796-814 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jan Lust Author-X-Name-First: Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Lust Title: The rise of a capitalist subsistence economy in Peru Abstract: The Peruvian economy depends for its growth on the export of its mineral resources. This dependency is derived from the country’s role in the international division of labour and is expressed in its export structure, economic structure and business structure. Peru’s dependency on its mineral resources, an economic structure that is principally made up of non-tradable sectors and a business structure dominated by micro businesses, make lasting economic progress very difficult. We argue that although the Peruvian economy is divided into an advanced economy and a capitalist subsistence economy, the country is not a dual economy where two sub-economies are economically and socially separated from each other and have structurally different modes of operation. The capitalist subsistence economy is characterized by low productivity levels and is expressed in remuneration rates at or near the minimum wage level. This structural feature of the Peruvian economy impedes the successful implementation of a process that would make the country less dependent on its natural resources and would set it on a development course of increased value-added production. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 780-795 Issue: 4 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1529540 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1529540 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:4:p:780-795 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ivica Petrikova Author-X-Name-First: Ivica Author-X-Name-Last: Petrikova Title: Food-security governance in India and Ethiopia: a comparative analysis Abstract: Despite recently legislating the right of all citizens to food security, India continues to suffer high food-insecurity rates. With respect to several measures, food insecurity in India appears to be actually higher than in Ethiopia, a country with only one-fourth of India’s average per-capita income. This article examines comparatively the two countries’ food-security challenges and governance mechanisms and identifies several relevant policy areas for mutual learning – dietary diversity, maternal and infant nutrition, and sanitation as well as food production and programmes’ external oversight. Beyond India and Ethiopia, these findings are pertinent also to other developing countries facing similar food-security challenges, such as Pakistan, Nigeria or Sudan. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 743-762 Issue: 4 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1538734 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1538734 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:4:p:743-762 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: T. D. Harper-Shipman Author-X-Name-First: T. D. Author-X-Name-Last: Harper-Shipman Title: How comprehensive is comprehensive? Using Wangari Maathai as a critique of the World Bank’s contemporary development model Abstract: This paper asks how comprehensive and holistic is the World Bank’s current development model, also known as the Comprehensive Development Framework (CDF), in Africa? By comprehensive and holistic, I am referring to whether the framework has the ability to capture the sources of all impediments to progress in different African contexts and offer corresponding solutions. I argue that the CDF is myopic and hackneyed. Not only does the World Bank employ the same neoliberal logic that informed structural adjustments, but it also continues to miss crucial non-material facets of development in the African countries it purports to serve. I make this argument by comparing the CDF/Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSP) model in Kenya to the under-utilised development philosophy of Wangari Maathai. This comparison intimates that an alternative to the CDF is not only possible, but also necessary. Maathai demonstrates how any holistic development approach for postcolonial Africa must grapple with both international and domestic factors that historically and currently exacerbate the chrysalis of political, economic, and social progress. A comprehensive approach must also deal with the particulars of each context while not eliding the uniform histories of exploitation and purposive underdevelopment that many African countries share. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 633-650 Issue: 4 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1549940 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1549940 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:4:p:633-650 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Siera Vercillo Author-X-Name-First: Siera Author-X-Name-Last: Vercillo Author-Name: Miriam Hird-Younger Author-X-Name-First: Miriam Author-X-Name-Last: Hird-Younger Title: Farmer resistance to agriculture commercialisation in northern Ghana Abstract: Drawing on postcolonial literature and theories of farmer resistance, this article provides an empirically based alternative explanation of African farmer behaviours to narratives that blame them for their lack of technology adoption. Based on six months of ethnographic immersion in one district in the Northern Region of Ghanaa, we identify the ways that farmers defy commercial agriculture investment, government services and non-governmental organisation (NGO) project interventions aimed at intensification, and describe their reasons for doing so. This study interprets farmers’ acts of defiance, such as side-selling or falsely weighting their products, as insights into everyday acts of resistance. We find that throughout Ghana’s postcolonial period, agriculture intensification policy and practice have produced an environment where various development actors and farmers have both a sense of entitlement and mistrust of each other. Farmers’ acts of sabotage may be spaces where they make rational choices based on experiences of historical antecedence, including decades of failed development projects, elite corruption and mismanagement, degrading ecologies and donor hegemony. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 763-779 Issue: 4 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1552076 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1552076 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:4:p:763-779 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Chris Wilson Author-X-Name-First: Chris Author-X-Name-Last: Wilson Author-Name: Shahzad Akhtar Author-X-Name-First: Shahzad Author-X-Name-Last: Akhtar Title: Repression, co-optation and insurgency: Pakistan’s FATA, Southern Thailand and Papua, Indonesia Abstract: Scholars have long identified state repression as playing a key role in the onset of insurgency. Violence by security forces increases anger against the state and assists with rebel recruitment. Yet scholars have also recognised that repression does not always lead to rebellion: in some cases it successfully quashes movements before they have begun. This study advances an argument for when and why repression leads to insurgency and sometimes does not. We contend that violence by state security forces can fail to trigger rebellion if local elites within the repressed community are simultaneously co-opted with political and economic opportunities. When elites are satisfied with local autonomy and patronage they deprive the dissident movement of local leadership and coordination. When the state uses repression against a community and at the same time abandons this mutually beneficial relationship, the insurgency has both the leadership and grassroots support it requires. We illustrate our argument by examining three cases of state violence in Asia. In two of our cases, Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and Southern Thailand, repression led directly to insurgency. In the third, Papua in Indonesia, ongoing co-optation of local elites has left the movement factionalised and weak. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 710-726 Issue: 4 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1557012 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1557012 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:4:p:710-726 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Déborah B. L. Farias Author-X-Name-First: Déborah B. L. Author-X-Name-Last: Farias Title: Outlook for the ‘developing country’ category: a paradox of demise and continuity Abstract: In the 2016 edition of its World Development Indicators (WDI), the World Bank introduced an important change in the way it categorises countries: it explicitly stated the intention to eliminate the distinction of countries as ‘developing’ and ‘developed’. This decision represents the first time one of the world’s most powerful and influential international organisation has overtly decided to move away from this fuzzy-yet-ubiquitous terminology for categorising countries (and not proposing to replace the division). This paper takes this shift to discuss country groupings based on development levels, particularly the ‘developed’/’developing’ dichotomy, focusing on the latter term. The paper argues for a paradoxical scenario, wherein the label ‘developing’ will increasingly become analytically useless while concurrently retaining – or even strengthening – its power in the context of foreign policy strategies. The analysis details the motives behind this paradox and provides a reasoning for when and why the term’s usage is likely to be weakened or strengthened. Simply put, the ‘developed’/’developing’ dichotomy is weakening in its analytical capacity, mostly due to the increasing heterogeneity among countries under the ‘developing’ label and concurrent porosity of ‘boundaries’ between the two categories, while showing little sign of being phased as a term for self-identification. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 668-687 Issue: 4 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1573139 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1573139 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:4:p:668-687 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Veit Bachmann Author-X-Name-First: Veit Author-X-Name-Last: Bachmann Title: (Trans)regionalism and South–South cooperation: Afrasia instead of Eurafrique? Abstract: The paper engages critically with the increasing importance of South–South cooperation and the shift from African–European to African–Asian interaction. It argues that South–South cooperation is too often framed in a spatial logics of regional integration and transregional cooperation and thus reproduces spatial understandings that are characteristic for African–European relations but misplaced in the context of African–Asian relations. Moreover, it analyses perceptions about the difference of European and Asian cooperation partners amongst political and societal elites in Kenya and Tanzania, arguing that instead of a shift from African–European to Afrasian spaces of interaction, the two mutually coexist and fulfil complementary functions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 688-709 Issue: 4 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1573634 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1573634 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:4:p:688-709 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christoph Neusiedl Author-X-Name-First: Christoph Author-X-Name-Last: Neusiedl Title: The ontological politics of (in-)equality: a new research approach for post-development Abstract: This article aims to add a new line of research to the post-development school of thought. Drawing on the many evident yet rarely noticed parallels between post-development and (post-)anarchism, I develop an understanding of ‘anarchistic post-development’ as a politics based on what French philosopher Jacques Rancière calls ‘the presupposition of equality’. I further connect this with Arturo Escobar and Marisol De la Cadena’s concept of political ontology, suggesting that we can make sense of and analyse both contemporary ‘Development’ projects as well as anarchistic post-developmental ‘alternatives to Development’ through the lens of what I call ‘the ontological politics of (in-)equality’. To substantiate my points, I will draw on the recent case of a Mâori tribe who won a historical legal battle to declare the Whanganui River a living entity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 651-667 Issue: 4 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1573636 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1573636 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:4:p:651-667 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Emmanuelle Poncin Author-X-Name-First: Emmanuelle Author-X-Name-Last: Poncin Title: The reformists: Kalahi and the performances of local government officials in Bohol, Philippines Abstract: To make sense of the gap between the theory and practice of community-driven development (CDD), development scholars and practitioners have proposed that the success of interventions is relative to the reform-mindedness of local government officials. This article sheds some light on the good governance performances of local government officials as part of the CDD programme Kalahi in the province of Bohol, Philippines. It highlights that locally, mayors who styled themselves as reformists enjoyed heightened power and electoral victories. In parallel, the province experienced a pattern of ‘growth with immiserisation’ and persistent political clientelism wrapped in a discourse of pro-poor development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 966-980 Issue: 5 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1389267 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1389267 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:5:p:966-980 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Uchenna P. Vasser Author-X-Name-First: Uchenna P. Author-X-Name-Last: Vasser Title: A literary approach to Afro-Sino relations: Ufrieda Ho’s Paper Sons and Daughters: Growing Up Chinese in South Africa and Ken N. Kamoche’s Black Ghosts Abstract: The Afro-Sino engagement supports the study of international relations beyond the framework of a West-centric narrative. Ken Kamoche’s fictionalisation of African immigrants in China, and Ufrieda Ho’s narration of the vicissitudes of Chinese communities in South Africa, contemplate the consequence of the Africa–Asia engagement on the human condition. While the attendant political apparatuses in the African continent and China laud the mutual benefits of engagement, Kamoche and Ho, by focusing on issues of transmigration, displacement and belonging, identity-formation, and so forth expose the acute Sinocentrism and Afrocentrism that impede the seamless establishment of migrant communities in both geopolitical spaces. The principal objectives of this essay involve a close reading of Kamoche and Ho’s novels to focus on the non-state participants of the Afro-Sino relations, and to discuss the emerging transnational, migrant literature that is at once African and Chinese. Ultimately, this essay suggests the formulation of a literary subgenre to embrace the Afro-Sino literary imagination. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 999-1013 Issue: 5 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1447377 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1447377 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:5:p:999-1013 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Wayne Palmer Author-X-Name-First: Wayne Author-X-Name-Last: Palmer Author-Name: Antje Missbach Author-X-Name-First: Antje Author-X-Name-Last: Missbach Title: Enforcing labour rights of irregular migrants in Indonesia Abstract: The multi-directional nature of labour migration flows has resulted in an increasing number of countries having become both senders and receivers of regular and irregular migrants. However, some countries continue to see themselves primarily as senders and so ignore their role as a receiving country, which can have negative implications for the rights of migrants in their territory. Using the example of Indonesia, which is State Party to the 1990 UN Convention on the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Their Families, this article demonstrates that irregular migrant workers in this country have the legal right to protection against labour exploitation even when they work despite the government’s prohibition on employment. The article discusses the ‘right to work’ and how international human rights law has translated it into the ‘right to protection from labour exploitation’ for irregular migrants in Indonesia. By way of two case studies about the Indonesian government’s handling of irregular migrants, it shows how it prioritises enforcement of the immigration law over labour and employment laws much like countries that have not ratified the ICRMW. It also draws attention to legal protection gaps that emerge for asylum seekers when they are recognised to be genuine refugees. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 908-925 Issue: 5 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1522586 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1522586 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:5:p:908-925 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John de Bhal Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: de Bhal Title: Never Thaw that coming! Latin American regional integration and the US–Cuba Thaw Abstract: Existing accounts of the US–Cuba Thaw correctly identify the decisiveness of Latin American states in pushing the 2014 change in US policy towards Cuba. Problematically, however, these accounts overlook a range of regional integration projects pursued by Latin American states that prove pivotal in ascertaining the central dynamics of the region in shaping the Thaw. This article argues that these regional integration projects are imperative to understanding how Latin American states were able to alter US policy towards Cuba, for three reasons. First, these initiatives, and Cuba’s role in these projects, are central to understanding why Cuba came to be a unanimously ‘regional’ issue for Latin American states of all political persuasions; second, the challenges to US dominance in the region provided by these integration projects were ultimately what gave Latin American states their teeth in pushing the Obama administration to reconsider its policy towards Cuba; and third, a consideration of this broader regional context more thoroughly illustrates the strategic nature of the change in policy towards Cuba as an attempt by the US to salvage its ability to influence regional affairs in response to these integration initiatives that excluded it from the region’s architecture. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 855-869 Issue: 5 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1561182 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1561182 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:5:p:855-869 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Neil Dawson Author-X-Name-First: Neil Author-X-Name-Last: Dawson Author-Name: Adrian Martin Author-X-Name-First: Adrian Author-X-Name-Last: Martin Author-Name: Laura Camfield Author-X-Name-First: Laura Author-X-Name-Last: Camfield Title: Can agricultural intensification help attain Sustainable Development Goals? Evidence from Africa and Asia Abstract: Market-oriented agricultural intensification is a major development strategy, yet its alignment with sustainable development goals (SDGs) is unclear. We apply indicators for SDG 2 (eradicate hunger) regarding income, food production, food security and land tenure to recent intensifications in Rwanda and Laos to reveal their disaggregated impacts. We find while market-oriented intensification may generate poverty reduction, it also exacerbated marginalisation and poverty through various forms of land tenure insecurity. Ethnicity and gender were influential factors in Rwanda, and post-conflict resettlement policies in Laos. We discuss implications for development practice and selection of suitable indicators to reflect the ambition of the SDGs. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 926-946 Issue: 5 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1568190 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1568190 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:5:p:926-946 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christoph Zürcher Author-X-Name-First: Christoph Author-X-Name-Last: Zürcher Title: The folly of “aid for stabilisation” Abstract: Over the last two decades, billions in aid money has been spent in highly insecure regions of conflict affected states in the hope that aid would lead to less violence and more stability. A recent wave of academic work on the impact of aid on violence has now amassed convincing empirical evidence that this hope is futile. Aid injected in highly insecure regions, where violence is a reality and insurgents retain some capacities, will increase, not dampen violence. This essay first provides a summary of the findings of the recent empirical literature. It then demonstrates that two causal mechanisms – predation and sabotage – explain why aid in highly insecure settings will likely lead to less, not more, stability. The essay then exemplifies these two causal mechanisms, using original qualitative and quantitative data from Afghanistan. It ends with a discussion of the implications for donors engaged in countries affected by conflict. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 839-854 Issue: 5 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1576519 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1576519 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:5:p:839-854 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Allard Duursma Author-X-Name-First: Allard Author-X-Name-Last: Duursma Author-Name: Tanja R. Müller Author-X-Name-First: Tanja R. Author-X-Name-Last: Müller Title: The ICC indictment against Al-Bashir and its repercussions for peacekeeping and humanitarian operations in Darfur Abstract: The impact of the International Criminal Court (ICC) on peace processes has received much scholarly attention. We argue, based on the ICC arrest warrant against Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, that ICC indictments against government officials not only can be detrimental to the prospects for peace, but can also negatively affect everyday practices of peacekeepers and humanitarian workers. We draw on a combination of quantitative and qualitative data in order to develop our argument. We interrogate some measurable consequences of the indictment in relation to the work of the United Nations – African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) as well as humanitarian actors in Darfur. We do so using a data set compiled to support the work of UNAMID. We also draw on interviews with UN and UNAMID staff, aid workers, and representatives of the conflict parties. Our analysis shows that the indictment of President al-Bashir was perceived by the Sudanese government as the continuation of a confrontational approach pursued by the international community. We further show that the indictment accelerated patterns of obstruction and intimidation of peacekeeping actors, other third-party actors, and local staff associated with these. This complicated the everyday activities of peacekeepers and humanitarian efforts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 890-907 Issue: 5 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1579640 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1579640 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:5:p:890-907 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Aneta Brockhill Author-X-Name-First: Aneta Author-X-Name-Last: Brockhill Author-Name: Karl Cordell Author-X-Name-First: Karl Author-X-Name-Last: Cordell Title: The violence of culture: the legitimation of the Israeli occupation of Palestine Abstract: This paper considers the ramifications of the fact that a majority of (Jewish) Israeli citizens no longer considers the Israeli military occupation of the Palestinian territory of the West Bank to be an ‘occupation’. Informed by qualitative research conducted in Israel and the occupied territory of the West Bank, the paper argues the case for understanding of this process of social legitimation as being rooted in complex structures of cultural processes and practices grounded in ideological and religious beliefs. Identifying Zionism as an ethno-national ideology, located within the wider ethno-national impulse of nineteenth century Europe, the paper further investigates a number of cultural processes that have led to the domestic justification and rationalisation of occupation in the Israeli public consciousness and consequently, the legitimisation of continued occupation. These cultural practices are inherently highly political, constituting a long-term strategy aimed at maintaining the occupation. The paper argues that this strategy is articulated not only by cultural practices of ethnonationalism and identity politics, but ultimately by various acts and facets of violence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 981-998 Issue: 5 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1581057 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1581057 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:5:p:981-998 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marika Gereke Author-X-Name-First: Marika Author-X-Name-Last: Gereke Author-Name: Tanja Brühl Author-X-Name-First: Tanja Author-X-Name-Last: Brühl Title: Unpacking the unequal representation of Northern and Southern NGOs in international climate change politics Abstract: Limited research has been done on non-governmental organisation (NGO) heterogeneity and its representation in global governance. Using the example of international climate change politics, we demonstrate that Northern and Southern NGOs tend to pursue different perspectives which are very unevenly represented in international climate change negotiations as NGOs from the Global North still constitute the large majority of NGOs taking part in these negotiations. In contrast to more hopeful outlooks, NGOs, hence, do not automatically contribute to a more democratic and legitimate global governance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 870-889 Issue: 5 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1596023 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1596023 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:5:p:870-889 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: M. Niaz Asadullah Author-X-Name-First: M. Niaz Author-X-Name-Last: Asadullah Author-Name: N N Tarun Chakravorty Author-X-Name-First: N N Tarun Author-X-Name-Last: Chakravorty Title: Growth, governance and corruption in Bangladesh: a re-assessment Abstract: This paper revisits Bangladesh’s ‘double paradox’ – sustained macroeconomic growth despite the poor state of governance and a high level of corruption – by critically reviewing trends in governance and corruption indicators during 1990–2017 vis-à-vis other South Asian countries. In addition, we draw upon data from a purposefully designed survey of manufacturing firms to assess the state of economic governance in the export-oriented ready-made garments (RMG) sector, the country’s main source of foreign exchange and driver of economic growth. Consistent with the country’s poor ranking in a host of indicators of investment climate and corruption perception, in-depth interviews of RMG factory owners confirm the high cost of doing business in various forms. We also find no evidence of growth-mediated improvements in indicators of governance. On the contrary, our review of print media reports suggests a growing governance deficit in the country’s financial sector. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for the country’s future growth as well as performance of the RMG sector. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 947-965 Issue: 5 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1599854 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1599854 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:5:p:947-965 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Agatha Kratz Author-X-Name-First: Agatha Author-X-Name-Last: Kratz Author-Name: Dragan Pavlićević Author-X-Name-First: Dragan Author-X-Name-Last: Pavlićević Title: Norm-making, norm-taking or norm-shifting? A case study of Sino–Japanese competition in the Jakarta–Bandung high-speed rail project Abstract: This paper’s main aim is to contribute to the debate on the impact of China’s rise on the established norms and practices in the field of international development. To do so, it zooms in on a single infrastructure project, the Jakarta-Bandung high-speed rail line, which involved intense competition between China and Japan. Specifically, it examines how competition between China, a non-Western emerging power, and Japan, an OECD member, led to a recalibration of both China and Japan’s approaches to infrastructure financing in the region. The findings suggest that rather than straight convergence or competition between diverging models, there is an ongoing process of two-way adjustment between China, and representatives of the dominant global norms and practices. We also argue that to understand the implications of China’s participation in the field of international development, and its impact on the ‘rules of the game’ of global governance, researchers should avoid positioning inquiries within the premises of China’s one-directional impact on the development assistance regime. Rather, it is necessary to take into account a complex set of relationships including China, host countries and other ‘socialised’ actors, and the process of negotiation between them. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1107-1126 Issue: 6 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1523677 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1523677 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:6:p:1107-1126 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stéphanie Panichelli Batalla Author-X-Name-First: Stéphanie Author-X-Name-Last: Panichelli Batalla Author-Name: Virginie Grzelczyk Author-X-Name-First: Virginie Author-X-Name-Last: Grzelczyk Title: A future, but at what cost? Cuba and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s quest for sustainable development Abstract: This paper looks at the question of development by focusing on both Cuba and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. At the heart of the project is the notion of sustainability, and how to achieve well-being even in the most challenging conditions, isolated economies and sanction-laden realities. This is done by tracing both countries’ engagement and development in the fields of health and education. We suggest that political engagement with these countries should be prioritised, without challenging an established political order but with its consent, and with the hope that future generations are socialised to a culture of openness. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1163-1183 Issue: 6 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1539909 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1539909 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:6:p:1163-1183 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Line Alice Ytrehus Author-X-Name-First: Line Alice Author-X-Name-Last: Ytrehus Title: Making sense of communitarianism: the Bolivian experience Abstract: In Bolivia, the state and society is undergoing radical transformations. The indigenous movements have revitalised traditions such as communitarianism, and ‘communitarian development’ has come to the forefront of Bolivian politics. The aim of this article is to identify what communitarian development means in the Bolivian context; how it is conceived and how it is practiced. I examine how communitarian development is conceptualised in the Aymara indigenous movement and in policy documents, and analyse what communitarianism might mean to people who uphold such values. I identify and discuss five different but intertwined significations; communitarian economy, communitarian work, communitarian management, communitarian law and communitarian values. I show that Bolivian communitarianism contains conceptualisations of cultural phenomena, which emerge at the nexus of experiences and expectations for the future, and argue that, despite tensions and pitfalls, communitarian development has the potential to increase indigenous wellbeing and agency and to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of what communitarianism is, or could be. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1089-1106 Issue: 6 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1573635 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1573635 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:6:p:1089-1106 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Edward Hunt Author-X-Name-First: Edward Author-X-Name-Last: Hunt Title: Staying the course in Mexico: the role of the US in the drug war, 2006–present Abstract: With drug-related violence reaching record levels in Mexico, there has been growing debate over its causes. US and Mexican officials blame many factors, including problems with their strategy in the drug war, fighting among cartels, corruption in police forces, an ineffective legal justice system and US drug demand. In this paper, I argue that the Mérida Initiative, a multi-billion dollar programme of US assistance, is an important additional factor. Drug-related violence increased in the years after the implementation of the Mérida Initiative, declined when Mexican officials paused new programmes in 2012 and increased again as US and Mexican officials implemented new Mérida programmes in the following years. Over the same time period, drug-related homicides and complementary counternarcotics assistance from the US Department of Defense are positively correlated. Using US records, I show that US officials have been willing to overlook the growing violence because they have been more focused on achieving their economic and strategic objectives. I conclude that their actions have played a significant role in increasing drug-related violence while starting an ominous new phase of US imperialism in Mexico. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1184-1205 Issue: 6 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1574562 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1574562 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:6:p:1184-1205 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ruby Dagher Author-X-Name-First: Ruby Author-X-Name-Last: Dagher Title: Policy space under a constraining combination – open economies, austerity and small island states Abstract: Small island developing states (SIDS) face significant economic, social and environmental challenges. Current mainstream approaches to SIDS recognise these limitations and thus promote increased economic integration into the international economy to provide the governments with resources and power to counter the effects of these challenges. Yet these remedies have so far led to high levels of deficits and high levels of indebtedness, as well as high levels of vulnerability and dependence on key sectors that offer very income- and economically sensitive products and services. In addition, and in assessing the experience of Caribbean SIDS, these remedies have led to diminishing government policy space. This has in turn contributed to the lack of real innovation in the way Caribbean SIDS interact with the volatile international market. While much has been written about the economic impact of open markets and the inherent weaknesses within SIDS, the analysis herein allows for the development of a more comprehensive assessment of the implications for the SIDS’ policy space as well as their ability to regain it and develop innovative approaches that avoid uniquely reactionary measures to the current international economy and its gyrations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1040-1063 Issue: 6 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1574563 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1574563 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:6:p:1040-1063 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christopher M. Faulkner Author-X-Name-First: Christopher M. Author-X-Name-Last: Faulkner Author-Name: Jonathan Powell Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan Author-X-Name-Last: Powell Author-Name: Trace Lasley Author-X-Name-First: Trace Author-X-Name-Last: Lasley Title: Funding, capabilities and the use of child soldiers Abstract: Recent years have seen increased scholarly attention given to the issue of child soldiering. Primarily dedicated to the decision-making calculus of rebel groups, this body of work has generally emphasised supply-side versus demand-side arguments. We contribute to this growing literature by explicitly investigating a previously untested aspect of the latter. Prior scholarship has made vague references to a potential association between economic endowments and child soldiering, including natural resource wealth, but scant empirical attention has been given. We argue that the specific type of endowment has important consequences for the decision to utilise child soldiers. We argue access to and exploitation of lootable natural resources (e.g. gemstones) to be especially likely to promote the use of child soldiers due to their ease of access, the low skills required to harness them and the heightened likelihood that groups will become more profit-oriented. A systematic cross-national investigation of rebel groups provides robust evidence that lootable resources such as diamonds and gemstones are strongly associated with the use of children, while non-lootable resources such as oil are not. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1017-1039 Issue: 6 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1577680 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1577680 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:6:p:1017-1039 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ian Taylor Author-X-Name-First: Ian Author-X-Name-Last: Taylor Title: France à fric: the CFA zone in Africa and neocolonialism Abstract: Over 50 years after 1960’s ‘Year of Africa’, most of Francophone Africa continues to be embedded in a set of associations that fit very well with Kwame Nkrumah’s description of neocolonialism, where postcolonial states are de jure independent but in reality constrained through their economic systems so that policy is directed from outside. This article scrutinises the functioning of the Communauté Financière Africaine (CFA), considering the role the currency has in persistent underdevelopment in most of Francophone Africa. In doing so, the article identifies the CFA as the most blatant example of functioning neocolonialism in Africa today and a critical device that promotes dependency in large parts of the continent. Mainstream analyses of the technical aspects of the CFA have generally focused on the exchange rate and other related matters. However, while important, the real importance of the CFA franc should not be seen as purely economic, but also political. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1064-1088 Issue: 6 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1585183 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1585183 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:6:p:1064-1088 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mushahid Hussain Author-X-Name-First: Mushahid Author-X-Name-Last: Hussain Title: Wither the ‘development contract’? Historical conjunctures in Naomi Hossain’s The Aid Lab: Understanding Bangladesh’s Unexpected Success Abstract: This paper examines methodological avenues for a historical sociology of development through a close reading of Naomi Hossain’s recent book, The Aid Lab: Understanding Bangladesh’s Unexpected Success (2017). Hossain’s conjunctural perspective, the formative moment of Bangladesh in environmental catastrophe, war and famine in the 1970s, establishes a novel account of the country’s development trajectory. Contingencies of the moment and consequent political uncertainties committed an emergent national elite to a largely informal but substantive social compact against future crises of subsistence. The result was a specific, transnational power configuration rendering Bangladesh a test case for developmental interventions and the production of knowledge regarding them. Debates in critical development studies have often posited that such ‘elite commitment’ is a consequence and not so much a precondition for social improvement, brought about through struggles from ‘below.’ How might these positions be reconciled by shifting the temporal frames of reference? By rendering historical processes legible as conflicting and complementary interactions between different social forces and actors? How can such actors be envisaged without presuming their identities and interests as fixed or given, but rather, as shaping and being shaped by such processes? These questions motivate the immanent critique and reappraisal of Hossain’s timely work, highlighting its significance for dynamic analyses of historical capitalism today through the ‘universal particularities’ of the national case. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1127-1144 Issue: 6 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1590776 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1590776 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:6:p:1127-1144 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shahram Akbarzadeh Author-X-Name-First: Shahram Author-X-Name-Last: Akbarzadeh Author-Name: Zahid Shahab Ahmed Author-X-Name-First: Zahid Shahab Author-X-Name-Last: Ahmed Author-Name: Costas Laoutides Author-X-Name-First: Costas Author-X-Name-Last: Laoutides Author-Name: William Gourlay Author-X-Name-First: William Author-X-Name-Last: Gourlay Title: The Kurds in Iran: balancing national and ethnic identity in a securitised environment Abstract: The Kurdish population in Iran feels disenfranchised and excluded from the political system. Based on an original survey of Iranian Kurds, it is revealed that Kurds lack trust and confidence in the central government and do not exhibit any emotional connection with Iranian identity or the Islamic Republic of Iran. Overwhelmingly, survey respondents put their Kurdish identity and affiliations as the primary point of reference. This emotional and political disconnect with Iran poses a serious challenge to the incumbent regime. It is an affront to the official rhetoric of ethnic unity and Iranian solidarity that is reinforced by Islamic principles under the Islamic Republic of Iran. This has led the incumbent regime to opt for a security response to a clearly political challenge. However, as the survey data in this research reveals, the securitisation of Iran’s response to its Kurdish population is only widening the gap, and aggravating the situation. The securitised approach to Kurdish aspirations for inclusion and acceptance is a counterproductive strategy with significant risks for the Islamic Republic of Iran. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1145-1162 Issue: 6 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1592671 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1592671 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:6:p:1145-1162 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Juan A. Bogliaccini Author-X-Name-First: Juan A. Author-X-Name-Last: Bogliaccini Title: The reconstruction of business interests after the ISI collapse: unpacking the effect of institutional change in Chile and Uruguay Abstract: This paper focuses on understanding the different evolutions of business’ associational paths in post-Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) Chile and Uruguay, offering an explanation at the crossroads of the institutional change and international trade literatures. The argument is that the different forms in which ISI institutions were transformed during the liberalisation period facilitated a greater mobility of factors to different degrees, triggering divergent enduring associational strategies on the part of business. The proliferation of narrow-based special benefits during the ISI fuelled preferences for the formation of sector-based coalitions oriented towards rent-seeking activities. Nevertheless, while ISI regulations were displaced in Chile during the military period, Uruguay followed a gradual process of layering of new rules alongside old ones. These diverging strategies, having different effect on established inter-sectoral regulatory distortions, propitiated alternative associational paths of local business. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1378-1393 Issue: 7 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1561181 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1561181 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:7:p:1378-1393 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pippa Morgan Author-X-Name-First: Pippa Author-X-Name-Last: Morgan Author-Name: Yu Zheng Author-X-Name-First: Yu Author-X-Name-Last: Zheng Title: Old bottle new wine? The evolution of China’s aid in Africa 1956–2014 Abstract: China’s aid is frequently portrayed as a challenger to established Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) norms, but it is unclear when the distinct ‘Chinese-model’ of aid emerged and how it has evolved over time. Using new historical data on Chinese aid in Africa and the case of Ethiopia, we have three main findings. First, China developed a distinct model of mixing ODA-like aid and commercial forms of economic engagement only after the mid-1990s, reflecting institutional reforms for allocating and managing foreign official finance. Second, social sectors have played a much greater role in China’s aid programme than is commonly perceived. Finally, Chinese aid to productive sectors has changed substantially whereas in social sectors it is relatively consistent. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1283-1303 Issue: 7 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1573140 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1573140 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:7:p:1283-1303 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephan Klingebiel Author-X-Name-First: Stephan Author-X-Name-Last: Klingebiel Author-Name: Victoria Gonsior Author-X-Name-First: Victoria Author-X-Name-Last: Gonsior Author-Name: Franziska Jakobs Author-X-Name-First: Franziska Author-X-Name-Last: Jakobs Author-Name: Miriam Nikitka Author-X-Name-First: Miriam Author-X-Name-Last: Nikitka Title: Where tradition meets public sector innovation: a Rwandan case study for Results-Based Approaches Abstract: The acknowledgement of politics and institutions in developing countries is well in line with debates not only in the area of development effectiveness but also regarding new public management. Results-Based Approaches (RBApps), conceptually framed within these two debates, are designed to support outcome- and impact-oriented development goals. They link the achievement of results to monetary and/or non-monetary reward mechanisms. However, so far, development cooperation partners have mainly applied RBApps in the form of Results-Based Finance and Results-Based Aid. Through the provision of a conceptual framework, this paper embeds RBApps between different tiers of government within the discussion and applies Rwanda as a case study to it. Along the lines of Rwanda’s Domestic Performance Approach Imihigo, the article argues that development co-operation should be more proactive in considering these approaches, as they might be crucial in terms of sustainability and serve as a promising entry point for programmes supported by development partners. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1340-1358 Issue: 7 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1581571 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1581571 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:7:p:1340-1358 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gerhard Rainer Author-X-Name-First: Gerhard Author-X-Name-Last: Rainer Title: Amenity/lifestyle migration to the Global South: driving forces and socio-spatial implications in Latin America Abstract: While most research into amenity/lifestyle migration still focuses on rural places in the Global North, it has recently been acknowledged that international North–South migration is a growing phenomenon. Against the backdrop of strong media attention to Global North immigration, there is a need to focus more on the rapidly increasing – but much less visible – migration streams of lifestyle/amenity movers to the Global South, and particularly on their implications for local and global inequalities. This is what this paper proposes, and it pursues this goal by providing a comprehensive review of the growing interdisciplinary literature on amenity/lifestyle migration in Latin America. From a critical geographical perspective, it firstly discusses key political economic factors that drive the production of high-amenity places in Latin America. The focus will be on real estate business and land markets. Secondly, the article analyses the local to global socio-spatial consequences of international amenity/lifestyle migration. The paper argues that amenity/lifestyle migration to Latin America builds on, and deepens, historically inherited global and local inequalities, which in many areas – rural and, increasingly, also urban – manifest themselves through growing social-spatial exclusion and fragmentation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1359-1377 Issue: 7 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1587291 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1587291 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:7:p:1359-1377 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jinhee Kim Author-X-Name-First: Jinhee Author-X-Name-Last: Kim Author-Name: Joshua Garland Author-X-Name-First: Joshua Author-X-Name-Last: Garland Title: Development cooperation and post-colonial critique: an investigation into the South Korean model Abstract: With the rise of the South–South Development Cooperation (SSDC), the international development community has entered into a new paradigm of development cooperation. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development – Development Assistance Committee (OECD-DAC) has had to consider what recently added members might have to offer, particularly South Korea given its dramatic transformation from official development assistance (ODA) recipient to donor. Post-colonial theory sees ODA as a system that reinforces the traditional hierarchy of North–South relations and reaffirms the hegemony of dominant countries; the SSDC has faced similar neo-colonial allegations. By employing post-colonial theory this paper investigates some neo-­colonial criticisms of the ODA activities of major OECD-DAC and SSDC providers, before turning its focus on those of South Korea to determine whether it does indeed offer an alternative strategy to development. The African region was chosen as the focus in light of the increased amount of aid South Korea has allocated to the region. This paper concludes by offering a different role South Korea might play engaging within the OECD-DAC/SSDC context. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1246-1264 Issue: 7 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1590775 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1590775 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:7:p:1246-1264 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Yijun Shi Author-X-Name-First: Yijun Author-X-Name-Last: Shi Author-Name: Guofang Zhai Author-X-Name-First: Guofang Author-X-Name-Last: Zhai Author-Name: Shutian Zhou Author-X-Name-First: Shutian Author-X-Name-Last: Zhou Author-Name: Wei Chen Author-X-Name-First: Wei Author-X-Name-Last: Chen Author-Name: Zhongyu He Author-X-Name-First: Zhongyu Author-X-Name-Last: He Title: Slow City development in China: process, approaches and acceptability Abstract: The Slow City concept advocates the development of cities by combining modern technologies and traditional lifestyles to provide efficient transportation and communication and high quality of life for the residents. This study investigates the present situation, development approach and public acceptability of the Slow City concept in China. Based on the theory and the practical application of the Slow City concept in major member countries, the development process of Slow City can be divided into three stages: the origin stage, the development stage and the promotion stage. This study shows that the Slow City development in China is at the third stage. Due to diverse economic foundations, cultural traditions and the sociopolitical environment, the Slow City in China represents different features compared to the Slow City in Europe. A systematic analysis provides a better understanding of the situation of the Chinese Slow City. Then, the authors evaluate the degree of acceptability of the Slow City concept in China based on three aspects: the understanding, the awareness, and the popularity of the Slow City. Based on the results, this paper suggests optimistic growth opportunities for the Slow City in China and provides several strategies with regard to diverse perspectives. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1265-1282 Issue: 7 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1594181 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1594181 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:7:p:1265-1282 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dominique Philippe Martin Author-X-Name-First: Dominique Philippe Author-X-Name-Last: Martin Title: Knowledge transfer models and poverty alleviation in developing countries: critical approaches and foresight Abstract: Many government of developing countries show their commitment of reducing extreme poverty. A dominant thought considers that economic growth should be based on capital accumulation, productivity improvement, and access to international markets. This article tracts the system of assumptions that developing countries should meet to ensure that transfer models from developed countries could be efficient. We suggest a rebuilding of the transfer model by identifying some “structuring” conditions of developing countries, in particular by empowering universities to take a central role in the regional development process. From a poverty reduction perspective, the focus should be on the sustainability of local socio-technical systems, even if the options chosen are less efficient in the short term. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1209-1226 Issue: 7 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1597340 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1597340 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:7:p:1209-1226 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ceridwen Spark Author-X-Name-First: Ceridwen Author-X-Name-Last: Spark Author-Name: John Cox Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Cox Author-Name: Jack Corbett Author-X-Name-First: Jack Author-X-Name-Last: Corbett Title: Gender, political representation and symbolic capital: how some women politicians succeed Abstract: Increasing women’s representation in national legislatures has become a priority for international organisations and aid donors in recent decades. Existing studies emphasise structural barriers, whether economic, cultural or religious, that inhibit women’s participation in the public sphere. Little attention is paid to women who defy these barriers to win election in contexts that are hostile to their presence. This article addresses this gap. Using a Bourdieusian approach, it shows how three senior women leaders from the Pacific Islands translate symbolic capital into political capital. For donors and would-be reformers, the lesson is that institutional interventions must be implemented in ways which allow women’s symbolic capital to be deployed as political capital, or which enhance women’s control of various forms of capital. This message is particularly relevant for those interested in the capacity of quotas and other temporary measures to translate descriptive representation into substantive developmental gains. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1227-1245 Issue: 7 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1604132 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1604132 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:7:p:1227-1245 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Brooke Coe Author-X-Name-First: Brooke Author-X-Name-Last: Coe Title: The regional brand: collective image consciousness in Africa and Southeast Asia Abstract: States in the same region are bound together by the ways in which the world imagines them as a collective. One distinguishing feature of post-Cold War regionalism is its outward orientation – the importance of the external dimension of regional cooperation. By and large, though, existing analysis of regional institutional development in the Global South does not explicitly conceptualise and theorise collective image consciousness and management. This paper works to address this conceptual gap. Making use of two cases of regional image crisis – post-1980s Africa and post-1997 Southeast Asia – it draws out two primary logics of regional image consciousness: the logic of influence and the logic of resources. A region’s ‘brand’ with respect to (dys)function and international norm (non-)compliance matters to regional actors because it affects the region’s political influence in international arenas and the region’s ability to attract resources from donors and investors. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1304-1321 Issue: 7 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1605826 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1605826 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:7:p:1304-1321 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Quint Hoekstra Author-X-Name-First: Quint Author-X-Name-Last: Hoekstra Title: Conflict diamonds and the Angolan Civil War (1992–2002) Abstract: In the early 1990s several rebel groups turned to natural resource extraction to pay for war. A key form of this is rebel diamond production, commonly referred to as conflict diamonds, which is widely perceived as being highly beneficial to insurgent organisations. Yet in the Angolan Civil War (1992–2002), the use of conflict diamonds by the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) resulted in a decisive insurgent defeat. How can this outcome be explained? Offering a nuanced understanding of how conflict diamonds affect civil war, this article shows that although diamonds generated considerable revenue for UNITA, they were not an effective method for them to take on the Angolan government. This was for two reasons: internally, the rebels greatly struggled to convert their diamond proceeds into sufficient goods and services; and externally, it left the group highly vulnerable to international countermeasures in the form of United Nations Security Council sanctions. Natural resource extraction may therefore not be as useful to rebel groups as is frequently believed. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1322-1339 Issue: 7 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1612740 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1612740 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:7:p:1322-1339 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lee Jones Author-X-Name-First: Lee Author-X-Name-Last: Jones Author-Name: Jinghan Zeng Author-X-Name-First: Jinghan Author-X-Name-Last: Zeng Title: Understanding China’s ‘Belt and Road Initiative’: beyond ‘grand strategy’ to a state transformation analysis Abstract: China’s massive ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI) – designed to build infrastructure and coordinate policymaking across Eurasia and eastern Africa – is widely seen as a clearly-defined, top-down ‘grand strategy’, reflecting Beijing’s growing ambition to reshape, or even dominate, regional and international order. This article argues that this view is mistaken. Foregrounding transformations in the Chinese party-state that shape China’s foreign policy-making, it shows that, rather than being a coherent, geopolitically-driven grand strategy, BRI is an extremely loose, indeterminate scheme, driven primarily by competing domestic interests, particularly state capitalist interests, whose struggle for power and resources are already shaping BRI’s design and implementation. This will generate outcomes that often diverge from top leaders’ intentions and may even undermine key foreign policy goals. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1415-1439 Issue: 8 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1559046 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1559046 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:8:p:1415-1439 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shahar Hameiri Author-X-Name-First: Shahar Author-X-Name-Last: Hameiri Author-Name: Lee Jones Author-X-Name-First: Lee Author-X-Name-Last: Jones Author-Name: John Heathershaw Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Heathershaw Title: Reframing the rising powers debate: state transformation and foreign policy Abstract: The volume that we introduce breaks with the prevalent tendency in International Relations (IR) scholarship to treat rising powers (such as China, Russia, India and Brazil) as unitary actors in international politics. Although a neat demarcation of the domestic and international domains, on which the notion of unitary agency is premised, has always been a myth, these states’ uneven integration into the global political economy has eroded this perspective’s empirical purchase considerably. Instead, this collection advances the concept of ‘state transformation’ as a useful lens through which to examine rising power states’ foreign policymaking and implementation. State transformation refers to the pluralisation of cross-border state agency via contested and uneven processes of fragmentation, decentralisation and internationalisation of state apparatuses. The volume demonstrates the significance of state transformation processes for explaining some of these states’ most important foreign policy agendas, and outlines the implications for the wider field in IR. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1397-1414 Issue: 8 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1594182 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1594182 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:8:p:1397-1414 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Daria Isachenko Author-X-Name-First: Daria Author-X-Name-Last: Isachenko Title: Coordination and control in Russia’s foreign policy: travails of Putin’s curators in the near abroad Abstract: This article seeks to challenge the conception of the Russian state as being centred on Vladimir Putin by looking at the actors implementing Russia’s foreign policy in its near abroad. In particular, it explores the activities of curators (kuratory), a term applied in Russia to describe officials tasked with making things work often bypassing, and sometimes competing with, formal institutions. Following the state transformation framework, the argument put forward in the article is that curation (kuratorstvo), as a practice of coordination and control in Russia’s system of governance, can be seen as a manifestation of fragmentation and internationalisation of Russia’s foreign policy making. The empirical basis for this article is a case study of Russia’s policy towards Abkhazia, which Russia officially recognised as a sovereign state in 2008. This article addresses the involvement of curators in their attempts to exert political influence as an expression of fragmentation as well as emerging institutionalised curation in development assistance as a part of internationalisation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1479-1495 Issue: 8 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1618182 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1618182 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:8:p:1479-1495 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Moch Faisal Karim Author-X-Name-First: Moch Faisal Author-X-Name-Last: Karim Title: State transformation and cross-border regionalism in Indonesia’s periphery: contesting the centre Abstract: This article examines how the decentralisation and fragmentation of the Indonesian state and resultant central–local dynamics affect cross-border regionalism in Indonesia’s periphery. It argues that cross-border regionalism projects are best understood as sites for scalar contestation over regulatory control between central and local government. Moreover, scalar contestation around cross-border regional projects is characterised by the struggles to control relationships with transnational capital between elites operating at different tiers of the state. When elites at different scales have conflicting interests and strategies, this can cause policy incoherence, inhibiting the development of cross-border regionalism. Conversely, when they align, and intersect with the interests of transnational business, cross-border regionalism can succeed. To illustrate the argument, this article utilises the comparative case studies of the Batam free trade zone and West Kalimantan–Sarawak cross-border cooperation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1554-1570 Issue: 8 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1620598 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1620598 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:8:p:1554-1570 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Biao Zhang Author-X-Name-First: Biao Author-X-Name-Last: Zhang Title: State transformation goes nuclear: Chinese National Nuclear Companies’ expansion into Europe Abstract: Most of the literature on state transformation focuses on China’s relations with African, Asian and Latin American countries and the National Oil Companies’ overseas expansion to show that China has become fragmented, decentralised and internationalised. This article contributes novel findings by focusing on China’s relations with Europe and the actions of China’s National Nuclear Companies (NNCs). It shows that NNCs, which have become relatively autonomous actors, often pursue their agendas of expansion into Europe without much coordination with, or even in contradiction to, other ministries’ agendas and interests, especially the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Instead of being orchestrated by the central government, their expansion reflects considerable disorganisation and sometimes undermines China’s official strategy. The article demonstrates this through case studies of NNCs’ involvement in the UK and Romania. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1459-1478 Issue: 8 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1627189 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1627189 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:8:p:1459-1478 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Heathershaw Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Heathershaw Author-Name: Catherine Owen Author-X-Name-First: Catherine Author-X-Name-Last: Owen Author-Name: Alexander Cooley Author-X-Name-First: Alexander Author-X-Name-Last: Cooley Title: Centred discourse, decentred practice: the relational production of Russian and Chinese ‘rising’ power in Central Asia Abstract: This paper challenges dominant understandings of ‘rising powers’ by developing a decentred, relational account of Russia and China in Central Asia. We ask whether Moscow and Beijing’s regional integrative strategies do not guide, but rather are led by, everyday interactions among Russian and Chinese actors, and local actors in Central Asia. Rising powers, as a derivative of ‘Great Powers’, are frequently portrayed as structurally comparable units that concentrate power in their executives, fetishise territorial sovereignty, recruit client states, contest regional hegemony and explicitly oppose the post-1945 international order. In contrast, we demonstrate that the centred discourse of Eurasian integration promoted by Russian and Chinese leaders is decentred by networks of business and political elites, especially with regard to capital accumulation. Adopting Homi K. Bhabha’s notion of mimicry (subversion, hybridity) and J. C. Scott’s conception of mētis (local knowledge, agency), and using examples of Russian and Chinese investments and infrastructure projects in Central Asia, we argue that in order to understand centring discourse we must look to decentring practices at the periphery; that is, rising power is produced through ongoing interactions between actors at the margins of the state’s hegemonic reach. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1440-1458 Issue: 8 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1627867 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1627867 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:8:p:1440-1458 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Babak Mohammadzadeh Author-X-Name-First: Babak Author-X-Name-Last: Mohammadzadeh Title: Beyond royal politics: state transformation and foreign policy in Saudi Arabia Abstract: Saudi politics is commonly portrayed as reflecting a system of centralised personal rule in which decision-making power trickles down from the tightly knit power circles within the House of Saud. In contrast, this paper draws attention to the empowerment of quasi-autonomous state organisations in Saudi Arabia as a result of state transformation and regional integration. At its most extreme, state transformation in Saudi Arabia has created institutional and regulatory enclaves with vested interests and areas of competence that cross Saudi borders. This paper illustrates the foreign policy ramifications of transformed statehood in Saudi attempts to further Gulf regional integration in the context of the Gulf Monetary Union project. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1571-1589 Issue: 8 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1635880 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1635880 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:8:p:1571-1589 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Daniel Cardoso Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Cardoso Title: From centralisation to fragmentation and back again: the role of non-state actors in Brazil’s transformed foreign policy Abstract: Since the 1990s, Brazil’s foreign policy-making, traditionally a highly centralised and hierarchical process, has become more fragmented, plural and horizontal. In this context, the role of non-state actors has been increasingly relevant. The impact and significance of these actors have been however a matter of debate. While there are authors that consider that non-state actors play only a secondary role in the policy-making process, there are others that assert that these actors work alongside governmental actors and directly influence policy choices. Drawing on the concept of network governance, the paper proposes a different view from the two recurrent approaches in the literature mentioned above. It argues that the recent steps to transform Brazil’s state governance from hierarchy to horizontal networks have indeed expanded the room for the direct participation of non-state actors in the policy process. However, state authorities fought to adjust this tendency, in order to retain control over the decision-making process, by putting in place formal and informal coordinating mechanisms led by the Ministry of Foreign Relations and the Presidency. This suggests Brazil’s foreign policy was made in the shadow of hierarchy. The paper demonstrates the argument using the case of Brazil’s foreign policy towards China. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1535-1553 Issue: 8 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1635881 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1635881 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:8:p:1535-1553 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Madhan Mohan Jaganathan Author-X-Name-First: Madhan Mohan Author-X-Name-Last: Jaganathan Title: Can constituent states influence foreign and security policy? Coalitional dynamics in India Abstract: The Indian state has undergone significant transformation since the late 1980s, most notably the extensive decentralisation of power, with consequences for the formation and implementation of Indian foreign policy. This article explores the role of India’s constituent states explaining the extent and limitations of their autonomy and influence. It deploys and extends the state transformation approach to incorporate considerations of issue area and coalition type. Under coalitions led by typical national parties, subnational governments are less likely to influence foreign and security policy. Under the same coalition type, they are more likely to behave autonomously on non-traditional security issues such as sharing of water resources with neighbouring countries. They are less likely to behave autonomously on security issues such as the transnational expression of ethnic solidarity. Under coalitions led by atypical national parties or regional parties, subnational governments are likely to exercise a moderate level of autonomy and influence on issue areas such as transnational expression of ethnic solidarity. They are likely to exercise a high level of autonomy and influence on non-traditional security issues such as sharing of water resources. The framework is illustrated through Tamil Nadu’s activism on Sri Lanka, and West Bengal’s position on water-sharing with Bangladesh. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1516-1534 Issue: 8 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1640060 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1640060 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:8:p:1516-1534 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stuti Bhatnagar Author-X-Name-First: Stuti Author-X-Name-Last: Bhatnagar Author-Name: Priya Chacko Author-X-Name-First: Priya Author-X-Name-Last: Chacko Title: Peacebuilding think tanks, Indian foreign policy and the Kashmir conflict Abstract: Foreign policy making in India is typically viewed as highly centralised and dominated by the Prime Minister’s Office and bureaucracy. Yet in 2004, the Congress-Party-led United Progressive Alliance government launched a Composite Dialogue with Pakistan which included a place for Indian think tanks in the Kashmir dispute. We suggest that as India liberalised its economy amidst domestic political upheaval, think tanks were given greater access to domestic and foreign funding and adopted new roles in foreign policy making. In the case of the Kashmir conflict, peacebuilding think tanks were encouraged by the government to engage in cross-border activities that would build constituencies for peace with Pakistan and promote economic cooperation as an incentive for peace. While the government aimed to depoliticise the conflict, these think tanks used this opportunity to draw attention to marginalised perspectives and issues. Peacebuilding think tanks nonetheless faced significant challenges in shaping the peace process because of structural constraints regarding access to resources and lack of autonomy to further their agendas. This reflected resistance within the state to depoliticising a conflict that has long been India’s central national security issue. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1496-1515 Issue: 8 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1642743 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1642743 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:8:p:1496-1515 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nathanael Ojong Author-X-Name-First: Nathanael Author-X-Name-Last: Ojong Title: Informal borrowing sources and uses: insights from the North West Region, Cameroon Abstract: This article seeks to analyse the informal borrowing sources of the poor as well as the purposes for borrowing. The obsession on characterising the poor as financially excluded fails to grasp their active financial lives. This article emphasises how relations of credit/debt are rooted in complex social and cultural forces. It is precisely because of the social embeddedness of credit that family finance, though interest-free, is not a first resort. Similarly, credit in kind from shopkeepers, though critical to consumption smoothing, is detested by some people. Also, it is argued that the involvement of the traditional leader in repayment enforcement in informal financial groups challenges the economistic narrative that attempts to separate credit from cultural norms. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1730-1749 Issue: 9 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1460201 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1460201 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:9:p:1730-1749 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Łukasz Fijałkowski Author-X-Name-First: Łukasz Author-X-Name-Last: Fijałkowski Author-Name: Jarosław Jarząbek Author-X-Name-First: Jarosław Author-X-Name-Last: Jarząbek Title: Between emergency and routine – securitisation of military security in Iran and Indonesia Abstract: The aim of this article is to explain the internal conditions of military security in a non-European context. It utilises securitisation as the theoretical perspective and investigates Iranian and Indonesian case studies to explore how the perception of internal threats and vulnerabilities determines the approaches to military security. It begins with a reiteration of securitisation theory assumptions, followed by clarifying the understanding of security in non-Western contexts. The case studies focus on the conditions which facilitate securitisation, including the nature of securitising actors, assumed concepts of security, and securitisation processes and their outcomes. The analysis indicates a necessity for several alterations in securitisation theory to realise its full potential. Civil–military relations in Asian states differ from those in the West, as both Iran and Indonesia show a high degree of military involvement in political affairs. Military security also becomes securitised as a result of internal political rivalries. The perception of threats is a tool in the struggle to extend the capabilities of security agencies or retain influences. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1670-1688 Issue: 9 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1578645 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1578645 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:9:p:1670-1688 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jörg Friedrichs Author-X-Name-First: Jörg Author-X-Name-Last: Friedrichs Title: Explaining China’s popularity in the Middle East and Africa Abstract: China enjoys considerable popularity in the Middle East and Africa, not only among elites but also at street level. This article draws on international relations theories to explain this general pattern, as well as intra- and interregional variation. Every approach has something to contribute, but international political economy more so than realism. Constructivist theories are particularly useful in explaining China’s popularity in the Middle East and Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1634-1654 Issue: 9 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1592670 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1592670 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:9:p:1634-1654 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Binyam Afewerk Demena Author-X-Name-First: Binyam Afewerk Author-X-Name-Last: Demena Author-Name: Peter A. G. van Bergeijk Author-X-Name-First: Peter A. G. Author-X-Name-Last: van Bergeijk Title: Observing FDI spillover transmission channels: evidence from firms in Uganda Abstract: We observe and analyse three intra-industry foreign direct investment (FDI) spillover transmission channels using unique firm-level data collected from on-site interviews and observations regarding domestic and foreign firms operating in Uganda in 2015. Our main results are: (1) the spillover effects mainly depend on the channel(s) by which they occur (the competition channel is most important while spillover benefits through the worker mobility and the imitation channels are less prevalent) and (2) both positive and negative spillover effects occur within the same channel and, moreover, effects differ by channel for the same case. These are novel and challenging findings that have not yet been recognised in theoretical and empirical research on FDI spillovers. Our results suggest that long-term pecuniary spillover effects are predominantly stimulated via the competition channel and show that only limited short-term and long-term technological spillover effects occur through the imitation and the movement of workers channels. These channels are not only less prevalent, but also appear to be constrained by competition-determined spillovers. We are confident that these directions for future research will have a high pay-off because, as shown by this exploratory fieldwork, a more complete picture of the spillover effects is reached when the channels are considered simultaneously. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1708-1729 Issue: 9 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1596022 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1596022 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:9:p:1708-1729 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Matthew Clarke Author-X-Name-First: Matthew Author-X-Name-Last: Clarke Author-Name: Sophie Perreard Author-X-Name-First: Sophie Author-X-Name-Last: Perreard Author-Name: Phil Connors Author-X-Name-First: Phil Author-X-Name-Last: Connors Title: Building a humanitarian sector career: understanding the education vs experience tension Abstract: Each year over the last decade, there were on average 400 humanitarian disasters or emergencies, killing more than 100,000 people and affecting a further 200 million. Such humanitarian events require immediate responses as well as effective longer-term activities to aid communities recover. The global response is now valued over US$27 billion annually. More than half a million people are estimated to work in this sector, the majority being locally engaged staff. The international community provides significant resources to assist local communities impacted by these humanitarian emergencies. This aid flows through multiple channels, including national and regional governments, international non-governmental organisations and local community based organisations. Increasing the skills and knowledge of leaders and managers of these responses is a critical need to ensure the most effective recovery in communities as well as use of resources. Understanding the professional journey in the humanitarian sector is vital, but currently limited. As the humanitarian sector continues to expand, greater focus on the skill-set needed by humanitarian workers responding to these events is needed. However, tensions exist between the primacy given to the experiences and soft-skills of humanitarian workers over the value of academic qualifications. This paper provides some suggestions how this tension within the humanitarian sector may be addressed and reconciled. This paper presents new data based on interviews with 20 humanitarian professionals from a range of humanitarian aid agencies and considers their experiences and reflections on building a career within the humanitarian sector. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1655-1669 Issue: 9 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1601549 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1601549 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:9:p:1655-1669 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dobrosława Wiktor-Mach Author-X-Name-First: Dobrosława Author-X-Name-Last: Wiktor-Mach Title: Cultural heritage and development: UNESCO’s new paradigm in a changing geopolitical context Abstract: In the 1980s, the process of convergence between culture and development began to emerge in the context of post-colonialism and changing geopolitical realities. Later on, along with increasing multilateralism, The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) eventually became the main actor in promoting culture as a fourth pillar of sustainable development. The paradigm shift in the heritage-development agenda is examined in the context of growing aspirations of non-Western states to play an active role in the global heritage regime, and the interests and strategies of UNESCO’s secretariat and the member states. At first, heritage and development were perceived as separate or opposed fields. Recently, a sustainable development framework emerged as a new global development model. UNESCO has engaged in the shaping of the United Nations (UN) 2030 agenda, and advocated a pragmatic approach to heritage. This paper examines the evolution of ideas and concepts linking ‘development’ and ‘heritage’ forged at the forum of UNESCO as part of its Culture and Development framework. The role of the Global South in the paradigm change is highlighted. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1593-1612 Issue: 9 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1604131 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1604131 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:9:p:1593-1612 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Prapimphan Chiengkul Author-X-Name-First: Prapimphan Author-X-Name-Last: Chiengkul Title: Uneven development, inequality and concentration of power: a critique of Thailand 4.0 Abstract: This article provides a critique of the Thailand 4.0 strategy to push the country out of the middle-income trap through innovation-driven, inclusive and sustainable growth. First, it argues that the policies have insufficiently analysed the persistence of structural hierarchy and uneven development in the global political economy, which will constrain Thailand’s catch-up success in the future. Second, based on writings about progressive mission-led industrial strategies, it is argued that Thailand 4.0 ought to embed a progressive social and environmental agenda more clearly in its industrial strategy. Third, it is argued that Thailand 4.0 neglects to address the high concentration of political and economic power in the country, and also continues to allow unequal access to the policymaking process that has led to socio-environmental problems. Overall, this article argues that Thailand 4.0 will increasingly aggravate the two-tier fragmented nature of the political economic system of Thailand, where few can reap the biggest shares of the surplus and participate in more advanced sectors of the economy. It also calls for a more progressive industrial strategy and an alternative developmental path. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1689-1707 Issue: 9 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1612739 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1612739 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:9:p:1689-1707 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: William Avilés Author-X-Name-First: William Author-X-Name-Last: Avilés Title: The Wayúu tragedy: death, water and the imperatives of global capitalism Abstract: Between 20007 and 2017 approximately 5000 children of the Wayúu tribe in the Guajira state in Colombia died, largely from an inability to gain access to clean water. A severe drought is a proximate factor to this massive loss of life, but the drought concealed a larger historical, political and economic context that was fundamental to this humanitarian crisis. A context dominated by the needs of our present epoch of global capitalism and not simply the consequences of regional corruption or the weakness of the Colombian state. In the case of Guajira, transnational coal mining interests have for decades worked to dispossess indigenous communities from their lands while capturing more of their water resources to facilitate the operation of the largest open-pit mine in the world. This demand for coal, land and water was facilitated by factions of Colombia’s political establishment on a national and regional level that viewed such investments as necessary for development and/or as a source of funding for corruption and political violence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1750-1766 Issue: 9 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1613638 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1613638 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:9:p:1750-1766 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Husen Ahmed Tura Author-X-Name-First: Husen Ahmed Author-X-Name-Last: Tura Title: Achieving zero hunger: implementing a human rights approach to food security in Ethiopia Abstract: A human rights approach to food security seeks to empower vulnerable groups to claim their rights. It also reinforces a government’s obligations to respect, protect and fulfil the right to food. Furthermore, it encourages the integration of the right to food into the design and implementation of food security policies. This article examines the human rights approach to food security, with specific reference to Ethiopia. It assesses the historical causes of Ethiopia’s food insecurity, and examines the legislative and policy measures that the country has adopted over the last three decades in order to achieve food security. Food insecurity in the country is largely explained by the absence of government accountability. In 1973 and 1984, the hunger caused by drought was transitioned to famine not because of overall unavailability of food in the country, but because the government failed to provide food aid to the starved people and concealed the occurrence of famines from the international donors. Despite designing some food security policies over the last three decades, the country has not yet adopted sufficient legislative and judicial measures to enforce the right to food. This article argues that Ethiopia should introduce a framework law on the right to food to end hunger in the context of achieving national food security. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1613-1633 Issue: 9 Volume: 40 Year: 2019 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1617630 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1617630 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:40:y:2019:i:9:p:1613-1633 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David G. Lewis Author-X-Name-First: David G. Author-X-Name-Last: Lewis Author-Name: Saniya Sagnayeva Author-X-Name-First: Saniya Author-X-Name-Last: Sagnayeva Title: Corruption, patronage and illiberal peace: forging political settlement in post-conflict Kyrgyzstan Abstract: This article engages critically with recent literature on political settlements through a case study of inter-ethnic conflict in southern Kyrgyzstan. The case study traces how a new political settlement emerged in the aftermath of conflict, despite a rejection of international proposals on conflict resolution. Instead, local elites constructed an exclusionary form of social order, forged through dispossession and violence, maintained by informal institutions of patronage and clientage. The article explains why this new political settlement appeared remarkably resilient, despite its failure to address traditional liberal concerns regarding transitional justice and minority grievances. The case study highlights two major problems with the political settlements literature. First, it contests a widespread conceptualisation of political settlements as indicating a cessation of conflict, instead pointing to how a political settlement can be initiated and maintained through different forms of violence. Second, it questions notions of inclusivity in political settlements, noting that many political settlements combine logics of both inclusion and exclusion. In many cases, they are marked by exclusionary, authoritarian practices that together constitute a form of ‘illiberal peace’. These findings caution against a simplistic use of political settlements theory to inform policies aimed at resolving internal conflicts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 77-95 Issue: 1 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1642102 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1642102 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:1:p:77-95 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas R. Eimer Author-X-Name-First: Thomas R. Author-X-Name-Last: Eimer Title: What if the subaltern speaks? Traditional knowledge policies in Brazil and India Abstract: This article explores the success chances of subaltern political agency. Empirically, it investigates how indigenous groups can prevent unwanted access to their traditional knowledge regarding biological resources. The article compares indigenous politics in Brazil and India. Brazilian movements effectively defend regulations to deny the disclosure of their knowledge, whereas comparable demands of the Adivasis in India have remained fairly neglected. To explain these differences, the article connects the insights of social movements and postcolonial theories. It shows that a synopsis of both literatures helps to explain both the potential and the limitations of indigenous political agency. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 96-112 Issue: 1 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1650639 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1650639 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:1:p:96-112 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jude Howell Author-X-Name-First: Jude Author-X-Name-Last: Howell Author-Name: K. R. Fisher Author-X-Name-First: K. R. Author-X-Name-Last: Fisher Author-Name: X. Shang Author-X-Name-First: X. Author-X-Name-Last: Shang Title: Accountability and legitimacy of NGOs under authoritarianism: the case of China Abstract: How non-governmental organisations (NGOs) craft accountability and legitimacy in authoritarian states is poorly understood. We put forward a framework of analysis for capturing the processes of making accountability and legitimacy. We introduce the ideas of first- and second-order accountability and stocks of accountability capital. In authoritarian regimes, building second-order accountability through the accumulation of stocks of accountability is crucial for NGOs’ survival and organisational development and as a path towards gaining first-order accountability. Drawing on a decade of fieldwork on child welfare NGOs in China from 2007 to 2017, we select three case studies with long operational trajectories to illustrate processes of crafting legitimacy and accountability. The research contributes empirically and theoretically to the understanding of accountability in NGOs in authoritarian states through the novel analytic framework and case study of China. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 113-132 Issue: 1 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1658520 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1658520 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:1:p:113-132 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Camilla Orjuela Author-X-Name-First: Camilla Author-X-Name-Last: Orjuela Title: Countering Buddhist radicalisation: emerging peace movements in Myanmar and Sri Lanka Abstract: Violence and hate speech endorsed by Buddhist monks against Muslim minorities in South and Southeast Asia have attracted global attention in recent years, and been the focus for a growing academic scholarship. This article turns the attention to peace activists, religious – including Buddhist – leaders and other civil society actors seeking to counter anti-Muslim agitation in Myanmar and Sri Lanka. Drawing on theories about social movements and countermovements, it analyses the diverse counter-forces, their activities and the obstacles they face. Doing so, the article contributes to an understanding of peacebuilding in religiously framed conflicts, and of the conditions for peace movements in an age of radicalisation and online activism. Based on interviews with civil society representatives and religious leaders, complemented with secondary sources, the study finds that although the peace movements are weaker and largely reactive to and restrained by the radical Buddhist nationalist movements, they constitute important counter-voices. The article also argues that the struggle between hate speech and counter speech in social media constitutes an important part of the movement–countermovement dynamics. Finally, the article suggests that theories on opposing movements can usefully be developed to enhance our understanding of mobilisation in different arenas in conflict-affected societies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 133-150 Issue: 1 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1660631 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1660631 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:1:p:133-150 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sara de Simone Author-X-Name-First: Sara Author-X-Name-Last: de Simone Title: Beyond normativity and benchmarking: applying a human security approach to refugee-hosting areas in Africa Abstract: The concept of human security became popular in the 1990s as a new framework for conceptualising security, shifting its referent from states to human beings and expanding its scope. While acknowledging the widespread criticism and rich debate that developed around the concept of human security after its appearance, this paper analyses the context in which human security emerged as a concept and reviews its different usages with a particular focus on its application to Africa and refugee-hosting areas. It maintains that the contribution of this concept goes beyond the simple statement that security is a matter of people’s lives. Thanks to its focus on subjective understandings of security, human security can be used as an analytical framework to produce context-specific knowledge about security based on people’s perceptions of what makes them secure/insecure and on local practices of human security – what people do to feel more secure. The application of a human security framework to refugee-hosting areas in Africa would contribute towards enhancing refugees’ agency in a context often dominated by a victimising narrative, as well as providing a comprehensive understanding of security priorities, providing important information for more context-specific policymaking. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 168-183 Issue: 1 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1660635 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1660635 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:1:p:168-183 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rebecca Simson Author-X-Name-First: Rebecca Author-X-Name-Last: Simson Author-Name: Mike Savage Author-X-Name-First: Mike Author-X-Name-Last: Savage Title: The global significance of national inequality decline Abstract: Since the 1980s, inequality has been rising in Europe, North America and parts of Asia. How does our understanding of global inequality dynamics change if coverage is extended to the rest of the developing world? To rebalance the perspective on global inequality trends, this paper surveys data and literature on recent inequality trends in Latin America, Asia, Africa and the Middle East. It finds that in these regions there are more countries with falling than rising inequality over the past 20 years, as measured by Ginis of income or consumption inequality. At the global level, therefore, there are signs of inequality convergence, as inequality has been falling in countries with high inequality in the 1990s (particularly Latin America), and rising in historically low-inequality countries. We discuss the political and economic drivers of inequality decline in countries with a steady fall in the Gini. This suggests some common trends across the globe, including the role of democratisation, the rise of new social movements, and the expansion of education and social safety nets and favourable commodity prices, in reducing income disparities. This paper calls for more country-level comparisons of inequality trends, to highlight the multiplicity of paths in this latest phase of globalisation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 20-41 Issue: 1 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1662287 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1662287 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:1:p:20-41 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Giulia Scalettaris Author-X-Name-First: Giulia Author-X-Name-Last: Scalettaris Title: The Afghan Ministry of Refugees: an unruly trainee in state capacity building Abstract: This article looks at the interactions between the officials of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)’s mission in Afghanistan and the heads of the Afghan Ministry of Refugees in the mid-2000s. It examines the rationales that guide officials at both the UNHCR and the ministry, as a way of unpacking the politics of state capacity building in post-2001 Afghanistan. The first section looks at the tense relationship between the two bodies from the point of view of UN officials, who strive to redress a ministry portrayed as ‘incapable’. By looking in turn at the fundaments of the political legitimacy of the Afghan state, at how international intervention transforms the Afghan political arena, and at Afghanistan’s position in global power relations, the following sections identify three rationales that can be ascribed to ministry officials, namely reconciling internal and external state legitimacy, strategic resource tapping and resistance to inter-state hegemony. From its standpoint at the juncture between an ‘external’ and a ‘local’ institution, the article ultimately stresses the importance of gaining epistemological distance from the peace building project in order to consider ‘local’ actors as full political actors. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 151-167 Issue: 1 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1662289 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1662289 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:1:p:151-167 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Zunera Rana Author-X-Name-First: Zunera Author-X-Name-Last: Rana Author-Name: Dirk-Jan Koch Author-X-Name-First: Dirk-Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Koch Title: Is it time to ‘decolonise’ the fungibility debate? Abstract: Recent literature has established that development assistance is often fungible and that this is undesirable. In line with current efforts to ‘decolonise development studies’, we critically reflect on the underlying assumptions of this line of thinking. We establish a framework that differentiates between potential positive and negative fungibility. We hypothesise that recipient governments can redirect their own funds and achieve positive fungibility, if (1) the marginal value added in the alternative target sector/region is higher; (2) equity concerns are adequately addressed when other sectors/regions are supported; and (3) temporal delay helps to cushion instability of aid flows. There are indications that this positive fungibility might be quite prevalent. Future fungibility research should therefore no longer assume that fungibility is in itself undesirable. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 42-57 Issue: 1 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1665012 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1665012 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:1:p:42-57 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roger Merino Author-X-Name-First: Roger Author-X-Name-Last: Merino Title: The cynical state: forging extractivism, neoliberalism and development in governmental spaces Abstract: Recent analyses of development and extractivism in Latin America discuss how neoliberal and post-neoliberal strategies under the political economy of resource extraction define the developmental trajectory of national regimes. As most accounts privilege the analysis of structural and historical conditions over everyday practices of state actors, this paper contributes to the discussion by explaining how extractivism and neoliberalism are shaped, reproduced and defended in governmental spaces, defining in this way the development path. On the basis of ethnography of the Peruvian state, in-depth interviews and an analysis of economic, environmental and pro-indigenous policies during 2000–2017, this paper analyses how under the development model of extractivism, governing elites deploy neoliberal or post-neoliberal development strategies and development tools while advancing contradictory development discourses. In this context, states are cynical because, despite progressive regulations and political discourses, everyday actions of governing elites reinforce institutional and ideological constraints on the effectiveness of rights. The promises of pro-indigenous and environmental social reforms are limited from their very formulation because the practices and imaginaries of governing elites are embedded in extractive structures. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 58-76 Issue: 1 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1668264 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1668264 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:1:p:58-76 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stacy Banwell Author-X-Name-First: Stacy Author-X-Name-Last: Banwell Title: Gender, North–South relations: reviewing the Global Gag Rule and the defunding of UNFPA under President Trump Abstract: In 2017, American President Donald Trump reinstated the ‘global gag rule’(GGR). This order bans new funding to nongovernmental organisations that provide abortion as a method of family planning, lobby to make abortion laws less restrictive, or provide information, referrals or counselling on abortions. In the same year the Trump administration defunded The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). The latter is reviewed against the backdrop of the conflict in Syria. These policies draw upon, and reproduce, normative representations of women as vulnerable, weak, passive and maternal. Focusing on women’s access to abortion following wartime rape, the meanings and implications of these policies are reviewed. Transnational and postcolonial feminist perspectives are used to unpack the core themes of this piece: gender, reproductive health care and foreign economic policy. Three main arguments are made: (1) US foreign policy on abortion under the Trump administration draws implicitly on conservative ideas about gender, sexuality and maternity; (2) denying female survivors of rape access to abortion – which is discriminatory and violates key international instruments – is a form of structural violence that amounts to torture; and (3) the GGR and the defunding of UNFPA reproduce structural inequalities between the Global North and the Global South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-19 Issue: 1 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1668266 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1668266 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:1:p:1-19 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tariq Dana Author-X-Name-First: Tariq Author-X-Name-Last: Dana Title: Crony capitalism in the Palestinian Authority: a deal among friends Abstract: This article interrogates the multifaceted political–economic networks entrenched within the multiple structures of the West Bank-based Palestinian Authority (PA). The main argument of this article is that crony capitalism is a defining feature of the PA’s relations with a handful of capitalists and business groups. The demonstration of this argument is exhibited through the large-scale public and private monopolistic practices in strategic sectors of the Palestinian economy, which function within the framework of Israel’s settler-colonial reality and the persistent patterns of international aid to the occupied West Bank. While acknowledging the existence of cronyism as a feature of the capitalist system in its diverse typologies, crony capitalism may be more pronounced in situations characterised by political uncertainty, whereby political–business collusion strategizes the expansion of neo-patrimonial networks and rent-seeking opportunities as a meta-mechanism for social control and political stabilisation. In the Occupied Palestinian Territories, crony capitalism was developed as part of the political allegiances and economic alliances that underpin the structures created by the Oslo process, which are fostered by Israeli policies and the international donor community to maintain the cohesiveness of the PA regime. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 247-263 Issue: 2 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1618705 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1618705 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:2:p:247-263 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Senem Aydın-Düzgit Author-X-Name-First: Senem Author-X-Name-Last: Aydın-Düzgit Title: Can non-democracies support international democracy? Turkey as a case study Abstract: In recent years, there has been a rise of interest in the concept of autocracy promotion, with scholars questioning whether the efforts by authoritarian governments to influence political transitions beyond their borders are necessarily pro-authoritarian. An extension of this question is whether some authoritarian governments may at times find it in their interest to support democracy abroad. This article aims to answer this question by focusing on the case of Turkey. It argues that, despite its rapidly deteriorating democracy since the late 2000s, Turkey has undertaken democracy support policies with the explicit goal of democratic transition in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region during the Arab Spring and, while not bearing the intention of democratic transition, has employed democracy support instruments in the form of state-building in sub-Saharan Africa since 2005 to the present day. Based on original fieldwork, the article finds that non-democracies can turn out as democracy supporters, if and when opportunities for strategic gains from democratisation abroad arise. The article further suggests that even in those cases where strategic interests do not necessitate regime change, a non-democracy may still deploy democracy support instruments to pursue its narrow interests, without adhering to an agenda for democratic transition. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 264-283 Issue: 2 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1636643 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1636643 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:2:p:264-283 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sophia Sabrow Author-X-Name-First: Sophia Author-X-Name-Last: Sabrow Title: Peripheral states and conformity to international norms: the dilemma of the marginalised Abstract: This paper seeks to understand the seemingly paradoxical behaviour of states of the Global South, which on one the hand conform to transnational norms in order to integrate into the international society and on the other hand (sometimes simultaneously) differentiate themselves from them. To that end, this article develops the dilemma of the marginalised in order to show that conformity and differentiation become two paradoxical strategies for marginalised actors to pursue the same goal: equality with powerful states. The transformation of the Organisation of African Unity to the African Union, where significant changes in Africa’s policy vis-à-vis global powers took place, serves as a case study to illustrate how marginalised actors struggle between conformity and differentiation in order to claim their place in the international arena. It also shows how the dilemma of the marginalised can be compelling to help us understand the predicaments of marginalised actors across vastly different situations of structural inequality. Acknowledging the dilemma helps us understand their behaviour rather than to dismiss it as irrational, thereby recognising Third World agency in shaping the international system. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 187-206 Issue: 2 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1637728 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1637728 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:2:p:187-206 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kristina Roepstorff Author-X-Name-First: Kristina Author-X-Name-Last: Roepstorff Title: A call for critical reflection on the localisation agenda in humanitarian action Abstract: Calls for a greater inclusion of local actors have featured for some time in debates on how to make humanitarian action more efficient and address unequal power relations within the humanitarian system. Though the localisation agenda is at the core of current reform efforts in the humanitarian sector, the debate lacks a critical discussion of underlying assumptions – most strikingly, the very conceptualisation of the local itself. It is argued that the current discourse is dominated by a problematic conceptualisation of the local in binary opposition to the international, leading to blind spots in the analysis of exclusionary practices of the humanitarian sector. As such the localisation agenda risks perpetuating the very issues it wants to redress. A critical localism is thus proposed as a framework for much needed research on the localisation agenda. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 284-301 Issue: 2 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1644160 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1644160 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:2:p:284-301 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anisa J. N. Jafar Author-X-Name-First: Anisa J. N. Author-X-Name-Last: Jafar Title: Disaster documentation: improving medical information-sharing in sudden-onset disaster scenarios Abstract: This study investigates clinical practitioners’ use of medical documentation during sudden-onset disasters in order to better understand how we can improve practice. Thirteen participants, representing nine nationalities and six clinical disciplines (with the collective working experience of at least 15 different organisations providing disaster response), underwent semi-structured interviews using an inductive approach based in grounded theory. The initial codes and themes were analysed over four coding rounds and developed into selective codes. The findings suggest that documentation is overwhelmingly de-prioritised in disasters due to competing demands; there is little incentive to complete documentation at an organisational or government level; practitioners acknowledge the importance of and need for adequate documentation; paper documentation still has its place whilst electronic approaches have both benefits and drawbacks; and disasters require bespoke documentation solutions. Development of the emergency medical team (EMT) ‘data management’ role within EMTs may be one way to focus teams on key areas of improvement. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 321-339 Issue: 2 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1650263 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1650263 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:2:p:321-339 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christian Bueger Author-X-Name-First: Christian Author-X-Name-Last: Bueger Author-Name: Timothy Edmunds Author-X-Name-First: Timothy Author-X-Name-Last: Edmunds Author-Name: Robert McCabe Author-X-Name-First: Robert Author-X-Name-Last: McCabe Title: Into the sea: capacity-building innovations and the maritime security challenge Abstract: Maritime security capacity-building is a growing field of international activity. It is an area that requires further study, as a field in its own right, but also as an archetype to develop insights for capacity-building and security sector reform in other arenas. This article is one of the first to analyse this field of activity. Our empirical focus is on the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) region. Here, international actors have launched multiple capacity-building projects, initially in response to Somali piracy. We document the significance, extent and variety of capacity-building activities in this region and examine the ways in which capacity-building at sea has incorporated innovative characteristics that develop and expand the capacity-building agenda as traditionally understood. Our conclusion highlights the need to pay more attention to the maritime domain in international security and development studies and considers ways in which the maritime capacity-building experience may offer important lessons for other fields of international policy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 228-246 Issue: 2 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1660632 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1660632 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:2:p:228-246 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Philippe M. Frowd Author-X-Name-First: Philippe M. Author-X-Name-Last: Frowd Title: Producing the ‘transit’ migration state: international security intervention in Niger Abstract: Despite a growing interest in transit migration and border controls along migration routes, there is relatively little work on the production and operation of the category of ‘transit’ itself. This article investigates how Niger emerges as a country of migration ‘transit’ and what impacts this categorisation has had on security and development interventions targeting the country. Building from the literature on the governance of transit migration and on the ‘migration state’, this article theorises transit as a political label. It argues that Niger’s status as a transit country is constructed through a ‘polyvocal’ process involving the discourse and everyday assumptions of international and local actors. The article locates this shared understanding in official texts, everyday routines, and sub-state diplomatic practices. It goes on to argue that these framings, despite divergent rationales, have effects visible in the evolution of security intervention in Niger. These include shifts in the location of border security, the blurring of migration into other transnational threats, and the creation of new domestic institutional practices. The article contributes to theorising the political construction and specificity of transit-ness and provides a fresh case for the research agenda on inter-state relations around migration governance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 340-358 Issue: 2 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1660633 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1660633 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:2:p:340-358 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Engin Sune Author-X-Name-First: Engin Author-X-Name-Last: Sune Title: Internationalisation, global capitalism and the integration of Iran Abstract: There is a common tendency to observe a process of homogenisation when the current international structure is analysed. However, the globalisation process embraces heterogeneities and contradictions stemming from the integration of different states into a single global structure. This article explores the role and motivations of domestic social classes in creating variations in the form of integration of their states into the global whole. It takes one of the odd cases at the centre of inquiry and particularly concentrates on the emergence of alternative forms to the neoliberal globalisation in the process of Iran’s integration into the global capitalism. The accumulation strategies adopted by the dominant class factions in Iran are investigated in order to reveal their dialectical relationship with the international capitalist structure. Their role in the international political economy of Iran demonstrates how social agents through their strategic activities create variations in the forms of integration into the global capitalism. The article compares the Iranian case to the varieties of integration of lately capitalised but not peripherised BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) states. This aims to reveal that whilst these countries have truly integrated into the global capitalist system, the internationalisation of their states contradicts the accumulation strategies of their dominant classes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 359-377 Issue: 2 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1662288 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1662288 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:2:p:359-377 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Juliette Schwak Author-X-Name-First: Juliette Author-X-Name-Last: Schwak Title: Nothing new under the sun: South Korea’s developmental promises and neoliberal illusions Abstract: The Korean government has strategically promoted the country’s development assistance policies as an alternative to traditional donors’ failed development promises and disguised neo-imperialist policies. This article questions the adequacy of fit between this narrative of exceptionalism and the reality of Korea’s developmental policy prescriptions. Based on field interviews and an analysis of policy recommendation reports produced by the Economic Development Cooperation Fund’s Knowledge Sharing Program, this article shows that Korea is actually ‘kicking away the ladder’ by offering neoliberal prescriptions that are much more in line with global developmental liberalism than its own promotional narrative suggests. Korea is merely aligning itself with the global development status quo. But these prescriptions ease chaebols’ entry in developing markets and contribute to exporting an oppressive chaebol-led transnational labour regime, notably in the Philippines. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 302-320 Issue: 2 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1664898 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1664898 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:2:p:302-320 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mrinal Debnath Author-X-Name-First: Mrinal Author-X-Name-Last: Debnath Title: A community under siege: exclusionary education policies and indigenous Santals* in the Bangladeshi context Abstract: This article presents and analyses the voices and responses of the research participants about the impact of exclusionary formal and informal education policies imposed on the Santal community in Palashpur, Bangladesh (Palashpur is a pseudonym for the site of my research; it is also a metaphor for contested space where the colonial power and politics of the nation state exert domination and subordination). These policies are implemented through a state-led, centralised, monolingual and exclusionary curriculum in local primary and secondary schools, schools run by the churches, and schools supported by nongovernmental organisations. The education policies in Bangladesh bear the legacy of the combined forces of cultural homogenisation and social exclusion rooted in the colonial learning structure and its objectives. Embedded in these policies are elements of the civilising mission, an ultra-religious assimilative but exclusionary nationalistic agenda, and Western values of modernity and development. In this rural context, these alien ideologies and practices in education are actively engaged in eliminating local institutions, the knowledge system of indigenous peoples, the texture of their lives, their joy of living, their spirituality and their sense of being. This article reveals how, imposed from above, education policy and practices have dispersed an indigenous community to negotiate a life that goes against the interests of the community itself and its members. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 453-469 Issue: 3 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1660634 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1660634 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:3:p:453-469 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rebecca J. Williams Author-X-Name-First: Rebecca J. Author-X-Name-Last: Williams Author-Name: Paige Castellanos Author-X-Name-First: Paige Author-X-Name-Last: Castellanos Title: Youth perceptions of violence in Western Honduras Abstract: Youth violence is a growing challenge worldwide, particularly in countries that are experiencing extreme social disorganisation. This is exemplified in Honduras which has been one of the top five countries in the world for intentional homicides for over 20 years. While many studies have examined youth violence in urban cities, few have researched youth violence in rural zones. This study presents a case study using social disorganisation theory to investigate the perceptions of 40 youth in rural and peri-urban Santa Rosa de Copán, Honduras, regarding what drives violence and the potential solutions. Consistent with social disorganisation theory, our results demonstrate that youth view violence as an opportunity pathway resulting from economic deprivation, disruptions to the family and neighbourhood, lack of or poorly functioning external agencies and conflicting moral values. There are significant gender differences in the results, with young men pointing to several issues that challenge masculine hegemonic gender norms such as the desire for love and belonging, participation in education and the role of policing. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 397-414 Issue: 3 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1672528 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1672528 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:3:p:397-414 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ahmet Içduygu Author-X-Name-First: Ahmet Author-X-Name-Last: Içduygu Author-Name: Maissam Nimer Author-X-Name-First: Maissam Author-X-Name-Last: Nimer Title: The politics of return: exploring the future of Syrian refugees in Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey Abstract: Although the Syrian conflict continues, local and global stakeholders have already begun to consider the return of the six million refugees, especially as neither the option of local integration in the countries of first asylum nor that of resettlement to third countries is seen as a realistic possibility. Elaborating on the return debates in Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan, we relate the politicisation of this question to the growing acceptance of the option of voluntary and involuntary repatriation in the international refugee regime as well as to policies and public opinion. We argue, based on empirical fieldwork, that any debate about the return of Syrian refugees is problematic, since the conditions of safety, voluntariness and sustainability are not fulfilled. Further, returns should not be left entirely to the individual hosting states and actors in the region but should be carried out in collaboration with representative authorities in Syria and the mediation of international organisations upon full resolution of conflict. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 415-433 Issue: 3 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1675503 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1675503 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:3:p:415-433 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sandya Hewamanne Author-X-Name-First: Sandya Author-X-Name-Last: Hewamanne Title: From global workers to local entrepreneurs: Sri Lanka’s former global factory workers in rural Sri Lanka Abstract: Working in Sri Lanka’s urban free trade zones (FTZs) introduces Sri Lanka’s rural women to neoliberal ways of fashioning selves, which subsequently not only shape village entrepreneurial activities but also initiate negotiations in kinship, marriage, domestic arrangements, and community relations. The knowledges and networks that they develop while at the FTZ allow former workers to connect with global production networks as subcontractors, making them part of the cascading system of subcontracting that furthers the precarity of regular FTZ work. This article explores how these former workers manipulate varied forms of capital – social, cultural and monetary – to become local entrepreneurs and community leaders, while simultaneously initiating changes in rural social hierarchies and gender norms. When neoliberal economic restructuring manifests within local contexts it results in new articulations of what it is to be an entrepreneur and what it is to be a worthy, young, married woman. Overall, the paper sheds light on the fragmented and uneven manner in which neoliberal ethos take root in rural South Asia. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 547-564 Issue: 3 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1675504 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1675504 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:3:p:547-564 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adam Hanieh Author-X-Name-First: Adam Author-X-Name-Last: Hanieh Title: New geographies of financial power: global Islamic finance and the Gulf Abstract: A growing body of critical scholarship has examined the recent growth of Islamic finance (IF), unpacking its ethical assertions and highlighting its close affinities with conventional financial instruments. Receiving less attention, however, is the relationship between the global expansion of IF and the emergence of new financial actors and zones of accumulation. This article situates the evolution of global Islamic circuits alongside processes of capital accumulation in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), arguing that contemporary IF is deeply bound up with the internationalisation of capital groups headquartered in the GCC. This is evident in the internationalisation of GCC Islamic banks, which has given the Gulf a powerful foothold in new markets and a variety of sectors that are typically considered ‘non-financial’. Simultaneously, the expansion and geographical diversification of Islamic debt (sukuk) issuance is refashioning the Gulf’s relationships with other global spaces, a process that looks set to intensify given the widespread push to utilise IF in development financing. Seen from this perspective, the global growth of IF sits in a mutually constitutive relationship with patterns of capital accumulation in the Gulf, as well as the region’s burgeoning weight within (and new linkages to) the global economy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 525-546 Issue: 3 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1675505 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1675505 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:3:p:525-546 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hakan Övünç Ongur Author-X-Name-First: Hakan Övünç Author-X-Name-Last: Ongur Title: Performing through Friday khutbas: re-instrumentalization of religion in the new Turkey Abstract: This study examines the relationship between religion and politics in current Turkish society, particularly since the Justice and Development Party (AKP) consolidated its power over state institutions and replaced the Kemalist establishment in the early 2010s. It argues that the AKP has re-instrumentalized the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) and used its mosques to enact a performance of nationalism, deviating from a Kemalist, laicist-national identity towards a more encompassing, Ottomanist, religious one. After discussing the unique understanding of laicism in Turkey and the transformation of Diyanet as a state apparatus, content and discourse analyses are used to examine the texts of 1,200 Friday khutbas, weekly prayers that are ordinarily prepared and distributed nationwide by Diyanet. These indicate how citizens perform their nation simply by participating in gatherings, composing the congregation, listening to imams, and being exposed to the reminders of their (re-)identified nationality. The content analysis of Friday khutbas over three distinct periods—1927, 1997–2010, and 2011–2018—illustrates that, as political power shifts over time, the repetition of certain banal reminders used in the khutbas has resulted in different performances of the nation and that, under the rule of the AKP, a new performance has already begun. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 434-452 Issue: 3 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1676640 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1676640 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:3:p:434-452 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Charles Asante Author-X-Name-First: Charles Author-X-Name-Last: Asante Title: Ghana and the United Nations’ 1960s mission in the Congo: a Pan-African explanation Abstract: This paper examines Ghana’s engagement in the United Nations (UN) mission during the Congo political crisis in the 1960s. The paper examines competing rationales behind Ghana’s decision to contribute towards the UN operation in the Congo. Ghana’s participation, to date, has been primarily understood through the lens of anti-colonial sentiment, African solidarity and regional influence. This article argues that in addition to these explanations, more attention must be paid to the value attached to pan-Africanism and the post-independence political union agenda of President Kwame Nkrumah. The article demonstrates how for Nkrumah, an operation under the aegis of the UN would prevent the powers of the Cold War (the United States and the Soviet Union) from interfering with the right of independent self-determination within Congo affairs. The UN mission, I contend, was a window of opportunity for Nkrumah’s larger pan-African ambition. Although Nkrumah’s mission failed, the article argues for the normative value of Nkrumah’s pan-African vision of promoting a regional structure to unify the African states as an important reason for Ghana’s participation in the Congo operation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 470-486 Issue: 3 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1678383 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1678383 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:3:p:470-486 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mark Langan Author-X-Name-First: Mark Author-X-Name-Last: Langan Author-Name: Sophia Price Author-X-Name-First: Sophia Author-X-Name-Last: Price Title: West Africa’s cocoa sector and development within Africa-EU relations: engaging business perspectives Abstract: The EU is vigorously pursuing Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) in its trade and aid relations with African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries. Justifying the EPAs as being ‘development friendly’, EU officials promise that aid support to private sector development (PSD) in ACP countries will make free trade systems ‘win–win’. This article, based on the authors’ semi-structured interviews conducted in Ghana and Nigeria, examines the perspectives of cocoa stakeholders vis-à-vis EPAs and PSD. Applying critical discourse analysis to interview transcripts, it underscores areas of overlap and, crucially, divergence among cocoa stakeholders’ own narratives on PSD support in the context of EPAs and the official legitimating discourse of EU institutions. In the process, the article draws critical attention to cocoa business interviewees’ concerns regarding the impact of premature trade liberalisation. It also underscores cocoa stakeholders’ concerns that EU PSD promises are not being fulfilled in terms of actual tangible benefits for business people in this vital ACP export sector. Accordingly, the article contributes to, and corroborates, an existing critical scholarly literature which problematises the strategic functions of donor PSD discourse in presenting free trade reforms as being ‘pro-poor’ in the post-Washington Consensus. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 487-504 Issue: 3 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1684190 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1684190 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:3:p:487-504 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roberta Holanda Maschietto Author-X-Name-First: Roberta Holanda Author-X-Name-Last: Maschietto Title: Integrating subjectivities of power and violence in peacebuilding analysis Abstract: Over the last 20 years the local domain has gained widespread attention in the analysis of peacebuilding. While this debate has contributed to an important review of many assumptions underlying peacebuilding practice and analysis, the subjective domain of peacebuilding – how actors experience and make sense of these transformations – still needs to be more methodically explored. In particular, while different narratives of peace have been analysed in this literature, much more rarely has there been a systematic discussion linking peace with power and violence and the different understandings and experiences around these two concepts. In this article I argue that integrating violence and power more systematically in the local turn and exploring their subjective domain can greatly benefit this debate, including by contributing to the elaboration of conceptual and theoretical tools more aligned with Southern epistemologies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 379-396 Issue: 3 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1684191 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1684191 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:3:p:379-396 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Brendon J. Cannon Author-X-Name-First: Brendon J. Author-X-Name-Last: Cannon Author-Name: Federico Donelli Author-X-Name-First: Federico Author-X-Name-Last: Donelli Title: Asymmetric alliances and high polarity: evaluating regional security complexes in the Middle East and Horn of Africa Abstract: The Middle East and the Horn of Africa exist in two distinct regional security complexes (RSCs), groupings of states exhibiting intense security interdependence within a distinct region, but rarely between regions. Recent geopolitical changes and related analyses, however, point to either a subsuming or a joining of the two RSCs, potentially leading to a high degree of uncertainty in two conflict-prone regions. Given the importance of such developments, we question this theory of RSC expansion by offering a concise review of recent security interactions between the two RSCs as well as quantitatively and qualitatively measuring the material power capabilities of relevant states. Borrowing from and contributing to RSC theory, we also identify and analyse concepts and indicators such as threat perception and sub-regional alliances. Our findings demonstrate the Middle East RSC is not expanding to include that of the Horn of Africa. The two remain distinct and under internal consolidation, despite the current discourse. Rather, high polarity in the Middle East coupled with often-congruent interests in Horn of Africa states best explains the current pattern of their interaction, particularly as Middle East states pursue strategies that further their own security interests at the expense of rival states within their own RSC. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 505-524 Issue: 3 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1693255 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1693255 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:3:p:505-524 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ding Fei Author-X-Name-First: Ding Author-X-Name-Last: Fei Author-Name: Chuan Liao Author-X-Name-First: Chuan Author-X-Name-Last: Liao Title: Chinese Eastern Industrial Zone in Ethiopia: unpacking the enclave Abstract: This paper examines China’s engagement with Africa through economic zones (EZs). It moves beyond the conceptualisation of EZs as undifferentiated enclaves of foreign investment to a dynamic perspective on the locally negotiated process of zone development. Such a perspective entails critical unpacking of the specific zone regime to understand the diverse and evolving relationships among different state and non-state actors. Drawing upon empirical research on the Eastern Industrial Zone (EIZ) in Ethiopia, we explore the complex process of learning and adaptation by government, developers, investors, and workers throughout the development of a zone regime, with specific attention to capital–labour and expatriate–local relations. We find that despite the EIZ being a state-level cooperation project, private Chinese developers work diligently with the Ethiopian government to improve the institutional support for EZs. Chinese investors also collectively generate a management regime to enhance their overseas operational capacity and experiment with various tactics to transform local recruits into an industrial workforce. Local workers, with limited protection by official labour unions, turn to individual- and group-based agency to improve their working conditions. Despite the momentum created by multiple stakeholders, there are concerns regarding the long-term contributions of EZs to engender sustained industrial transformation and skills development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 623-644 Issue: 4 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1694844 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1694844 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:4:p:623-644 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jaime A. Alves Author-X-Name-First: Jaime A. Author-X-Name-Last: Alves Author-Name: João Costa Vargas Author-X-Name-First: João Costa Author-X-Name-Last: Vargas Title: The spectre of Haiti: structural antiblackness, the far-right backlash and the fear of a black majority in Brazil Abstract: This article situates the far-right backlash in Brazil within the larger Latin American context, including its colonial legacy, leftist governments’ failure to deliver promises of inclusion, and the US–China geopolitical dispute over the region’s strategic natural resources. By situating Bolsonaro’s electoral victory within these dynamics, our analysis presents an alternative to two common perspectives. First, studies of the region’s political moment and of Brazilian society in particular do not pay enough attention to institutional and everyday racism, and instead focus mostly on comparative analysis of governmental policies and social class dynamics. Second, critical perspectives that take into account racial inequalities are often not attuned to structural dynamics of gendered antiblackness, and instead present racism as a broad set of practices that negatively affect non-white people in related manners. Our context-specific analysis of the electoral reemergence of the far right in Brazil aims at contributing to an understanding of persistent dynamics of racial inequality within the region as part of a long, enduring and foundational odium of Black people. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 645-662 Issue: 4 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1695116 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1695116 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:4:p:645-662 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kamal Soleimani Author-X-Name-First: Kamal Author-X-Name-Last: Soleimani Author-Name: Ahmad Mohammadpour Author-X-Name-First: Ahmad Author-X-Name-Last: Mohammadpour Title: The securitisation of life: Eastern Kurdistan under the rule of a Perso-Shi'i state Abstract: Since the 1979 Revolution, the Iranian state has adopted a sophisticated set of policies to assimilate the Eastern Kurds. The Kurds are often the main target of the Iranian state’s military operations, its assimilatory strategies, and its regime of surveillance. After the ‘conquest’ (fath) of Eastern Kurdistan (Rojhelat) in 1979, the state tried to retain control over the region through systemic militarisation, the establishment of ‘revolutionary institutions’, and new religious and cultural centres, to transform the demographic, religious and cultural profile of Kurdistan. This paper is an attempt to illuminate the state’s religious nationalism and various forms of assimilatory strategies that the Islamic Republic of Iran has employed to transform Kurdish regions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 663-682 Issue: 4 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1695199 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1695199 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:4:p:663-682 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mustafa Kutlay Author-X-Name-First: Mustafa Author-X-Name-Last: Kutlay Title: The politics of state capitalism in a post-liberal international order: the case of Turkey Abstract: This article discusses the transformation of the liberal international order, with reference to the ways in which global shifts affect the developmental paradigms among the emerging middle powers. Although it is rarely contested that the liberal order is being severely tested, the dynamics and potential consequences of this transformation are a matter of intense controversy. Also, the debate mainly focuses on great power politics, without paying adequate attention to the ways in which middle powers are influenced by and inform the transition to a post-liberal international order. By focusing on the case of Turkey, this article addresses whether non-Western great powers (Russia and China in particular) are leading the emergence of alternative order(s), and if so, through what mechanisms. Based on the reciprocal interactions between ideas, material capabilities and institutions, I argue that the preferences of the Turkish ruling elite seem to be gradually shifting from a Western-oriented liberal model towards a variety of ‘state capitalism’ as an alternative developmental paradigm in a post-liberal international order. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 683-706 Issue: 4 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1699400 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1699400 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:4:p:683-706 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ahmed W. Waheed Author-X-Name-First: Ahmed W. Author-X-Name-Last: Waheed Title: ‘Knowing’ Pakistan: knowledge production and area studies Abstract: This article explores the processes that contribute towards the image of Pakistan as portrayed to the West. It does this by critically analysing the discursive practices through which knowledge, and a general idea of Pakistan, are created, for example in South Asian area studies journals and South Asian studies centres in Western universities. This article demonstrates that most scholarly research on Pakistan, as published in South Asian studies journals, is in fact heavily influenced by the research of American and European scholars. It argues that as the positionality of these Western scholars is further based on ‘academic quality’, this causes a continuous circle of knowledge production. In this circle, the Western academic produces ‘quality’ work in top area studies journals. Their work then receives wider circulation due to the scholar’s positionality and status within elite, Western centres of knowledge production, whereas research in South Asian studies centres is predominantly India-centric. While true to their proposed research ambit, research conducted on India in South Asian studies centres is multidisciplinary in nature. In Pakistan’s case, most of the research, however marginal, remains centred on the country’s security and its international affairs. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 707-724 Issue: 4 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1699401 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1699401 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:4:p:707-724 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alice Martini Author-X-Name-First: Alice Author-X-Name-Last: Martini Title: The Syrian wars of words: international and local instrumentalisations of the war on terror Abstract: This article presents a study of the ‘wars of words’ among selected parties involved in the Syrian conflict. Based on a combination of content analysis and critical discourse analysis (CDA), it examines actors’ discourses within the United Nations Security Council (2011–2015), the global arena of confrontation and international legitimisation of armed actions. Here, it investigates their instrumentalisation of the word ‘terrorism’ and the war on terror narrative, and it explores the dynamics of discursive (de)legitimisation of the use of violence in Syria. The article shows how parties instrumentalised this narrative to criminalise their enemies while legitimising their own violent actions. By doing this, the paper also offers a broader reflection on the global narrative on terrorism, and its different reception and instrumentalisation by core and peripheral actors. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 725-743 Issue: 4 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1699784 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1699784 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:4:p:725-743 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Yan Xiaojun Author-X-Name-First: Yan Author-X-Name-Last: Xiaojun Author-Name: Chen Hanyu Author-X-Name-First: Chen Author-X-Name-Last: Hanyu Author-Name: Li La Author-X-Name-First: Li Author-X-Name-Last: La Title: Is the Chinese ‘entrepreneurial welfare state’ an industrial policy in disguise? Abstract: What has driven China, a developing country that has only recently saved itself from nationwide poverty, to increase its investment in social welfare so rapidly and extensively in the past decade? Drawing on extensive field research in a prefecture-level district in southwest China between 2014 and 2017, the authors argue in this article that local governments in China provide welfare housing programmes as a veil for developmentalist industrial policies aimed at industrial upgrading and the improvement of dynamic efficiency. The article demonstrates the unique incentive structure behind the local Chinese governments’ role as the front-line investor in social welfare benefits, and how the local state has cunningly used the façade of welfare provision to (1) divert the earmarked budget to implement development-oriented industrial policy; and (2) fake a discursive congruence between the heavily interventionist local practice and the overall neoliberal central-level policy discourse that features deregulation, small government and a laissez-faire developmental pathway. Exploring this set of strategic dynamics underlining the manoeuvres of the Chinese welfare operation helps us understand the variability of welfare state forms and trajectories of developmental strategy in the Global South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 603-622 Issue: 4 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1700790 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1700790 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:4:p:603-622 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jonathan C. Agensky Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan C. Author-X-Name-Last: Agensky Title: Who governs? Religion and order in postcolonial Africa Abstract: This article explores how mutually productive intersections between religion and governance constitute international political order in sub-Saharan settings. Asking ‘who governs’, I propose religion–governance entanglement as a means of analysing these intersections and rethinking governance, order and religion in Africa. Existing literatures typically characterise the public reliance on religious actors and institutions as being part of a uniquely ‘post-secular’ moment in contemporary world politics or a wider ‘post-Westphalian’ shift in modern governance. Enduring dynamics between postcolonial states and the Global North problematise these framings. In sub-Saharan Africa, religion has a protracted history in postcolonial hybrid governance, overlapping the regional presence of international non-govermental organisations following decolonisation. Using the example of South Sudan, I build on recent analyses of religious-political activities that leave their collective implications under-theorised. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 583-602 Issue: 4 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1700791 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1700791 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:4:p:583-602 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Crystal Whetstone Author-X-Name-First: Crystal Author-X-Name-Last: Whetstone Author-Name: Murat Yilmaz Author-X-Name-First: Murat Author-X-Name-Last: Yilmaz Title: Recreating the Third World Project: possibilities through the Fourth World Abstract: In this paper, we make a theoretical argument that the Third World be returned to its political origins to inspire an updated Third World Project (TWP), revived as a global movement for progressive, anti-imperialist forces, through the Fourth World movement, which highlights internal colonialism. Both the TWP and the United Nations recognise only nation states as full members. We examine how a Third World strategy that brings in the Fourth World, or indigenous, minority and/or stateless groups, can help oppressed groups gain more autonomy and rights through a transnational solidarity rooted in empathy. We trace the intellectual roots and history of the TWP and consider obstacles in bringing together the TWP and the Fourth World movement. A Fourth World strategy corrects the TWP’s implicit approval of an underlying imperialism, and the TWP provides the Fourth World movement a model to accomplish its goal of resisting uncritical modernity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 565-582 Issue: 4 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1702457 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1702457 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:4:p:565-582 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Surulola Eke Author-X-Name-First: Surulola Author-X-Name-Last: Eke Title: ‘Nomad savage’ and herder–farmer conflicts in Nigeria: the (un)making of an ancient myth Abstract: Conflicts between sedentary farmers and nomadic pastoralists (herders) are a common phenomenon in Africa. In recent scholarship, environmental change, structural violence and capital flows to agro-pastoral communities are identified as the core conflict drivers. Although scholars differ on the exact causal pathways, most arguments ultimately centre around competition over access to water and land. Yet there is a lot more to learn about the ecology of these conflicts, especially people’s perception of pastoral nomads and its implication for conflict resolution. The tendency among researchers is to explore the conflict as if it comprises only objective realities devoid of subjective beliefs. Yet my research shows that popular representations of Fulani herders in Nigeria today reflect ancient stereotypes of nomadic peoples. By ignoring this subjective dimension of the conflict, we limit our understanding of its causes and the reason(s) behind its protraction, and, by extension, are blinded to the need for prejudice reduction. This paper argues that the perception of pastoral nomads as savages is a factor in the conflict because it shapes people’s relationship with, and reception of, Fulani herders. Hence, it must be grasped, probed and included in the visioning of conflict resolution. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 745-763 Issue: 5 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1702459 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1702459 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:5:p:745-763 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shahram Akbarzadeh Author-X-Name-First: Shahram Author-X-Name-Last: Akbarzadeh Author-Name: Niamatullah Ibrahimi Author-X-Name-First: Niamatullah Author-X-Name-Last: Ibrahimi Title: The Taliban: a new proxy for Iran in Afghanistan? Abstract: Iran has pursued a highly contradictory policy towards Afghanistan. On the one hand, it became a significant beneficiary of the overthrow of the Taliban regime by the US-led military intervention in 2001 in Afghanistan. The new Afghan government established cordial ties with Iran, allowing it to expand its political, economic and cultural influence in the country. Yet Iran has also provided significant support to the Taliban in its campaign to violently upend the political, social and economic processes in the country. This article examines the underlying domestic and regional security dynamics that contribute to this contradictory behaviour. It offers an assessment of how tensions between the United States and the Islamic Republic, as well as Tehran’s growing threat perception following the rise of the Islamic State – Khorasan in 2014, impact on Iran’s policy towards the Taliban. The paper argues that Tehran views the Taliban as an instrument to disrupt the influence of other actors in Afghanistan. The instrumentalisation of the Taliban, however, is likely to be counterproductive for Iranian security in the long run as it contributes to Afghanistan’s instability and insecurity and undermines Iran’s own long-term interests. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 764-782 Issue: 5 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1702460 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1702460 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:5:p:764-782 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Henry J. Boer Author-X-Name-First: Henry J. Author-X-Name-Last: Boer Title: Power, REDD+ and reforming forest governance in Indonesia Abstract: This paper analyses the various power relations that shape forest policy and governance reform in Indonesia. It applies Foucault’s theories on power to several key initiatives introduced as part of REDD+ (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation). By analysing both the operation and the effects of power relations the paper accounts for how competing actors influence major policy change, and the impact different policies have on governing multiple forest users. Sovereign and disciplinary power underpins government attempts to implement new regulatory, planning and enforcement functions across the forest estate. Policy instruments such as the concession moratorium create securitised territorial zones that enable sustainable forest practices to operate. By contrast, forest management units operate through inclusive strategies that discipline forest users into responsible managers, whilst enforcement excludes those who contravene the law. Productive power and resistance explain efforts by government and non-government actors to progress or limit REDD+. Productive power operates through the multiple activities that generate new knowledge on incentivising carbon, and by engaging new subjects in carbon projects. Community resistance draws on discourses and localised subjectivities focussed on forest dependency and rights, whereas industry networks have been adept at positioning REDD+ as a threat to national development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 783-800 Issue: 5 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1703178 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1703178 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:5:p:783-800 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Renaud Metereau Author-X-Name-First: Renaud Author-X-Name-Last: Metereau Title: Nicaraguan peasant cooperativism in tension: adaptive strategy or counter-movement Abstract: Based on qualitative research conducted in three regions of Nicaragua, this paper examines the contribution of the communitarian approach to the new rurality in understanding the orientation and tensions within the peasant cooperative movement. The thematic analysis of 30 semi-structured interviews carried out with members of grassroots cooperatives reveals two main categories of motivation for engagement within the cooperative movement. A first set of motivations shows the will to transform the productive structures through small producer organisations to better adapt to the challenges imposed by global economic integration. A second set of motivations highlights broader socio-political objectives that seem to crystallise around the desire to build long-term alternatives to the exclusionary process of neoliberal globalisation. I explore these motivations in light of the distinction between reformist and communitarian approaches to the new rurality. I outline that the articulation of these two approaches, and more particularly the contribution of the communitarian approach, makes it possible to better understand the tensions within the cooperative movement in regard to socio-economic challenges. On this basis I call for a greater consideration of the communitarian dimensions of the new rurality to better define the role of the state, public policies and non-governmental organisations in supporting these phenomena. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 801-821 Issue: 5 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1722094 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1722094 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:5:p:801-821 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Federico Ferretti Author-X-Name-First: Federico Author-X-Name-Last: Ferretti Title: Subaltern connections: Brazilian critical geographers, development and African decolonisation Abstract: This article explores the relations to Africa and African decolonisation of three key figures in Brazilian critical geographies and development studies, Manuel Correia de Andrade (1922–2007), Josué de Castro (1908–1973) and Milton Santos (1926–2001). Based on an analysis of their works and unpublished archives, I argue the radical Third World perspectives these intellectuals expressed anticipated later critiques of development as a neocolonial device. Drawing upon current literature on decolonisation, international conferencing and anti-racist solidarity networks, I discuss these matters in relation to these authors’ interest in cultural diversity and internal colonialism. Crucially, they developed this sensitivity in the Brazilian Northeast, a region especially shaped by Afro–Brazilian and Indigenous cultural legacies. While supporting anti-imperialist nationalisms in the Third World, these Brazilian scholars fostered multilingual, internationalist and cosmopolitan activism and scholarship. This is revealed by the study of the transnational networks they developed during exile and the various persecutions that many of them suffered after the 1964 military coup. Finally, I argue these works can substantiate recent claims to ‘decolonise’ geography and development studies, on the condition that these fields of study take seriously their anti-imperial traditions and their ‘voices from the South’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 822-841 Issue: 5 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1722095 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1722095 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:5:p:822-841 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Charlotte Lysa Author-X-Name-First: Charlotte Author-X-Name-Last: Lysa Title: Fighting for the right to play: women’s football and regime-loyal resistance in Saudi Arabia Abstract: This paper seeks to contribute to the scholarship on women and social change in Saudi Arabia through the case of female football players in Riyadh. Officially, there has been no women’s football in the kingdom, but beneath the surface women have been playing for more than a decade. The women are actively promoting and engaging in change and women’s opportunities to practise sport by building organisations, creating awareness, and negotiating norms and regulations. They are not in opposition to the regime, but supportive of reforms in favour of increased rights for women, while seeing conservative elements in the society as their opponents and the royal family as their allies. They are thus engaging in what O’Brian and Li termed ‘rightful resistance’, by deploying the language of the rulers to express their perspectives and aims, and are engaged in a three-party game with the rulers and conservatives, where divisions within the state and elite allies matter greatly. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 842-859 Issue: 5 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1723075 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1723075 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:5:p:842-859 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dic Lo Author-X-Name-First: Dic Author-X-Name-Last: Lo Title: Towards a conception of the systemic impact of China on late development Abstract: The tremendous expansion of the Chinese economy since the turn of the century, especially in terms of its external dynamics, is of world-scale significance. It seems to justify the quest for appropriate conceptions of China’s systemic impact on late development worldwide. A large number of scholarly studies have coalesced to analyse two crucial aspects of the impact, namely: impact on the performance of industrialisation and the condition of labour in the developing world. This paper seeks to critically appraise and reinterpret the existing studies. The appraisal is not so much a critique but rather an attempt to appropriately position the studies in the systemic context. It is submitted that the existing studies’ focus on market competition, as the main form through which China’s impact manifests, needs to be complemented and underpinned by the more fundamental consideration of productive investment. In the direction of constructing a systemic conception, it is further submitted that the China impact can potentially serve as a countervailing force against the prevailing dynamics of the world economy under neoliberal globalisation – ie the rising predominance of speculative finance that tends to crowd out productive investment, thereby hampering industrialisation and worsening labour conditions in the developing world. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 860-880 Issue: 5 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1723076 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1723076 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:5:p:860-880 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Cheng Xu Author-X-Name-First: Cheng Author-X-Name-Last: Xu Title: Critical barriers to joint production: datu politics and insurgent fragmentation in Southern Philippines Abstract: In understanding how groups overcome collective action problems of mass mobilisation in civil wars, a joint-production explanation was put forth in the civil war literature. According to this explanation, collective action can be successful when leaders at the centre tie the public good – violence towards the overall goal of the movement – inextricably to private interests of actors at the peripheral levels of the conflict. It is through this logic of joint production that we can understand the failures of the Islamic insurgencies in Southern Philippines and the spiralling levels of violence. Where other movements cohered under a common identity, the Islamist insurgency in Southern Philippines saw high degrees of fragmentation. In this paper, I argue that cleavages of regionalism created by colonial disruptions of land and social relations became a critical barrier for insurgent joint production. Furthermore, interactions between these identities and the state can pose further collective action problems. In Southern Philippines, insurgent leaders are unable to cut across these cleavages, resulting in increasingly fragmented movements and protracted conflict. Therefore, I argue that a joint-production approach to understanding civil wars can be especially promising when culturally and historically situated to explain why collective action often fails in civil war. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 881-897 Issue: 5 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1723411 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1723411 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:5:p:881-897 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Markus Kornprobst Author-X-Name-First: Markus Author-X-Name-Last: Kornprobst Title: African agency and global orders: the demanding case of nuclear arms control Abstract: How much agency do African states have to shape global orders? This study puts the global nuclear order under scrutiny to answer this question. It amounts to a demanding case. Arms control is something that global great powers take very seriously, and there is no weapons category that they take more seriously than nuclear weapons. My findings provide a nuanced picture. Although often outflanked and frustrated by nuclear weapon states, the nuclear order would look different without African actors exerting their agency. They successfully shaped background and foreground institutions constituting the global nuclear order by building advocacies for new institutions upon already existing ones, reaching out to state and non-state actors outside of Africa, and channelling communication through African states with authority in global fora. This study makes three contributions: First, it underlines the key finding of recent literature on African agency that African actors are more to be reckoned with than often assumed. Second, it provides novel evidence about the diplomatic mechanisms through which they come to make a difference. Third, it adds to our grasp of the constitution of global orders as well as the processes through which they come to be made, re-made and unmade more generally. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 898-915 Issue: 5 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1723412 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1723412 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:5:p:898-915 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sigrid Lupieri Author-X-Name-First: Sigrid Author-X-Name-Last: Lupieri Title: When ‘brothers and sisters’ become ‘foreigners’: Syrian refugees and the politics of healthcare in Jordan Abstract: Does overseas development aid necessarily translate into more generous national policies for refugees? Evidence from Jordan suggests that this is not always the case. Since the arrival of an estimated 756,000 Syrian refugees, international funding has made Jordan one of the top seven recipients of foreign aid in the world. Despite sustained international financing, however, national policies towards refugees have become increasingly restrictive, especially when it comes to healthcare. Based on fieldwork conducted between 2017 and 2019, this paper argues that Jordan’s healthcare policies towards Syrian refugees are not necessarily correlated to international financing, but are rather the product of political considerations aimed at maintaining domestic stability, increasing bargaining power in the global policymaking arena and resisting international pressures to integrate Syrian refugees. This paper contributes to filling a gap in the literature on the complex and interdependent factors which influence the evolution of national healthcare policies towards refugees in a country not only highly dependent on foreign aid, but also at the geopolitical crossroads of international interests in the Middle East. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 958-975 Issue: 6 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1723414 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1723414 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:6:p:958-975 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Arie Kusuma Paksi Author-X-Name-First: Arie Kusuma Author-X-Name-Last: Paksi Title: The politics of ownership in policymaking: lessons from healthcare delivery in post-conflict Timor-Leste Abstract: This article examines the political economy of national ownership, focusing on the reconstruction of the healthcare system in post-conflict Timor-Leste in relation to the shift from aid dependence to oil dependence. Considering three main approaches to development policymaking, it argues that, from 2002, the government generally used patronage-based strategies that benefitted elite political networks, increasing corruption. Based on empirical research, the study demonstrates that, in several areas, the government of the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (2002–2007) could exercise some autonomous decision-making despite being heavily aid dependent. Later, under the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction government (2007–2017), empowered by oil resources, elites had greater control over development. However, the creation of a ‘modern’ healthcare system was central to the elites’ political ideology, involving populist rather than patronage-based politics. Analysis of this research indicates that ownership regarding healthcare has become concentrated among powerful groups, while health professionals, who advocate a neoliberal approach, lack a political voice. Thus, the paper problematises the Paris Declaration’s focus on country ownership to ensure better aid delivery as unrealistic because ‘ownership’ becomes subject to contestation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 976-993 Issue: 6 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1728192 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1728192 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:6:p:976-993 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Renée Jeffery Author-X-Name-First: Renée Author-X-Name-Last: Jeffery Author-Name: Ian Hall Author-X-Name-First: Ian Author-X-Name-Last: Hall Title: Post-conflict justice in divided democracies: the 1984 anti-Sikh riots in India Abstract: Official figures claim that almost 3000 people were killed, and many more injured or displaced, in four days of rioting aimed at the Sikh population of Delhi in late October and early November 1984 following the assassination of Indira Gandhi. This article analyses the efforts made to address the human rights violations that occurred. It argues that as a divided democracy, India has struggled to do justice to the victims, despite multiple commissions of inquiry, compensation schemes and a prime ministerial apology. It argues that this has occurred not simply because of challenges commonly faced by democracies dealing with similar incidents, but also because of the particular problems faced in a context in which we see continuity of rule by a political elite allegedly implicated in the abuse and in which there is acute concern for the survival of a fragile divided polity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 994-1011 Issue: 6 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1728686 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1728686 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:6:p:994-1011 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas Paul Henderson Author-X-Name-First: Thomas Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Henderson Title: Elite-led development and Mexico’s independent coffee organisations in the wake of the rust epidemic Abstract: Between 2012 and 2016 a virulent strain of coffee rust reduced Mexican yields by more than 50%, and it is still devastating production. The government has responded by replacing traditional arabica plants vulnerable to the pathogen with resistant, high-yielding varieties to recover the sector and encourage long-term adaptation to a disease that cannot be eradicated. However, this contribution will attempt to show that the intractable nature of the epidemic and the biological characteristics of resistant varieties threaten the survival of independent coffee organisations and their agroecological shade coffee systems. With little or no possibility of recovering production without the use of resistant plants, the alternative production and marketing models that these organisations have constructed over the past three decades face unprecedented challenges. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1012-1029 Issue: 6 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1729726 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1729726 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:6:p:1012-1029 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Holly Thorpe Author-X-Name-First: Holly Author-X-Name-Last: Thorpe Title: ‘Sometimes fear gets in all your bones’: towards understanding the complexities of risk in development work Abstract: In the context of increasing risk for aid workers, a growing body of scholarship is focused on risk management in contexts of humanitarian assistance and development work. Much less attention, however, has been given to how staff and volunteers experience such risks. This paper adopts a feminist geographical approach to explore how development workers make meaning of risk in specific contexts. Adopting a qualitative approach, it draws upon 14 semi-structured in-depth interviews with international (7) and local (7) staff of an international educational and sporting non-governmental organisation (NGO) in Afghanistan. After exploring differences between local and foreign staff perceptions of risk, it also offers a gendered analysis of risk for women development workers in Afghanistan. In so doing, this paper contributes to the growing body of literature in ‘Aidland’ studies by revealing the complex understandings of risk and fear by both foreign and local staff in the same geographical and organisational context. For NGOs seeking to make life-saving decisions based on the calculation of risk, this paper evidences the need to also create space for the voices of local and foreign staff whose experiences of risk will be highly relational, embodied, gendered and context specific. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 939-957 Issue: 6 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1729727 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1729727 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:6:p:939-957 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Frédéric Volpi Author-X-Name-First: Frédéric Author-X-Name-Last: Volpi Author-Name: Johannes Gerschewski Author-X-Name-First: Johannes Author-X-Name-Last: Gerschewski Title: Crises and critical junctures in authoritarian regimes: addressing uprisings’ temporalities and discontinuities Abstract: In this article, we aim at sharpening common understandings of the notion of political crisis to better explain the trajectories of authoritarian transformations during popular uprisings. We make three major claims. First, we propose a definition of crisis as brief moments of institutional fluidity and openness in which a process can take different directions. We delineate the crisis concept from the concept of critical junctures and outline how our approach contributes to the methodological debate on ‘near misses’. Second, we indicate how the de-institutionalisation processes leading up to a crisis are to be analytically distinguished from within-crisis moments. We argue in favour of a discontinuity approach that takes into account the different temporalities of gradual lead-up processes and rapid within-crisis dynamics. Finally, we illustrate our theoretical and analytical reasoning with concrete cases from the authoritarian crises of the Arab uprisings, whilst suggesting that our argument can travel to other areas of research in which crisis narratives have gained prominence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1030-1045 Issue: 6 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1729728 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1729728 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:6:p:1030-1045 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrea Calderaro Author-X-Name-First: Andrea Author-X-Name-Last: Calderaro Author-Name: Anthony J. S. Craig Author-X-Name-First: Anthony J. S. Author-X-Name-Last: Craig Title: Transnational governance of cybersecurity: policy challenges and global inequalities in cyber capacity building Abstract: Connectivity infrastructure is constantly expanding, increasing internet access across countries, regions and socio-political contexts. Given the fast-changing geography of the internet, there is a growing demand to strengthen cyber capacity beyond national frameworks, in order to develop a transnationally coherent and coordinated governance approach to cybersecurity. In this context, cyber capacity building initiatives are increasingly central in international debates, with the ambition to support countries in the Global South in fostering their cybersecurity strategy from technical and policy perspectives. This article discusses the key factors explaining states’ efforts to enhance their cyber capacity. Based on a cross-national quantitative research approach, the findings contradict international relations (IR)-derived approaches to cybersecurity, which assume that countries develop their cyber capacity according to external security threats, domestic politics or norms. In line with existing research on the role that science plays in policymaking processes more broadly, our results suggest instead that a country’s science and technical knowledge is the most robust explanation for that state’s cyber capacity level. These findings emphasise the need for policymakers to support countries in the Global South in developing their cyber capacity beyond national security paradigms by strengthening education and technical skills in contexts lacking in this resource. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 917-938 Issue: 6 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1729729 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1729729 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:6:p:917-938 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Iain William MacGillivray Author-X-Name-First: Iain William Author-X-Name-Last: MacGillivray Title: The paradox of Turkish–Iranian relations in the Syrian Crisis Abstract: Iran and Turkey have competed for regional power projection in Syria and sought through cooperation to find a peaceful end to the conflict in the Astana talks, while also at the same time confronting each other in Idlib province via proxies. This simultaneity of competition, cooperation and confrontation in the Syrian Crisis presents a picture of a relationship that is riddled with contradictions and is in effect a paradox. The question that must be asked is, how can we understand this puzzle of competition, cooperation and confrontation in Turkish–Iranian relations in the Syrian Crisis? International historical sociology (IHS) research brings in discussions on the longue durée, narratives, domestic constraints and, most important, the international which can help decipher this intellectual puzzle. Moreover, the ‘relationality’ of each country’s policies in Syria combined with IHS can help unlock the puzzle of the Turkish–Iranian relationship in the Syrian Crisis and provide insight into the debate surrounding the outbreak of war. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1046-1066 Issue: 6 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1730692 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1730692 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:6:p:1046-1066 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rebecca Richards Author-X-Name-First: Rebecca Author-X-Name-Last: Richards Title: Fragility within stability: the state, the clan and political resilience in Somaliland Abstract: Even in the context of a relatively flourishing state, fragility can be an enduring feature of a political system, particularly in the case of recently established or unrecognised states. This article examines the nature of state-building in a specific context to question the assumption that forms of hybrid governance or pre-existing forms of governance are a necessary evil to be tolerated but which needs ultimately to be overcome during state-building. It does this by adopting the language of resilience and focusing on the case of Somaliland to highlight the role of clan governance as a mechanism of political resilience and as a means of promoting the flexibility required for state-building. Yet, at the same time, the process of state-building often involves formalising governance and limiting the role of traditional social-political forms of governance such as clans, ignoring their role in legitimating and stabilising the political system. However, as this article argues, stability and fragility are inextricably linked; while the clan system has been an important force in stabilising the state, it has also become a pressure point for the state’s latent fragility. By contextualising fragility and stability within the language of resilience, though, this symbiotic relationship can be better analysed. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1067-1083 Issue: 6 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1730693 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1730693 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:6:p:1067-1083 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Oliver P. Richmond Author-X-Name-First: Oliver P. Author-X-Name-Last: Richmond Title: Interventionary order and its methodologies: the relationship between peace and intervention Abstract: 1Recently there have been calls from policymakers around the world for practically engaged research to produce evidence-based policy for peace, security and development. Policymakers aim to align three types of methodological approaches to knowledge about peace, security and development in international order: methodological liberalism at state and international levels, aligned with ‘methodological everydayism’ in order to constrain methodological nationalism. Policy operates through broad forms of intervention, spanning military, governmental and developmental processes, which scholarship is expected to refine. Critical scholarship is sensitive about the subsequent ‘interventionary order’, often connecting methodological everydayism with global justice frameworks rather than methodological nationalism or liberalism.Sir Philip Mitchell, later colonial governor of Uganda, Fiji, and Kenya, responded to Malinowski’s claims [that the British government needed the support of anthropologists] with great scepticism, emphatically expressing a preference for the ‘practical man’ rather than the scientist.2 Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 207-227 Issue: 2 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1637729 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1637729 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:2:p:207-227 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Laura C. Mahrenbach Author-X-Name-First: Laura C. Author-X-Name-Last: Mahrenbach Author-Name: Katja Mayer Author-X-Name-First: Katja Author-X-Name-Last: Mayer Author-Name: Jürgen Pfeffer Author-X-Name-First: Jürgen Author-X-Name-Last: Pfeffer Title: Policy visions of big data: views from the Global South Abstract: Government intentions stand at the heart of debates about how big data can and should be used in the Global South. This paper provides new insights by examining the political and economic visions promoted by emerging power governments in Brazil, India and China (the BICs). Doing so is crucial as these countries not only comprise some of the world’s largest populations, but have also demonstrated their initiative in national and international promotion of big data politics. Drawing on a content analysis of strategic and legal documents discussing the use of big data, we identify potential areas for big data cooperation among the BICs by determining the compatibility of national policy visions. Three visions are apparent: data as a force for political liberation or repression, for improving public services and for facilitating development. Successful BIC cooperation is likely related to the latter two, but less probable for the liberation/repression vision. We conclude by identifying the implications of BIC engagement with big data for the Global South more broadly. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1861-1882 Issue: 10 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1509700 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1509700 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:10:p:1861-1882 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Cezar Stanciu Author-X-Name-First: Cezar Author-X-Name-Last: Stanciu Title: Romania and the Third World during the heyday of the détente Abstract: All Warsaw Pact countries developed intense relations with Third World countries during the 1970s, following in Moscow’s footsteps, allegedly supporting the struggle against Western imperialism while making profitable arms deals. One Warsaw Pact country, though, saw things differently: it was both American and Soviet imperialism that had to be fought off. This paper reassesses the origins and nature of Romania’s Third World policy in the context of the Soviet–American détente of 1972. Détente was perceived in Bucharest as a risk to the country’s independent foreign policy and a consolidation of the existing bipolarity which is why Romania tried to mobilise small and medium states of the Third World in a fight against hegemony and underdevelopment. Although they adhered to the developmental debates and tried to join the Group of 77, the Romanians viewed underdevelopment not necessarily in structural terms but rather as a product of political obstructions exerted by the superpowers. Refusing the take the Soviet side in the Third World, Romania tried to convince Third World leaders that unity and cooperation among the ‘unprivileged’ were a shield against foreign interference and a guarantee of development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1883-1898 Issue: 10 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1493920 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1493920 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:10:p:1883-1898 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Debra D. Chapman Author-X-Name-First: Debra D. Author-X-Name-Last: Chapman Title: The ethics of international service learning as a pedagogical development practice: a Canadian study Abstract: International service learning, a form of service learning where students travel to developing countries to provide community services of varying types, has come to be common practice at universities throughout the Global North. This paper reports and discusses a case study focused on the ethical questions arising from current practice at one Canadian university. The study follows the path students take from their home university to their final placement. In the context of the political economy of North–South relations in a period of neoliberalism, the analysis considers the ethics of power differentials, reciprocity, accountability, student preparedness and qualifications in relation to host communities. The article concludes with a critique of post-secondary institutional involvement with and promotion of international service learning. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1899-1922 Issue: 10 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2016.1175935 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2016.1175935 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:10:p:1899-1922 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Guillermo Santander Author-X-Name-First: Guillermo Author-X-Name-Last: Santander Author-Name: José Antonio Alonso Author-X-Name-First: José Antonio Author-X-Name-Last: Alonso Title: Perceptions, identities and interests in South–South cooperation: the cases of Chile, Venezuela and Brazil Abstract: The relevance acquired in recent years by South–South cooperation seems to be connected with deeper structural transformations occurring in the international system. However, the variety of cooperation models promoted by new providers in the South requires the identification of complementary factors to help explain current patterns. A set of socio-cognitive elements, related to each country’s perceptions, identities and interests, can yield greater understanding of the variety of South–South cooperation models. Such an approach is here applied to the cases of Chile, Venezuela and Brazil – three important providers from the South – in order to explore their different cooperation models. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1923-1940 Issue: 10 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1396533 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1396533 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:10:p:1923-1940 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Megan Pickup Author-X-Name-First: Megan Author-X-Name-Last: Pickup Title: Evaluating Brazilian South–South Cooperation in Haiti Abstract: I focus on evaluating Brazilian development and humanitarian cooperation in Haiti to answer how emerging providers such as Brazil are contributing to global development through cooperation. The paper establishes criteria for evaluation, arguing that global standards for aid effectiveness need to be expanded. I argue that when assessed on ownership, efficiency and sustainability, cooperation holds several advantages and limits, such as misplaced assumptions that Brazil’s approach is appropriate elsewhere. The discussion is rooted in the context of Haiti in order to underline how outcomes are not pre-determined, but rather depend on the model’s interaction with the partner context. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1941-1961 Issue: 10 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1458298 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1458298 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:10:p:1941-1961 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mark Beeson Author-X-Name-First: Mark Author-X-Name-Last: Beeson Author-Name: Jinghan Zeng Author-X-Name-First: Jinghan Author-X-Name-Last: Zeng Title: The BRICS and global governance: China’s contradictory role Abstract: The impact of rising powers generally and the BRICS - Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa - in particular on the existing global order has become controversial and contested. Donald Trump’s nationalist foreign policy agenda has raised questions about the BRICS willingness and capacity to provide leadership in place on an American administration that is increasingly inward looking. As a result, the rise of BRICS poses potential normative and structural challenges to the existing liberal international order. Given its geoeconomic significance, China also poses a potential problem for the other BRICS, as well as the governance of the existing order more generally. Consequently, we argue that it will be difficult for the BRICS to maintain a unified position amongst themselves, let alone play a constructive role in preserving the foundations of ‘global governance’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1962-1978 Issue: 10 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1438186 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1438186 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:10:p:1962-1978 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Cherryl Walker Author-X-Name-First: Cherryl Author-X-Name-Last: Walker Author-Name: Davide Chinigò Author-X-Name-First: Davide Author-X-Name-Last: Chinigò Title: Disassembling the Square Kilometre Array: astronomy and development in South Africa Abstract: The article poses questions about astronomy and its local, national and global developmental impacts, drawing on ongoing research around the internationally networked Square Kilometre Array (SKA) radio telescope in South Africa. The relationship between progress in global science and technology and societal change has traditionally been framed through western-centric notions of progress imbued with universalism; the field of astronomy exemplifies this approach, with its assumptions of an inherently positive correlation between its science and loosely defined notions of ‘development’. We problematise this assumption through an analysis of the multiple notions of development at different scales of analysis in the SKA. We argue that large astronomy projects such as the SKA are best understood as dense assemblages of science, infrastructure, human agency and politics, in which historically rooted local concerns are marginalised in the name of the national or global public interest. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1979-1997 Issue: 10 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1447374 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1447374 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:10:p:1979-1997 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ghoncheh Tazmini Author-X-Name-First: Ghoncheh Author-X-Name-Last: Tazmini Title: ‘To be or not to be’ (like the West): modernisation in Russia and Iran Abstract: Having passed through a labyrinth of social contradictions, both Russia and Iran have reached a point on their historical timelines where they have transcended the logic of development of the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Today, Russian and Iranian modernisation reflects the interaction of universal norms and practices and specific cultural traditions. As an epistemological category, modernity can no longer be enchained in the grip of a totalising narrative. Modernity has given rise to civilisational patterns that share some core characteristics, but which unfold differently. The Russian and Iranian historical experiences reveal the need to take a much broader view of the modernisation process by placing it in the context of cultural adaptation of civilisational particularities to the challenge of modernity. The era of fixed, Euro-centric and non-reflexive modernity has reached its end, and we have, in practical terms, the emergence of ‘multiple modernities’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1998-2015 Issue: 10 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1447375 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1447375 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:10:p:1998-2015 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: J. N. C. Hill Author-X-Name-First: J. N. C. Author-X-Name-Last: Hill Title: Global international relations and the Arab Spring: the Maghreb’s challenge to the EU Abstract: This article contributes to the Global International Relations project by critically evaluating the roles ascribed to Europe and the EU by Levitsky and Way in their model for explaining regime transitions. Focusing primarily on their international dimensions of linkage and leverage, it assesses both the normative geopolitical underpinnings and explanatory power of their thesis, drawing on the North African cases of Tunisia and Mauritania at the start of the Arab Spring to illustrate and substantiate its observations and arguments. It concludes that the EU’s failure to discipline either country’s competitive authoritarian regime raises important questions about the validity of the privileged role in which they cast Europe. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2016-2031 Issue: 10 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1460593 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1460593 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:10:p:2016-2031 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sharanya Basu Roy Author-X-Name-First: Sharanya Author-X-Name-Last: Basu Roy Author-Name: Sayantan Ghosh Dastidar Author-X-Name-First: Sayantan Author-X-Name-Last: Ghosh Dastidar Title: Why do men rape? Understanding the determinants of rapes in India Abstract: The study examines the determinants of rapes in India using state-level data for the time period 2001–2015. The panel model analysis indicates that there is no impact of education and economic growth, pointing towards a larger role of social and cultural factors in this context. The effect of deterrence variables (such as the number of police stations) is non-existent, possibly pointing towards the incompetency of the police force. Social attitude towards women emerged as the most robust predictor of the extent of rapes in India. We argue that the fundamental problem lies in the misogyny deeply rooted in the Indian society. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1435-1457 Issue: 8 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1460200 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1460200 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:8:p:1435-1457 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Evan Easton-Calabria Author-X-Name-First: Evan Author-X-Name-Last: Easton-Calabria Author-Name: Naohiko Omata Author-X-Name-First: Naohiko Author-X-Name-Last: Omata Title: Panacea for the refugee crisis? Rethinking the promotion of ‘self-reliance’ for refugees Abstract: This article provides a critical examination of the current extensive promotion of ‘self-reliance’ for refugees. The existing scholarship largely ignores the unsuccessful historical record of international assistance to foster refugees’ self-reliance and fails to discuss its problematic linkages to neoliberalism and the notion of ‘dependency’. The article reveals that the current conceptualisation and practice of self-reliance are largely shaped by the priorities of international donors that aim to create cost-effective exit strategies from long-term refugee populations. The authors argue that where uncritically interpreted and applied, the promotion of self-reliance can result in unintended and undesirable consequences for refugees’ well-being and protection. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1458-1474 Issue: 8 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1458301 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1458301 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:8:p:1458-1474 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Susan Banki Author-X-Name-First: Susan Author-X-Name-Last: Banki Author-Name: Richard Schonell Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Schonell Title: Voluntourism and the contract corrective Abstract: Critiques of the voluntourism industry focus on power imbalances, colonial legacies and white privilege. Drawing on the literatures of development and voluntourism to find points of comparison, we argue that the voluntourism industry reflects myriad development problems, such as structural challenges, the fungibility of aid, corruption, representation, worker narratives and temporality. We assert that many of the problems inherent in voluntourism could be remedied by the evolution of a contract norm between volunteers and their local partners, where reciprocity and transparency might practically serve as a corrective to voluntourism’s most entrenched problems. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1475-1490 Issue: 8 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1357113 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1357113 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:8:p:1475-1490 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Georgia Cole Author-X-Name-First: Georgia Author-X-Name-Last: Cole Title: How friends become foes: exploring the role of documents in shaping UNHCR’s behaviour Abstract: In issuing and circulating a litany of documents, organisations produce statements with important textual and material qualities and affects. While a discursive analysis focuses on the former, interrogating how language is used, this paper propounds the need to explore the physicality of these objects too and adopts several heuristic devices to do so. First, it outlines how the issuance of certain documents within the refugee regime suppresses within a ‘black box’ the supporting and competing narratives that resulted in their genesis. Second, and relatedly, it considers why particular announcements are capable of catalysing responses that outlive their authors’ finite intentions. Tracing the genealogy of these documents is thus argued to be critical for explaining the persistent and yet unpredictable influence of ideas, interests and pressures on institutional conduct, even long after their proponents have changed tack. By illustrating why greater attention should be paid to the ways that material objects can come to shape organisational behaviour, in this case legal texts, this article complements existing theoretical frameworks used to explain UNHCR’s conduct. This helps explain how, when and why non-legally binding declarations nonetheless came to bind UNHCR’s actions as it attempted to cancel the status of Eritrean refugees in 2002. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1491-1507 Issue: 8 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1416289 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1416289 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:8:p:1491-1507 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Katja Lindskov Jacobsen Author-X-Name-First: Katja Lindskov Author-X-Name-Last: Jacobsen Author-Name: Kristin Bergtora Sandvik Author-X-Name-First: Kristin Bergtora Author-X-Name-Last: Sandvik Title: UNHCR and the pursuit of international protection: accountability through technology? Abstract: Better management and new technological solutions are increasingly portrayed as the way to improve refugee protection and enhance the accountability of humanitarian actors. Taking concepts of legibility, quantification and co-production as the point of departure, this article explores how techno-bureaucratic practices shape conceptions of international refugee protection. We do this by examining the evolving roles of results-based management (RBM), biometrics and cash-based interventions as ‘accountability technologies’ in the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ international protection efforts. The article challenges the assumption that these technologies produce a seamless form of accountability that is equally attentive to donor requests and the protection needs of refugees. By focusing on how the constitution of these techniques as ‘accountability solutions’ shapes conceptions of the very meaning of protection (ie the problem to be addressed), we also show what dimensions of protection get omitted in this co-production of technical solutions and socio-political problems. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1508-1524 Issue: 8 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1432346 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1432346 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:8:p:1508-1524 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dahlia Simangan Author-X-Name-First: Dahlia Author-X-Name-Last: Simangan Title: When hybridity breeds contempt: negative hybrid peace in Cambodia Abstract: This paper examines the unresolved tensions from international/liberal-local encounters during Cambodia’s post-conflict peacebuilding in the areas of governance and justice. The quick introduction but weak implementation of international/liberal norms and institutions enabled the local elite to contextualise, negotiate, resist and reject those international/liberal norms and institutions to preserve an elite-centred status quo. The outcome of these international/liberal-local encounters is a negative hybrid peace in which peace is neither liberal nor emancipatory. The analysis in this paper contributes to the discussion on hybridity in peacebuilding by describing the characteristics, explaining the formation process and tracing the long-term consequences of negative hybrid peace. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1525-1542 Issue: 8 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1438184 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1438184 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:8:p:1525-1542 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pol Bargués-Pedreny Author-X-Name-First: Pol Author-X-Name-Last: Bargués-Pedreny Author-Name: Elisa Randazzo Author-X-Name-First: Elisa Author-X-Name-Last: Randazzo Title: Hybrid peace revisited: an opportunity for considering self-governance? Abstract: Critical peacebuilding scholars have focused on the impact of the encounter between the ‘local’ and the ‘international’, framing the notion of ‘hybridity’ as a conceptual mirror to the reality of such encounter. This paper explores a dual aspect of hybridity to highlight a tension. Understood as a descriptor of contingent realities that emerge after the international–local encounter, hybridity requires acknowledging that peacebuilders can do little to shape the course of events. Yet, framed as a process that can enable the pursuit of empowering solutions embedded in plurality and relationality, hybridity encourages forms of interventionism that may perpetuate the binaries and exclusions usually associated to the liberal peace paradigm. The paper suggests that when hybridity is used to improve peacebuilding practice, an opportunity may be missed to open up this tension and analytically discuss options, including withdrawal which, whilst largely left out of the conceptual picture, may be relevant to calls for reclaiming the self-governance of the subjects of peacebuilding themselves. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1543-1560 Issue: 8 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1447849 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1447849 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:8:p:1543-1560 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kuntala Lahiri-Dutt Author-X-Name-First: Kuntala Author-X-Name-Last: Lahiri-Dutt Title: Extractive peasants: reframing informal artisanal and small-scale mining debates Abstract: This paper explores the ongoing reconfiguration of peasant labour processes from agriculture to informal mineral extraction, outlining the motivations of the rural poor in adopting mining and quarrying, and discusses how social sciences can best account for this significant shift towards extractive livelihoods. It argues that the ‘extractive peasants’ best explain the contemporary changes in rural, mineral-rich tracts throughout the Global South, and peasant mining practices are part of the informal economies. The extractive peasants return intellectual attention to practices that disrupt contemporary global mineral production and place the politics of the poor within broader debates on resource politics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1561-1582 Issue: 8 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1458300 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1458300 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:8:p:1561-1582 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marianna Charountaki Author-X-Name-First: Marianna Author-X-Name-Last: Charountaki Title: From resistance to military institutionalisation: the case of the peshmerga versus the Islamic State Abstract: This study explores differing strategies and tactics employed by the peshmerga forces against the Islamic State (IS). This experience highlights a number of issues which are relevant to contemporary security debates. Firstly, the struggle highlights important aspects of the development of the peshmerga and their strategies as an organised non-state military force (defending as it does the Kurdistan Region in Iraq). Secondly, the peshmerga–IS conflict is an important case study of small wars. The strategy and tactics used here are therefore useful empirical references about the effectiveness of military force in counter-insurgency. Finally, the war against IS united the peshmerga forces, possibly for the first time, and effected a radical change in the Kurdish use of military tactics, including the shift from defensive to offensive strategies. The article examines the methods employed by the peshmerga forces against IS, explains why the cases of Makhmour and Shingal stand out as tipping points, and discusses the evolution of Kurdish defence capacity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1583-1603 Issue: 8 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1449633 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1449633 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:8:p:1583-1603 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Masooda Bano Author-X-Name-First: Masooda Author-X-Name-Last: Bano Author-Name: Hanane Benadi Author-X-Name-First: Hanane Author-X-Name-Last: Benadi Title: Regulating religious authority for political gains: al-Sisi’s manipulation of al-Azhar in Egypt Abstract: The shedding of blood is a serious matter in Islamic law; disregard for human life negates the very essence of just rule. By standing by General al-Sisi as he suppressed the Muslim Brotherhood, the popular legitimacy of al-Azhar – the oldest seat of Islamic learning – was called into question. This article shows how the al-Sisi government skilfully deployed the two other state-controlled religious establishments, the Ministry of Awqaf (Religious Endowments) and Dar-ul-Ifta, to boost al-Azhar’s popular legitimacy in this context. Existing scholarship highlights the importance of competition within the Egyptian religious sphere to explain how the Egyptian state co-opts the al-Azhari official establishment. This article instead shows how the state, equally skilfully, uses state institutions to boost al-Azhar’s popular legitimacy – albeit to ensure that it remains useful for the purposes of political legitimisation. Political authority and religious authority in Egypt thus remain closely entangled. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1604-1621 Issue: 8 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1369031 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1369031 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:8:p:1604-1621 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sarah Maddison Author-X-Name-First: Sarah Author-X-Name-Last: Maddison Author-Name: Rachael Diprose Author-X-Name-First: Rachael Author-X-Name-Last: Diprose Title: Conflict dynamics and agonistic dialogue on historical violence: a case from Indonesia Abstract: This article contends that the type of high-level political consensus needed to reach a peace agreement is often insufficient for rebuilding and transforming wider social relations. Consensus-focused processes tend to suppress divergent views and experiences of conflict, particularly among grassroots conflict actors, and risk deepening social divides by homogenising diverse memories of past violence, with potentially dangerous consequences. In response to these concerns this article advances an understanding of agonistic dialogue and explores an example of such dialogue in communal conflict in Indonesia. Building on an understanding of effective dialogue as sustained, intensive and relational, this article also underscores the need for effective dialogue to have politico-institutional support and to be locally driven and owned by actors who are legitimate and trusted in the eyes of conflict protagonists. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1622-1639 Issue: 8 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1374837 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1374837 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:8:p:1622-1639 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Valesca Lima Author-X-Name-First: Valesca Author-X-Name-Last: Lima Title: Social housing under the Workers’ Party government: an analysis of the private sector in Brazil Abstract: This article examines the patterns of government intervention in social housing in Brazil to analyse the role of the private sector in the elaboration and implementation of social housing policies during the Workers’ Party government. It draws on case study research, and I examine areas which impact on the way social housing has been implemented since 2003 to study the concentration of decision power the private construction sector has on social housing policymaking, which sets the tone of government intervention on social housing. I argue this was part of the Workers’ Party’s approach to neoliberal policies in a more moderated style, a type of intervention repeated on numerous occasions under previous administrations. This article concludes by noting the prominent role of the private sector in social housing developments. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1640-1655 Issue: 8 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1408406 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1408406 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:8:p:1640-1655 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anthony Pahnke Author-X-Name-First: Anthony Author-X-Name-Last: Pahnke Title: The contradictions of neo-extractivism and social policy: the role of raw material exports in the Brazilian political crisis Abstract: This article explores how contradictory development tendencies within Brazil’s primary sector have contributed to the country’s enduring political crisis. I show that President Rousseff, when dealing with declining royalty payments from natural resource exports and a decrease in tax revenue from imports, financed social policies in ways that her opponents branded as unconstitutional to remove her from power. After documenting the central players within the political crisis, namely those who have been under investigation in Operação Lava Jato (Operation Car Wash), I illustrate how the ongoing corruption scandals plaguing Brazil have their roots in the country’s raw material export industries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1656-1674 Issue: 8 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1428088 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1428088 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:8:p:1656-1674 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mohamed Haji Ingiriis Author-X-Name-First: Mohamed Haji Author-X-Name-Last: Ingiriis Title: From Al-Itihaad to Al-Shabaab: how the Ethiopian intervention and the ‘War on Terror’ exacerbated the conflict in Somalia Abstract: External intervention has frustrated and continues to frustrate peace and stability in the Horn of Africa and Somalia, adding various adverse layers to an already complicated and complex conflict. The level of forceful military engagement intended for regional domination has profoundly affected negatively the efforts of peacebuilding and statebuilding in Somalia. This article examines how the earlier Ethiopian policies towards Somalia has reshaped the (post)-Cold War politics of the Horn. In doing so, it traces the roots of the Ethiopian intervention in Somalia vis-à-vis new non-state armed groups to chart the changing political dynamics of the conflict in Somalia. By using historical approach, the article argues that Ethiopia’s agenda is central to understanding why the ‘War on Terror’ has strengthened and subsequently midwifed armed militant movements (e.g. new insurgency groups) in Somalia, starting from Al-Itihaad to today’s Al-Shabaab. In focusing upon various regional actors and groups, the article moves from the emphasis of internal systems to external power structures, considering the wider historical and political factors in the region that must be closely examined if the regional and local conflicts are to be deeply understood. While it is a context-specific study, the article aims to contribute fresh perspectives and insights to ongoing discussions on the consequences of the Ethiopian intervention in Somalia. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2033-2052 Issue: 11 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1479186 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1479186 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:11:p:2033-2052 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gordon Clubb Author-X-Name-First: Gordon Author-X-Name-Last: Clubb Author-Name: Marina Tapley Author-X-Name-First: Marina Author-X-Name-Last: Tapley Title: Conceptualising de-radicalisation and former combatant re-integration in Nigeria Abstract: Nigeria has recently joined the many states which have established de-radicalisation programmes. The article engages with debates on how the success of de-radicalisation can be ascertained given the substantial flaws of using individual-oriented recidivism rates as a measure. Many studies on de-radicalisation emphasise the need to consider the programme’s context to facilitate success, yet ‘context’ has been under-conceptualised and approached statically. The paper provides greater agency to ‘the context’ in distinguishing between the type of milieus former combatants are re-integrated into and how these emergent social relations shape the scope of de-radicalisation programmes, beyond the traditional over-emphasis on programme participant outcomes as measures of success. The Nigerian de-radicalisation programme has a broader function insofar as it provides former combatants with ‘scripts’ of disengagement and function as a brand, signalling to communities that former combatants have repented and are ‘better citizens, imbued with genuine nationalism’ that resonate with local communities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2053-2068 Issue: 11 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1458303 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1458303 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:11:p:2053-2068 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Yunan Xu Author-X-Name-First: Yunan Author-X-Name-Last: Xu Title: Political economy of land grabbing inside China involving foreign investors Abstract: China tends to be a dominant figure in the literature on global land grabbing. It is either cast as a major land grabber in distant places such as Africa, or as a key player in crop booms elsewhere because it provides for massive market demand, such as for soya from South America. These are all important issues and are well covered in the literature. However, the crop booms inside China that involve transnational capital and investors – and have provoked conflict around land politics – have been overlooked. Spotlighting the issue of land grabbing inside China reminds us that capital accumulation is principally interested in geographies and settings where it can generate profit – regardless of nationalities, boundaries, structural or institutional conditions. This paper hopes to contribute towards a more refined picture of global land grabbing. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2069-2084 Issue: 11 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1447372 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1447372 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:11:p:2069-2084 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Luis Felipe Rincón Author-X-Name-First: Luis Felipe Author-X-Name-Last: Rincón Author-Name: Bernardo M. Fernandes Author-X-Name-First: Bernardo M. Author-X-Name-Last: Fernandes Title: Territorial dispossession: dynamics of capitalist expansion in rural territories in South America Abstract: The rural territories of the Agrarian South have been occupying a central role as epicentres for the recent dynamics of capitalist expansion. Over the last years this has led to an increase in the process of control and extraction of natural common goods by different mechanisms such as agribusiness, mining-energetic projects, mega-infrastructure building, cultural dispossession and so on. Taking the territory as the central analytical approach that involves different dimensions and scales, we analyse the recent transformations in several rural sceneries from South America where various forms of dispossession of natural goods have been presented. With this perspective, we hope to contribute to the analysis and understanding of the agrarian transformations in the Agrarian South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2085-2102 Issue: 11 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1458297 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1458297 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:11:p:2085-2102 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Eric Lob Author-X-Name-First: Eric Author-X-Name-Last: Lob Title: Construction Jihad: state-building and development in Iran and Lebanon’s Shiʿi Territories Abstract: Based on fieldwork in Iran and Lebanon, this article compares the Iranian reconstruction and development organisation Construction Jihad with its Hizbullah-affiliated subsidiary in Lebanon. Beyond shedding light on Iranian and Lebanese history and politics, this comparison offers insight into the transnational diffusion of a development organisation by a state actor to its non-state or quasi-state ‘client’ in the Muslim and developing world. Despite the distinct environmental and operational conditions of Iran and Lebanon, Construction Jihad similarly assisted a nascent Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) and a fledgling Hizbullah with state-building. The latter consisted of consolidating coercive power against domestic and foreign opponents, increasing administrative capacity through service provision and post-war reconstruction, and strengthening the political and religious identity of citizens and constituents. Regardless of the differing contexts of Iran and Lebanon, Construction Jihad counter-intuitively possessed a similar organisational and developmental model in both countries that did not neatly conform to the dichotomous typologies in development studies. This seemingly contradictory model was largely faith based, exclusive, distributive and top down with certain decentralised, community driven and participatory elements. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2103-2125 Issue: 11 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1460197 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1460197 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:11:p:2103-2125 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elizabeth Harrison Author-X-Name-First: Elizabeth Author-X-Name-Last: Harrison Author-Name: Anna Mdee Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Mdee Title: Entrepreneurs, investors and the state: the public and the private in sub-Saharan African irrigation development Abstract: This article draws on ethnographic research in Tanzania to interrogate the discourse of ‘public’ and ‘private’ in sub-Saharan irrigation development. It contrasts the complexity of social and political relations with narratives suggesting that ‘private’ is necessarily opposed and superior to ‘public’. We argue that support for models of private-sector development obscures access to and control over resources and can result in the dispossession of those least able to resist this. Different interests of ‘entrepreneurial’ individuals and corporate investors and the ways in which these relate to the state are also glossed over. Conversely, the failure of the ‘public’ cannot simply be read from the chequered histories of irrigation schemes within which public and private interests intersect in complex ways. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2126-2141 Issue: 11 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1458299 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1458299 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:11:p:2126-2141 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Maher Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Maher Author-Name: Andrew Thomson Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Thomson Title: A precarious peace? The threat of paramilitary violence to the peace process in Colombia Abstract: This article provides an investigation into claims that paramilitary violence in Colombia can pose a threat to the peace agreement signed in 2016 between the Colombian government and the FARC rebels. These claims highlight the capacity for paramilitary groups to ‘spoil’ the peace deal. Hitherto, however, there is a lack of scholarly research to investigate the potential of paramilitary spoiling. Firstly, this article highlights the flaws in the government’s perspective that paramilitarism no longer exists in Colombia. Instead, the government argues that Colombia is plagued by criminal bands (known as BACRIMs). Secondly, through fieldwork interviews and questionnaires conducted in FARC demobilisation camps, together with descriptive data analysed through a uniquely coded dataset on violence in western Colombia, this article supports claims that successor paramilitary groups represent a key spoiler threat to the current government-FARC peace process. On the one hand, the paramilitaries can represent a direct spoiler threat by, for instance, violently targeting demobilising FARC guerrillas. On the other hand, successor paramilitary groups represent a key indirect spoiler threat, as paramilitary violence is exacerbating the root causes of the conflict that the peace deal seeks to address, with negative implications for the prospects for peace. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2142-2172 Issue: 11 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1508992 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1508992 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:11:p:2142-2172 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sandya Hewamanne Author-X-Name-First: Sandya Author-X-Name-Last: Hewamanne Title: Sewing their way up the social ladder? Paths to social mobility and empowerment among Sri Lanka’s global factory workers Abstract: Studies on global assembly line workers showcase how gains women make are counteracted by physical, social and psychological problems stemming from long hours of working, low wages and the precarity of work. Few studies analyse these workers’ experiences after they terminate factory work. Using life histories collected over 12 years and in-depth interviews, this article highlights the different paths former workers pursue to achieve social mobility and identifies key work and life experiences that contribute to social mobility and empowerment. I argue that contrary to popular belief global factory work does lead to forms of social mobility and empowerment. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2173-2187 Issue: 11 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1458302 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1458302 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:11:p:2173-2187 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Juan David Parra Heredia Author-X-Name-First: Juan David Author-X-Name-Last: Parra Heredia Title: People, personal projects and the challenging of social structures: a contribution to the reflection on the challenges of teaching development studies Abstract: This article makes a critique of using Post-Development as a tool in teaching an introductory course in development studies. Such a debate was initiated by Harcourt in a previous issue of Third World Quarterly as she reflected on her teaching experience in a European Institution. Harcourt concludes that the lack of engagement of some of the students in the course reflects the unwillingness of privileged middle-class pupils to challenge western lifestyles. I draw on a critical realist meta-theory about the process of learning in higher education to challenge the ontological support of that conclusion and invite her to reconsider her teaching strategy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2188-2202 Issue: 11 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1460594 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1460594 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:11:p:2188-2202 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Wendy Harcourt Author-X-Name-First: Wendy Author-X-Name-Last: Harcourt Title: ‘People and personal projects’: a rejoinder on the challenge of teaching development studies Abstract: In response to Juan David Parra Heredia’s criticism of her earlier article about her use of post-development as a tool in teaching development studies, Wendy Harcourt reflects further on how the course analysed in 2016 has evolved in the last three years and corrects the misreadings of the pedagogical position-taking by the teachers in the course. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2203-2205 Issue: 11 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1460595 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1460595 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:11:p:2203-2205 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Izabela Steflja Author-X-Name-First: Izabela Author-X-Name-Last: Steflja Title: Internationalised justice and democratisation: how international tribunals can empower non-reformists Abstract: This article examines the relationship between international criminal justice and democratisation processes in post-conflict settings, illustrating that international tribunals did not contribute to democratisation in the cases of Serbia, Kosovo and Rwanda. The argument that tribunals have willingly or inadvertently empowered local non-reformist factions is rooted in the agency of local elites. The findings suggest prioritisation of international over localised knowledge, political over victim interests and stability over judicial independence. This article makes a contribution to the emerging, critical literature on the dynamics between institutions of international criminal law and their socio-political environments, drawing attention to volatile effects of internationalised justice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1675-1691 Issue: 9 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1447370 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1447370 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:9:p:1675-1691 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kees Biekart Author-X-Name-First: Kees Author-X-Name-Last: Biekart Author-Name: Alan Fowler Author-X-Name-First: Alan Author-X-Name-Last: Fowler Title: Ownership dynamics in local multi-stakeholder initiatives Abstract: The nature and dynamics of ownership are often neglected features of multi-stakeholder initiatives (MSIs). Seventeen cases in four countries illustrate characteristics of narrow government or broad societal ownership and forces for change over time. Refinements to the application of Gaventa’s Power Cube are used to analyse such shifts from the perspective of invited and closed spaces for participation. Observations about ways in which stakeholder groups can create a more enabling environment for their collaboration are discussed. Sensitivity to sub-national conditions by weaving endogenous and exogenous forces appears to be crucial if MSIs are to be effective vehicles of choice for implementing the Sustainable Development Goals. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1692-1710 Issue: 9 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1450139 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1450139 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:9:p:1692-1710 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jerry Harris Author-X-Name-First: Jerry Author-X-Name-Last: Harris Title: China’s road from socialism to global capitalism Abstract: China’s engagement with global capitalism is driven by the emergence of a statist and private transnational capitalist class. Nevertheless, aspects of China’s foreign policy from the Maoist period still echo today. Consequently, elements of third world solidarity and opposition to Western domination continue to exist as China’s past is redefined to further its transnational strategies in Latin America and the US. The main Chinese investments in South America have been in energy and infrastructure among the left lead countries of the Pink Tide. In the US, Chinese capital has grown despite heated political rhetoric. This paper will examine how economic ties in South and North America reflect past and present conditions, and if China has initiated a non-Western globalisation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1711-1726 Issue: 9 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1496791 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1496791 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:9:p:1711-1726 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Diego Trindade d’Ávila Magalhães Author-X-Name-First: Diego Author-X-Name-Last: Trindade d’Ávila Magalhães Title: The globaliser dragon: how is China changing economic globalisation? Abstract: There are many studies on the effects of both economic globalisation and the rise of China. These core issues of the contemporary international agenda entail major economic, military, environmental, social and cultural transformations in most nations. While there is also an abundant literature on how globalisation supported the rise of China, there are scarce publications on how China became one of the primary drivers of globalisation. This article assumes that understanding the power of globalisation over countries is as crucial as assessing the power of certain countries over the process. In this sense, it uses the recently created ‘theory of globalisers’ to analyse how is China transforming contemporary economic globalisation. The conclusion is that China became an ‘economic globaliser’ in the twenty-first century. As the largest exporter, the second largest importer, the third largest provider of foreign direct investments, and a major supplier of high-tech goods, the Asian giant is a vital partner for several economies in different continents. In this context, Beijing’s globalisation strategy aims at both securing the benefits of globalisation and reforming the international economic order, but without a revolutionary stance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1727-1749 Issue: 9 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1432352 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1432352 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:9:p:1727-1749 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marlei Pozzebon Author-X-Name-First: Marlei Author-X-Name-Last: Pozzebon Author-Name: Isleide Arruda Fontenelle Author-X-Name-First: Isleide Arruda Author-X-Name-Last: Fontenelle Title: Fostering the post-development debate: the Latin American concept of tecnologia social Abstract: This essay revisits the historical development of a concept – tecnologia social – as one avenue for discussing alternatives to post-development, arguing that the Western-based historical path of technology development is one of the main sources of growing human impoverishment, social inequalities and economic dependency. The concept of tecnologia social points towards political processes that create opportunities to redefine the arrangements among social groups, artefacts and methods used in everyday life, particularly for production and consumption. Because the post-development debate has been criticised for formulating a sound and strong critique to mainstream development but failing to propose concrete empirical alternatives, we seek to foster the debate through the Latin American concept of tecnologia social. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1750-1769 Issue: 9 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1432351 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1432351 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:9:p:1750-1769 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Emel Parlar Dal Author-X-Name-First: Emel Author-X-Name-Last: Parlar Dal Author-Name: Ali Murat Kurşun Author-X-Name-First: Ali Murat Author-X-Name-Last: Kurşun Title: Turkey’s global governance strategies at the UN compared to the BRICS (2008–2014): clarifying the motivation–contribution nexus Abstract: This study attempts to analyse Turkey’s contribution to the United Nations (UN) system in comparison with those of the Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) countries between 2008 and 2014 on three levels: personnel, financial, ideational. Employing an integrated methodology of a global governance contribution index (GGCI) and statistical analysis of complementary raw data, this study empirically reveals the degree to which Turkey was able to transfer its capabilities into an effective contribution to the UN system on the three levels. Drawing on the findings of its quantitative analysis, this paper further qualitatively assesses the reasons behind the gap between Turkey’s global governance motivations and its contribution to the UN system. In doing so, this study, first, deals with the main motivational drivers of its activism in global governance in the 2000s. After unpacking its integrated methodology, the second part of this study quantitatively compares Turkey’s contribution to the UN system to that of the BRICS. The third part of this study delves into the main trends and deficiencies in Turkey’s contribution to the UN system. Finally, this study concludes that Turkey, despite its high motivations for activism in global governance, has not performed well in transferring its capacities into contributions to the UN system, particularly on financial and personnel levels. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1770-1790 Issue: 9 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1438182 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1438182 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:9:p:1770-1790 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ziya Öniş Author-X-Name-First: Ziya Author-X-Name-Last: Öniş Author-Name: Alper Şükrü Gençer Author-X-Name-First: Alper Şükrü Author-X-Name-Last: Gençer Title: Democratic BRICS as role models in a shifting global order: inherent dilemmas and the challenges ahead Abstract: India, Brazil and South Africa constitute an important subset of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) and emerging powers at large in a shifting global order. The article examines the capacity of these democratic BRICS to serve as a role model to the rest of the developing world, at a time when liberal democracy seems to be experiencing serious challenges and dislocations in the Global North. The article considers the important achievements of democratic BRICS, in terms of their individual performances as well as through active cooperation strategies through organisations such as the India, Brazil and South Africa (IBSA) Dialogue Forum. Attention is drawn to the inherent structural dilemmas confronted by democratic BRICS to serve as genuine role models, given their domestic weaknesses as well as inherent constraints on their collective action strategies. Our central argument is that these countries, individually and collectively, are likely to have a crucial bearing on the future of liberal democracy on a global scale. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1791-1811 Issue: 9 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1438185 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1438185 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:9:p:1791-1811 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ihsan Yilmaz Author-X-Name-First: Ihsan Author-X-Name-Last: Yilmaz Author-Name: Galib Bashirov Author-X-Name-First: Galib Author-X-Name-Last: Bashirov Title: The AKP after 15 years: emergence of Erdoganism in Turkey Abstract: In recent years, several observers of Turkey have recognised a novel development in Turkish politics: the rise of Erdoganism. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s personality and style have come to embody the Turkish nation, the state and its economic, social and political institutions. But what is Erdoganism? What are its main attributes? Is it a mere ideology or the name of the emerging political regime in Turkey? While commentators have provided several observations of Erdoganism, it has not been duly examined on its own in the academic literature. This paper’s main premise is that in Turkey, a new political regime has emerged in recent years which can best be defined as Erdoganism. Erdoganism has four main dimensions: electoral authoritarianism as the electoral system, neopatrimonialism as the economic system, populism as the political strategy and Islamism as the political ideology. We first explain why we think Erdoganism is a better concept to define the emerging political regime in Turkey. We briefly discuss Sultanism, Khomeinism and Kemalism in order to produce a set of references for our discussion of Erdoganism. We then provide a thorough analysis, explaining the ways in which Erdoganism manifests itself through electoral authoritarianism, neopatrimonialism, populism and Islamism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1812-1830 Issue: 9 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1447371 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1447371 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:9:p:1812-1830 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rico Isaacs Author-X-Name-First: Rico Author-X-Name-Last: Isaacs Title: The micro-politics of norm contestation between the OSCE and Kazakhstan: square pegs in round holes Abstract: Norm contestation by local actors has emerged in recent years as an explanation for the failure of norm diffusion. This article contributes to the literature on norm contestation by analysing how norms diffused by the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) pertaining to election observation and free and fair voting are re-constituted and contested by domestic actors in Kazakhstan. The study contributes to the idea of ‘constitutive localisation’ by emphasising a more fundamental level of disagreement beyond just congruence between the diffused norm and local beliefs; by demonstrating contestation can occur in the later stages in the norm diffusion cycle; by focusing on the micro-politics of contestation by local actors involved in the implementation of diffused norms; and by revealing how norm contestation is not necessarily a process of emancipatory politics, but a strategic act to serve authoritarian consolidation. Utilising a four-fold framework, the analysis illustrates how norms, while initially accepted by Kazakhstani authorities, are reconstituted through political discourse and/or practice, creating the moment of contestation. While this contestation is instrumentalised by political elites for their own advantage, it also remains an important element of agency within a normative order which they had little previous control over. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1831-1847 Issue: 9 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1357114 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1357114 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:9:p:1831-1847 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sope Maithufi Author-X-Name-First: Sope Author-X-Name-Last: Maithufi Title: Nelson Mandela: the ripple effect Abstract: This article considers how Nelson Mandela’s immediate family members intellectualised themselves within his legacy when he was terminal and upon his death. These specifics sublimate and set him apart from the eulogising tendency such as it has energised the scholarship on him. The tactics highlight tradition as an analytical category. Citing succession as a key episteme, the discussion delineates how tradition rarefies in non-hegemonic, mobile and fragile subject positions. In this approach, the paper invokes subtleties in the African Customary Law of Succession in South Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1848-1859 Issue: 9 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1438183 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1438183 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:9:p:1848-1859 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anna Danielsson Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Danielsson Title: Transcending binaries in critical peacebuilding scholarship to address ‘inclusivity’ projects Abstract: In light of the recent turn to ‘inclusivity’ in peacebuilding practice, this article problematises established ways of ‘doing critique’ in peacebuilding scholarship. Inclusivity refers to the building of peace as a situated and co-constituted process. This entails what can be termed a new epistemic commitment: the acknowledgement that peacebuilding as a dynamic and emergent phenomenon is also an epistemically co-constituted process. In the article, I make two arguments. First, the move towards inclusivity places currently dominant modes of scholarly critique at an impasse. Persistent ontological and epistemological binaries preclude a productive investigation and challenging of inclusivity projects and their epistemic commitment. Second, I argue that, by returning to historical conditions that were formative in the very emergence of the category of ‘the local’, the conceptual basis of an alternative mode of critique (re)appears. This alternative critical project allows for an analytical sensibility to peacebuilding as emergent and adaptive. It makes it possible to disentangle power relations as these emerge between different and possibly unexpected configurations of actors and knowledge claims in inclusivity projects. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1085-1102 Issue: 7 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1760087 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1760087 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:7:p:1085-1102 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Reina C. Neufeldt Author-X-Name-First: Reina C. Author-X-Name-Last: Neufeldt Author-Name: Mary Lou Klassen Author-X-Name-First: Mary Lou Author-X-Name-Last: Klassen Author-Name: John Danboyi Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Danboyi Author-Name: Jessica Dyck Author-X-Name-First: Jessica Author-X-Name-Last: Dyck Author-Name: Mugu Zakka Bako Author-X-Name-First: Mugu Author-X-Name-Last: Zakka Bako Title: Gaps in knowledge about local peacebuilding: a study in deficiency from Jos, Nigeria Abstract: The emphasis on local or hybrid efforts in peacebuilding literature brings front and centre the importance of being rooted within a particular context, with leadership and vision for social change and justice proffered by local actors. This is the same emphasis found in development literature and a necessary foundation for transformation. Scholars and practitioners nevertheless also note a role for outsiders in supporting local efforts (eg Lederach in 2005). Yet a significant challenge arises for outsiders, and to some extent local actors: how do you know what was tried or is underway that you might support or from which you might learn? This paper reports findings from a collaborative research project that examined the gap between the practice of peacebuilding locally and internationally available ‘knowledge’ via publications produced on local peacebuilding in Jos, Nigeria, between 2001 and 2008. It identifies a staggering gap between efforts and knowledge in the form of publications. The paper discusses the implications of the findings in terms of what it means for outsiders when thinking about helping resource local transformation efforts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1103-1121 Issue: 7 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1761253 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1761253 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:7:p:1103-1121 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julia Zulver Author-X-Name-First: Julia Author-X-Name-Last: Zulver Author-Name: Annette Idler Author-X-Name-First: Annette Author-X-Name-Last: Idler Title: Gendering the border effect: the double impact of Colombian insecurity and the Venezuelan refugee crisis Abstract: In the Colombian–Venezuelan borderlands, the reconfiguration of armed group presence and mass migration create and reinforce conditions of high violence and risk. Against this backdrop, we ask: What are the gendered security implications of the double crisis in the borderlands? Based on fieldwork in four regions along the border, this article argues that the border effect is gendered; the very factors that coalesce to produce this effect exacerbate existing gendered power dynamics, particularly as these relate to gender-based violence. Accordingly, this article demonstrates the specific ways in which the border – as a facilitator, deterrent, magnet and/or disguise – reinforces experiences of gendered insecurity in this region. The article finishes by outlining the implications for other international borderland settings. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1122-1140 Issue: 7 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1744130 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1744130 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:7:p:1122-1140 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jacobo Grajales Author-X-Name-First: Jacobo Author-X-Name-Last: Grajales Title: A land full of opportunities? Agrarian frontiers, policy narratives and the political economy of peace in Colombia Abstract: In many post-war countries, the relative security brought to rural areas is construed by government officials and business actors as an opportunity for development. This is particularly true for marginal areas, where opportunities for economic development had previously been hindered by the threat of violence. This provides a favourable context for the construction of commodity frontiers. Through the case of Colombia, I show that one of the main challenges faced by frontier policy narratives amounts to differentiating wartime dispossession from peacetime legitimate accumulation. This poses intractable challenges to policymakers and business actors, as it fuels the contradictions between peace consolidation and post-war development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1141-1160 Issue: 7 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1743173 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1743173 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:7:p:1141-1160 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julia Smith Author-X-Name-First: Julia Author-X-Name-Last: Smith Author-Name: Lauren DeSouza Author-X-Name-First: Lauren Author-X-Name-Last: DeSouza Author-Name: Jennifer Fang Author-X-Name-First: Jennifer Author-X-Name-Last: Fang Title: Eastern Africa’s tobacco value chain: links with China Abstract: While debates continue about China’s role in sub-Saharan Africa, there is growing consensus that China is a different kind of development partner. One distinct feature of Chinese partnerships is that they include support for the tobacco industry, a sector other donor states and institutions shun. Not only is tobacco a primary agricultural export in a number of Africa states, the state-owned Chinese National Tobacco Corporation is the largest tobacco company in the world. This paper analyses Chinese support for the tobacco industry in three states – Zimbabwe, Malawi and Zambia – documenting how co-operation is shaped by Chinese state capitalism and assessing the development and governance implications. Following an introduction situating the analysis within the context of China–Africa co-operation and tobacco’s global value chain, Chinese engagement in each country is analysed. Findings indicate that, despite differences across case studies in terms of development outcomes, common governance implications are apparent. African elites initiated tobacco-related co-operation to meet their interests, but Chinese interests dominated implementation. Consequently, Chinese investments have maintained hierarchal governance of an exploitive and harmful industry. Analyses of Chinese African co-operation need to move beyond public–private paradigms and interrogate the nuances of Chinese state capitalism in Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1161-1180 Issue: 7 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1736544 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1736544 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:7:p:1161-1180 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pietro Marzo Author-X-Name-First: Pietro Author-X-Name-Last: Marzo Title: Solving the security–democracy dilemma: the US foreign policy in Tunisia post-9/11 Abstract: Scholarly consensus postulates a sharp contrast exists between liberal values and realist interests in US foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, which finds its expression in the ‘security–democracy’ dilemma.​ This means the US rhetorical determination to abide by the values of a ‘liberal’ foreign policy is neutralised by the ‘realist’ priority of maintaining US strategic interests, which requires support for friendly authoritarian rulers. Scholarship tends to apply this reasoning indistinctly to the entire region, providing an encompassing framework of analysis for understanding US foreign policy, which is valid across time and space. This study challenges this theoretical assumption and argues that while the US might indeed have a comprehensive regional approach in the MENA, the resulting foreign policy follows country-based trajectories that respond to national specificities and the perceived implications for US strategic interests. Exploring US foreign policy in the MENA after 9/11, the article demonstrates that while the US emphasis on liberalism crumbled when faced with security issues, the US liberal approach to Tunisia unfolded more consistently. Although the US continued formal cooperation with Ben Ali’s regime, it empowered at the same time a coalition of democratic opponents, solving the security–democracy dilemma and positively influencing the Tunisian democratisation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1181-1199 Issue: 7 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1754126 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1754126 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:7:p:1181-1199 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Farooq Yousaf Author-X-Name-First: Farooq Author-X-Name-Last: Yousaf Author-Name: Syed FurrukhZad Author-X-Name-First: Syed Author-X-Name-Last: FurrukhZad Title: Pashtun Jirga and prospects of peace and conflict resolution in Pakistan’s ‘tribal’ frontier Abstract: There is growing recognition and appreciation of traditional approaches towards peace and conflict resolution across the world. This article aims to highlight the crucial role and consequential importance of traditional mechanisms of peace and conflict resolution in Pakistan’s terror-hit Pashtun ‘tribal’ areas, formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). These ‘peripheral’ areas of Pashtun tribes stand in relative isolation from the ‘centre’ of the Pakistani ruling establishment. Moreover, with the onset of militancy since 2001 in the Afghanistan–Pakistan region, the situation has turned worse for the local Pashtun tribes. The article discusses the changing role of traditional mechanisms and local structures of peace and conflict resolution, arguing that colonial legacies have failed to prevent, manage, resolve or transform conflicts in post-colonial states such as Pakistan. Furthermore, the Pashtun cultural code of Pashtunwali, along with its various tenets and structures, especially Jirga (Pashtun tribal council) and Lashkar (tribal militia), is also discussed in the article. The article concludes that the changing socio-political situation, along with the rise of the secular Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), is presenting a challenge to ‘tribal’ Pashtun patriarchal values as well as traditional structures like Jirga in the region. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1200-1217 Issue: 7 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1760088 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1760088 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:7:p:1200-1217 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mateo Crossa Author-X-Name-First: Mateo Author-X-Name-Last: Crossa Author-Name: Nina Ebner Author-X-Name-First: Nina Author-X-Name-Last: Ebner Title: Automotive global value chains in Mexico: a mirage of development? Abstract: International monetary organisations argue the ‘developing countries’ should foster linkages to the world economy as a means to overcome backwardness. In this article we refute the narrative that Mexico has experienced industrial upgrading. Rather, industrial growth in Mexico over the last 40 years has been shaped by neoliberal economic policies which have turned the Mexican economy into an export-led manufacturing platform designed to supply the North American market, sustained by a precarious labour market. As a result, Mexico occupies the most labour-intensive and low value-added segments of regional production chains. To make this argument, we perform an in-depth analysis of the Mexican automotive industry, demonstrating that instead of being an engine for domestic industrial development, the auto industry has become a dominant economic sector through productive hyper-specialisation concentrated in the northern Mexican border states, a reliance on transnational capital, particularly from the United States, a disconnect with domestic markets, and the super-exploitation of labour. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1218-1239 Issue: 7 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1761252 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1761252 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:7:p:1218-1239 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lorenzo Feltrin Author-X-Name-First: Lorenzo Author-X-Name-Last: Feltrin Title: The Moroccan system of labour institutions: a class-based perspective Abstract: The relevance of workers’ mobilisations in the 2011 Arab uprisings and – more recently – in the Algerian movement for democracy and social justice has encouraged a renewed interest in labour–state relations in the region. This article presents a class-based perspective on labour institutions, taking Morocco as a case study. In contrast to institution-based approaches, this research argues that it is problematic to treat the trade unions as analytical proxies for the working class, because this heuristic move conceals how class struggles – from below and from above – can transcend and transform labour institutions. The article proposes a framework to study labour–state relations, highlighting the relative autonomy of union officials from workers and vice versa. In this way, it shows how, in the neoliberal phase, the Moroccan state increased inducements to the unions while decreasing those to the workers and maintaining significant constraints on workplace organising. To use a simplified formulation, the regime included the unions to exclude the workers. In such a context of low union representativeness, the dangers of reducing the working class to the trade unions emerge clearly. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1240-1260 Issue: 7 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1761254 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1761254 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:7:p:1240-1260 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Emel Parlar Dal Author-X-Name-First: Emel Author-X-Name-Last: Parlar Dal Title: Rising powers in international conflict management: an introduction Abstract: This introductory article sheds light on commonalities and divergences in a selected group of rising powers’ (namely Brazil, India, China and Turkey) understanding and applications of conflict management and attempts to explain the priorities in their conflict management strategies from conceptual/theoretical and empirical aspects. The case studies in this special issue point to the evolving nature of conflict management policies of rising powers as a result of their changing priorities in foreign and security policy and the shifts observed in the international order since the end of the Cold War. The country specific perspectives provided in this issue have also proven right the potentialities of rising powers in managing conflicts, as well as their past and ongoing challenges in envisaging crises in both their own regions and extra-regional territories. The article begins by decoding the driving factors of rising powers’ conflict management strategies and their commonalities and divergences in peacebuilding policies. It then jumps into the theoretical and conceptual assessment of their conflict management approaches. In the third part, the issue delves into the evidence-based assessment their converging and differing conflict management policies depending on the nature of the conflict, its involving actors and its geographical location. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2207-2221 Issue: 12 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1503048 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1503048 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:12:p:2207-2221 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sandra Destradi Author-X-Name-First: Sandra Author-X-Name-Last: Destradi Title: Reluctant powers? Rising powers’ contributions to regional crisis management Abstract: Rising powers have often been characterised as ‘reluctant’ when it comes to their contributions to global governance. However, also within their regions they have sometimes pursued indecisive, muddling-through policies, including in the field of security. This paper addresses the puzzling issue of rising powers’ reluctant approach to regional crisis management. It conceptualises reluctance as entailing the two constitutive dimensions of hesitation and recalcitrance, and it seeks to approach a theorisation of reluctance that focuses on a combination of international expectations and domestic preference formation. The empirical analysis addresses instances of regional crisis management by the democratic rising powers India and Brazil during phases of domestic political stability under the Modi (2014–2018) and the Lula (2003–2011) governments, respectively. The analysis of India’s crisis management efforts in Afghanistan and Nepal, and of Brazil’s leadership of the MINUSTAH mission and its approach to the civil war in Colombia, reveal that reluctance emerges if a government is faced with (competing) expectations articulated by international actors as well as with a range of domestic factors that lead to unclear preference formation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2222-2239 Issue: 12 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1549942 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1549942 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:12:p:2222-2239 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Harsh V. Pant Author-X-Name-First: Harsh V. Author-X-Name-Last: Pant Author-Name: Arka Biswas Author-X-Name-First: Arka Author-X-Name-Last: Biswas Title: Rising powers and the global nuclear order: a structural study of India’s integration Abstract: The global nuclear order has been built around the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), primarily aimed at addressing the challenges of nuclear non-proliferation. In the last two decades, this order has faced growing challenges from the demands of emerging nuclear powers which it has been unable to meet effectively. These powers have either been outside the order, like India, Israel and Pakistan, or withdrawn from it, like North Korea, or could leave in future due to arguably compelling security concerns, like Iran, Japan and South Korea. These nations and the challenges they pose to the global nuclear order are mostly considered unique and are treated as exceptional. This paper examines the case of India which has found partial acceptance into the extant order from being a pariah nuclear state outside the NPT to a de facto nuclear weapon state designated by the US–India civil nuclear cooperation pact of 2008. It explicates the ongoing process of its integration into the order, underlining why this task remains daunting. Other than factors unique to India, the case of its rise in the global nuclear order captures the structural shortcomings of the extant order. While these underlying shortcomings remain, new nuclear powers, with or without support from the established ones, are likely to challenge the order in future. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2240-2254 Issue: 12 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1510731 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1510731 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:12:p:2240-2254 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hakan Mehmetcik Author-X-Name-First: Hakan Author-X-Name-Last: Mehmetcik Author-Name: Ferit Belder Author-X-Name-First: Ferit Author-X-Name-Last: Belder Title: China’s role in the regional and international management of Korean conflict: an arbiter or catalyst? Abstract: There are diverging assessments of China’s role in resolving the nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula. China’s role has been characterised variously as a bystander, arbiter, catalyst and mediator over the years. This paper aims to clarify where China stands on North Korea and assesses the different phases of the Chinese approach to conflict resolution during the North Korean nuclear crisis. The main argument is that China wishes to maintain the regional status quo while appearing to adjust its position in line with the international community. China’s current duplicity stems from its different priorities and concerns to the remainder of the world, and can best be explained using a role theory analysis. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2255-2271 Issue: 12 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1522955 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1522955 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:12:p:2255-2271 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Charles T. Call Author-X-Name-First: Charles T. Author-X-Name-Last: Call Title: Interests or ideas? Explaining Brazil’s surge in peacekeeping and peacebuilding Abstract: Brazil is one of several rising powers that assumed greater protagonism in advancing peace on the global stage and in the Global South beginning in the early 2000s. In places like Haiti, East Timor, Guinea-Bissau, Angola and Mozambique, it expanded its peacekeeping deployments and exercised leadership on peacebuilding issues. What explains this notably increased activity on peace-related issues? In this article, I test four core theories of international relations – realism, liberalism, constructivism and post-colonial theory – to explain the rise and content of these policies in that country. Brazil has been vocal in its non-traditional approaches to peacekeeping and peacebuilding, and this study examines its rhetorical claims through theoretical lenses. It aspires to bring systematic theoretical thinking to a case whose empirics have been used to support each of the four main theoretical approaches. I argue that interest-based theories such as realism and liberalism best account for the emergence of Brazil’s increased peacekeeping and peacebuilding initiatives in the early 2000s. However, idea-based constructivist and post-colonial approaches are necessary to account for the content of these approaches that reflect national identity and social and culturally historic experiences. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2272-2290 Issue: 12 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1549943 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1549943 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:12:p:2272-2290 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Emel Parlar Dal Author-X-Name-First: Emel Author-X-Name-Last: Parlar Dal Title: Assessing Turkey’s changing conflict management role after the Cold War: actorness, approaches and tools Abstract: This paper aims to shed light on Turkey’s conflict management role after the Cold War using a three-layered framework consisting of the layers of actorness, approaches and tools. In doing so, it seeks to profile Turkey’s international conflict management since the Cold War years with a special focus on the nature of its participation in conflict management as an active or passive actor, the perspectives from which it approaches conflict management, and the conflict management instruments it utilises. First, the paper will provide a conceptual framework of international conflict management based on the above-mentioned triad of actorness, approaches and tools as derived from the existing literature. Second, it will apply the selected three-layered analytical framework to Turkey to decipher its strengths and limitations in managing international conflicts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2291-2314 Issue: 12 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1522956 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1522956 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:12:p:2291-2314 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Abigail Kabandula Author-X-Name-First: Abigail Author-X-Name-Last: Kabandula Author-Name: Timothy M. Shaw Author-X-Name-First: Timothy M. Author-X-Name-Last: Shaw Title: Rising powers and the horn of Africa: conflicting regionalisms* Abstract: Rising powers are evolving centres for varieties of conflict as well as development. With a focus on the complexities of the Horn of Africa, we juxtapose Jan Nederveen Pieterse1 on what is rising – States? Inter-regionalisms? Diasporas? Economies? Companies? New technologies? – with the late Jim Hentz2 on non-traditional security (NTS) challenges on the continent. NTS factors include fragile states/ungoverned spaces, migrations and viruses, which continue to undermine contemporary state and governance structures inside and around Africa. In turn, NTS challenges demand alternative and creative ways to address them. We show how the Horn of Africa illustrates all these and other emergent factors in differing proportions over time, including the diversity of diasporas, both intra- and extra-regional. Further, we argue that rising powers internal and regional transnational tensions could impact human security for the foreseeable future. Thus, affecting the prospects for meeting Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in the Global South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2315-2333 Issue: 12 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1527684 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1527684 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:12:p:2315-2333 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Linnéa Gelot Author-X-Name-First: Linnéa Author-X-Name-Last: Gelot Author-Name: Martin Welz Author-X-Name-First: Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Welz Title: Pragmatic eclecticism, neoclassical realism and post-structuralism: reconsidering the African response to the Libyan crisis of 2011 Abstract: This article analyses the role of the African Union (AU) during the Libyan crisis of 2011. It addresses the question of why the AU has not played a central conflict manager role in that crisis. Inspired by pragmatic eclecticism, we take a theoretical detour to answer this question. Through a neoclassical realist and post-structuralist lens, we provide a novel eclectic reconsideration of the crisis response and we also highlight shared ground between both perspectives. Our theoretical and empirical discussion moves along the categories ‘primacy of power’, ‘discourses’ and ‘leader images’. We highlight the ability of dominant powers to influence the unfolding of events with material forms of power but also through immaterial ones such as the advancement of a dominant discourse on a cosmopolitan liberal order related to the responsibility-to-protect. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2334-2353 Issue: 12 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1552078 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1552078 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:12:p:2334-2353 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Saturnino M. Borras Jr. Author-X-Name-First: Saturnino M. Author-X-Name-Last: Borras Jr. Author-Name: Tsegaye Moreda Author-X-Name-First: Tsegaye Author-X-Name-Last: Moreda Author-Name: Alberto Alonso-Fradejas Author-X-Name-First: Alberto Author-X-Name-Last: Alonso-Fradejas Author-Name: Zoe W. Brent Author-X-Name-First: Zoe W. Author-X-Name-Last: Brent Title: Converging social justice issues and movements: implications for political actions and research Abstract: We argue that the multiple contemporary converging crises have significantly altered the context for and object of political contestations around agrarian, climate, environmental and food justice issues. These shifts affect alliances, collaboration and conflict among and between state and social forces, as well as within and between movements and societies. The actual implications and mechanisms by which these changes are happening are empirical questions that need careful investigation. The bulk of our discussion is dedicated to the issue of responses to the crises both by capitalist forces and those adversely affected by the crises, and the implications of these for academic research and political activist work. More specifically, we explore four thematic clusters, namely (1) class and intersectionality; (2) sectoral and multisectoral issues and concerns; (3) importance of immediate, tactical and concrete issues of working people; and (4) links between national and global institutional spaces and political processes. We know only a little about the questions we framed here, but it is just enough to give us the confidence to argue that these questions are areas of inquiry that deserve closer attention in terms of both academic research and political debates and actions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1227-1246 Issue: 7 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1491301 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1491301 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:7:p:1227-1246 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ben M. McKay Author-X-Name-First: Ben M. Author-X-Name-Last: McKay Title: The politics of convergence in Bolivia: social movements and the state Abstract: The convergence of social movements in Bolivia was a decisive factor in bringing President Evo Morales and the Movement Towards Socialism (Movimiento al Socialismo, hereafter MAS) to power in 2006. Yet in recent years, this convergence has become fraught with internal tensions as the state’s extractivist development model and promises for plurinationalism and alternative forms of development reveal fundamental contradictions. This paper traces the formation of social movement alliances over time, revealing their power to effect change and their strength when there is unity in diversity. Rather than ‘neoliberalism’ which represented the injustice frame and united identity- and class-based politics during the rise of the MAS, the single greatest threat to the indigenous, peasants, originarios, women and the youth in the current context is extractivism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1247-1269 Issue: 7 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1399056 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1399056 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:7:p:1247-1269 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elyse N. Mills Author-X-Name-First: Elyse N. Author-X-Name-Last: Mills Title: Implicating ‘fisheries justice’ movements in food and climate politics Abstract: While much debate on climate change has emerged around food, forest and land politics, the fisheries sector has only recently become more visibly implicated in these discussions. Similarly, in comparison to food and agrarian movements, fishers’ resistance to intensified mitigation efforts and resource exclusion is still significantly understudied academically, and receives little attention in political spheres. This highlights a critical gap in both food and climate politics literature, which this paper aims to present a framework for addressing. To do so, it contextualises the emergence of overlapping processes of exclusion in global fisheries, and explores the implications global food system transformations have had in the fisheries sector, and the reactions this has spurred from South African fishers. It then traces the convergence of fishers’ movements with other resource justice movements, and how this has contributed to the rise of ‘fisheries justice’. Finally, it presents four interlinked propositions – highlighting food sovereignty, resource access and conflict, climate change and mitigation, convergences between movements, and alternatives proposed by fishers – as a framework for how incorporating fisheries and fishers’ movements can broaden our understanding of transnational social movements, and expand the depth and scope of food and climate politics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1270-1289 Issue: 7 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1416288 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1416288 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:7:p:1270-1289 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Salena Tramel Author-X-Name-First: Salena Author-X-Name-Last: Tramel Title: Convergence as political strategy: social justice movements, natural resources and climate change Abstract: Critical scholars and activists have now been contending with a widely recognised convergence of global crises for a decade. The issues have intersected decisively, with staple food sources proving inaccessible for the world’s poor, banks foreclosing on the most vulnerable, fuel sources causing war and impacting migration, and climate change-related instabilities shaking low-income communities to their core. At the same time, agrarian, environmental, indigenous and fishers’ movements – among others – have used this moment to converge in their own right. This article explores this intertwining of social justice movements with an eye on such interrelated challenges. Its overall objective is, on one side, to provide some broad empirical brushstrokes on the intertwining of transnational social justice movements at the local, national and regional scales as they work with and trade frameworks of food sovereignty and climate justice. On the flip side, this article offers a set of tools to analyse and understand the politics of convergence as political strategy – as a means of advancing global social justice – against the rising tide of climate-related resource grabs. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1290-1307 Issue: 7 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1460196 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1460196 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:7:p:1290-1307 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Saturnino M. Borras Author-X-Name-First: Saturnino M. Author-X-Name-Last: Borras Author-Name: Jennifer C. Franco Author-X-Name-First: Jennifer C. Author-X-Name-Last: Franco Title: The challenge of locating land-based climate change mitigation and adaptation politics within a social justice perspective: towards an idea of agrarian climate justice Abstract: The global land rush and mainstream climate change narratives have broadened the ranks of state and social actors concerned about land issues, while strengthening those opposed to social justice-oriented land policies. This emerging configuration of social forces makes the need for deep social reforms through redistribution, recognition, restitution, regeneration and resistance – book-ended by the twin principles of ‘maximum land size’ (‘size ceiling’) and a ‘guaranteed minimum land access’ (‘size floor’) – both more compelling and urgent, and, at the same time, more difficult than ever before. The five deep social reforms of socially just land policy are necessarily intertwined. But the global land rush amidst deepening climate change calls attention to the linkages, especially between the pursuit of agrarian justice on the one hand and climate justice on the other. Here, the relationship is not without contradictions, and warrants increased attention as both unit of analysis and object of political action. Understanding and deepening agrarian justice imperatives in climate politics, and understanding and deepening climate justice imperatives in agrarian politics, is needed more than ever in the ongoing pursuit of alternatives. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1308-1325 Issue: 7 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1460592 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1460592 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:7:p:1308-1325 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tsegaye Moreda Author-X-Name-First: Tsegaye Author-X-Name-Last: Moreda Title: The right to food in the context of large-scale land investment in Ethiopia Abstract: Since the global food crises of 2007, smallholder farmers, pastoralists, indigenous peoples and other rural groups in many developing countries have seen their access to land, water and forest resources being threatened and reduced due to the acquisition of those resources by other actors – acquisitions that may have been promoted by state policies. Taking up the case of Ethiopia, this article aims to explore the implications of large-scale agricultural investments for local food security and the right to food. The article argues that in the context of the recent and ongoing large-scale agricultural investments driven primarily by the state, the interpretation and realisation of the right to food becomes a politically contested issue and that such investments run counter to implementing the state’s obligation to protect local people’s access to and procurement of adequate food. It argues that the large-scale agricultural investments both condition and pervert the realisation of food security. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1326-1347 Issue: 7 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1460199 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1460199 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:7:p:1326-1347 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christina M. Schiavoni Author-X-Name-First: Christina M. Author-X-Name-Last: Schiavoni Author-Name: Salena Tramel Author-X-Name-First: Salena Author-X-Name-Last: Tramel Author-Name: Hannah Twomey Author-X-Name-First: Hannah Author-X-Name-Last: Twomey Author-Name: Benedict S. Mongula Author-X-Name-First: Benedict S. Author-X-Name-Last: Mongula Title: Analysing agricultural investment from the realities of small-scale food providers: grounding the debates Abstract: Over the past decade, agricultural investment has been presented as a catchall solution to a converging set of global crises, often with poor rural communities as the proclaimed beneficiaries. Yet the promises of such investment, such as poverty alleviation and improved food access, are routinely at odds with realities on the ground. This article offers frameworks for analysis of agricultural investment that are grounded in the realities of small-scale food providers, drawing from two studies. The first study employs a right to food framework to identify the main channels through which food for consumption is procured by small-scale food providers and the factors impacting these channels. It draws on empirical data from within the Southern Agricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania (SAGCOT), an investment model promised to lift rural communities out of poverty, which reflects a regional trend. Based on the shortcomings of the large-scale investments examined, the second study employs a food sovereignty framework to explore alternative forms of investment envisioned and/or already being put into practice by small-scale food providers in the SAGCOT area and elsewhere in Tanzania. While two different frameworks formed the basis of two different studies, both the studies and their frameworks are interrelated. The final section of this article makes the case for why both the right to food and food sovereignty are essential lenses for understanding agricultural investment vis-à-vis small-scale food providers and the ways in which they can serve as complementary tools for effective analysis. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1348-1366 Issue: 7 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2018.1460198 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2018.1460198 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:7:p:1348-1366 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Zoe W. Brent Author-X-Name-First: Zoe W. Author-X-Name-Last: Brent Author-Name: Alberto Alonso-Fradejas Author-X-Name-First: Alberto Author-X-Name-Last: Alonso-Fradejas Author-Name: Gonzalo Colque Author-X-Name-First: Gonzalo Author-X-Name-Last: Colque Author-Name: Sergio Sauer Author-X-Name-First: Sergio Author-X-Name-Last: Sauer Title: The ‘tenure guidelines’ as a tool for democratising land and resource control in Latin America Abstract: The current configuration of global land politics – who gets what land, how, how much, why and with what implications in urban and rural spaces in the Global South and North – brings disparate social groups, governments and social movements with different sectoral and class interests into the issue of natural resource politics. Governance instruments must be able to capture the ‘political moment’ marked by the increasing intersection of issues and state and social forces that mobilise around these. This paper looks at whether and how the Voluntary Guidelines on Responsible Governance of Tenure of Land, Fisheries and Forests in the Context of National Food Security (also known as the TGs) passed in 2012 in the United Nations Committee for Food Security (CFS) can contribute to democratising resource politics today. This work puts forward some initial ideas about how systematic research into the TGs can be done more meaningfully. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1367-1385 Issue: 7 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1399058 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1399058 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:7:p:1367-1385 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jennifer Franco Author-X-Name-First: Jennifer Author-X-Name-Last: Franco Author-Name: Sofía Monsalve Suárez Author-X-Name-First: Sofía Author-X-Name-Last: Monsalve Suárez Title: Why wait for the state? Using the CFS Tenure Guidelines to recalibrate political-legal struggles for democratic land control Abstract: In 2012, with the adoption of the Voluntary Guidelines on the Responsible Governance of Tenure of Land, Fisheries and Forests in the Context of National Food Security (or TGs), the UN Committee on World Food Security (CFS) established a new international standard on natural resource governance. After adoption, the challenge is for these guidelines to be implemented and used. However, no law is self-interpreting or self-implementing, and so how states will interpret and implement these new guidelines cannot be taken for granted. This is especially true in the current global context of land grabbing driven, in many cases, by alliances of state and capital. Consequently, subaltern people, for whom rights in relation to the natural resources on which they depend remain out of reach, face the challenge and potential opportunity of making use of the TGs to recalibrate the political-legal terrain in favour of human rights and democratic control of land and other natural resources. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1386-1402 Issue: 7 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1374835 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1374835 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:7:p:1386-1402 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Paula Gioia Author-X-Name-First: Paula Author-X-Name-Last: Gioia Title: Pathway to resilience: hands and hearts for peasant livelihoods and fair relations between humans and nature Abstract: Peasants and rural communities are on the front lines of most climate catastrophes taking place nowadays worldwide; at the same time, we have been the ones taking care of our common planet over generations. This article begins with a brief overview of the current situation of land use in the world today and links it to climate issues. It then describes some of the solutions to climate threats being negotiated between national governments and the private sector. It then highlights solutions that communities are already implementing and concludes with the reasons why systemic change is needed in order to achieve agrarian and climate justice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1403-1410 Issue: 7 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1350820 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1350820 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:7:p:1403-1410 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sherry Pictou Author-X-Name-First: Sherry Author-X-Name-Last: Pictou Title: The origins and politics, campaigns and demands by the international fisher peoples’ movement: an Indigenous perspective Abstract: This reflective contribution discusses the intersection of Indigenous and Small Scale Fisheries’ (SSF) issues, and how the international SSF movement has a critical role in the broader struggle for the convergence of social justice regarding the environment, food and lifeways. I explore some of the political tensions around Indigenous and SSF struggles against global neoliberalisation of land and water resources, some of the successes and challenges of the international SSF movement, and future considerations for academic/activist ‘decolonising’ work. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1411-1420 Issue: 7 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1368384 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1368384 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:7:p:1411-1420 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sara Mersha Author-X-Name-First: Sara Author-X-Name-Last: Mersha Title: Black lives and climate justice: courage and power in defending communities and Mother Earth Abstract: This article shares examples of the leadership of Black communities and social movements in the struggle for climate justice, in four different parts of the world: resisting extraction and promoting community health in Nigeria; addressing extreme climate impacts and building people’s sovereignty in Haiti; confronting repression, defending territory and Mother Earth in Honduras; and cultivating community control and building a land-based movement in the US. Together, these examples have rich lessons to share around the importance of linking climate justice with racial justice; of combining strategies of resistance with those of creating alternative models; of maintaining focus on Black communities’ connections with land, territory and Mother Earth; of recognising and creating space for women’s leadership; and of intersectionality across geography and sector. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1421-1434 Issue: 7 Volume: 39 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2017.1368385 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2017.1368385 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:39:y:2018:i:7:p:1421-1434 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Notes on Contributors Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 825-825 Issue: 5 Volume: 19 Year: 1998 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/713700814 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/713700814 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:19:y:1998:i:5:p:825-825 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: François Debrix Author-X-Name-First: François Author-X-Name-Last: Debrix Title: Deterritorialised territories, borderless borders: the new geography of international medical assistance Abstract: This article examines the phenomenon of international medical assistance to populations in distress from the perspective of the new spatial strategies deployed by medical humanitarian organisations. Taking seriously the ‘borderlessness’ of movements such as Médecins sans Frontières (Doctors without Borders, or MSF), the article argues that transnational medical organisations participate in the practice of deterritorialisation. Deterritorialisation means that certain transnational actors now have the ability to intervene below, across and beyond state boundaries. In the case of MSF, going beyond state boundaries is creative of new territorial structures. One such structure is what may be called the ‘space of victimhood’. Under the guise of reaching ‘victims’ the world over, MSF constructs new spaces—humanitarian zones—inside which individuals in distress are identified as ‘victims’, are sorted out, and become recognisable as generalised examples of human drama. This construction of a space of victimhood opens up the possibility for re-appropriations and manipulations by other non-humanitarian actors. Among such actors, one finds global media networks which avidly search for images of victims. By pointing out the potentially non-humanitarian effects of the new spatial arrangements deployed by transnational medical organisations (a phenomenon referred to as ‘transversality’), this article urges international scholars and practitioners to keep a close eye on questions of space and, specifically, on the sociopolitical processes of inclusion and exclusion that such territorial delineations often produce. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 827-846 Issue: 5 Volume: 19 Year: 1998 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/0143-6597/98/050827-20 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/0143-6597/98/050827-20 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:19:y:1998:i:5:p:827-846 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: James H Mittelman Author-X-Name-First: James H Author-X-Name-Last: Mittelman Title: Globalisation and environmental resistance politics Abstract: Based on extensive fieldwork in Eastern Asia, an epicentre of globalisation, and Southern Africa, a key node in the most marginalised continent, this cross-regional study asks: what constitutes resistance to neoliberal globalisation? An ecological reading of master theorists of resistance, especially Polanyi, focuses attention on protectionist movements as a response to the spread and deepening of the market—solid patterns and cumulative action—and to a lesser degree, on the soft, or latent, forms of protest that may or may not sufficiently harden so as eventually to challenge globalising structures. Attention is given to submerged forms of resistance within civil society insofar as they are emerging into networks. The empirical evidence includes interviews designed to elicit the voices of the subjects of globalisation engaged in environmental resistance politics. Counter-globalisation strategies are identified, and the impact of countervailing forces is assessed. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 847-872 Issue: 5 Volume: 19 Year: 1998 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436599814064 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436599814064 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:19:y:1998:i:5:p:847-872 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bob Currie Author-X-Name-First: Bob Author-X-Name-Last: Currie Title: Public action and its limits: re-examining the politics of hunger alleviation in eastern India Abstract: This study examines the role of ‘public action’ within a democratic political framework in placing pressure on government to implement effective policy to alleviate hunger. Drawing on fieldwork evidence conducted by the author in the highly publicised Kalahandi and Naupada districts of western Orissa, the article questions the extent to which public action through India's liberal democratic framework has translated into government commitment to improve the quality of its relief and welfare administration. It suggests that successive governments in Orissa have adopted a range of alternative strategies, both within and outside the sphere of parliamentary electoral politics, to maintain electoral support and to offset public criticism before they have acted to improve administration of food security support. In doing so, it argues for the need to broaden the focus of debates surrounding the relationship between public action and hunger alleviation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 873-892 Issue: 5 Volume: 19 Year: 1998 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436599814073 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436599814073 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:19:y:1998:i:5:p:873-892 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mehran Kamrava Author-X-Name-First: Mehran Author-X-Name-Last: Kamrava Author-Name: Frank O Mora Author-X-Name-First: Frank O Author-X-Name-Last: Mora Title: Civil society and democratisation in comparative perspective: Latin America and the Middle East Abstract: The literature on civil society and democratisation has concentrated on comparative studies among those countries undergoing a similar and, in many ways, simultaneous process of democratic transition and consolidation. But few have examined comparatively the question of democratisation in two regions of the world that have seen completely different patterns of political rule and evolution in the course of the past two decades: Latin America and the Middle East. This article is a response to a clarion call for more cross-regional comparative studies. While describing the political, cultural and socioeconomic forces that contributed to the emergence and growth of a dense, democratic civil society in Latin America, particularly during the waning years of the most recent authoritarian period in the region, the article delves into examining the four broad cultural and socioeconomic clusters of forces that impeded and shielded the region from Samuel Huntington's ‘third wave’ of democracy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 893-915 Issue: 5 Volume: 19 Year: 1998 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436599814082 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436599814082 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:19:y:1998:i:5:p:893-915 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ian H Rowlands Author-X-Name-First: Ian H Author-X-Name-Last: Rowlands Title: Mapping the prospects for regional co-operation in southern Africa Abstract: This article examines the prospects for regional co-operation in southern Africa. It does this by ‘mapping’ southern Africa—that is, by revealing the extent to which five key preconditions for effective and sustainable cooperation are present. These five preconditions—each of whose inclusion is justified in the article—are: the distribution of power, sufficient homogeneity, and adequate regional orientation at economic, political and sociocultural levels. In light of each, the southern African region is explored, to determine the extent to which the precondition is satisfied in this part of the world. Finally, the article advances two key policy-related conclusions. The first is that regional co-operation among the 14 southern African countries will not come easily. The second is that co-operative arrangements that go up the spine of southern Africa appear more likely to yield success than those that cut across the region. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 917-934 Issue: 5 Volume: 19 Year: 1998 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436599814091 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436599814091 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:19:y:1998:i:5:p:917-934 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Howard J Wiarda Author-X-Name-First: Howard J Author-X-Name-Last: Wiarda Title: Is comparative politics dead? Rethinking the field in the post-Cold War era Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 935-949 Issue: 5 Volume: 19 Year: 1998 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436599814109 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436599814109 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:19:y:1998:i:5:p:935-949 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Haldun Gülalp Author-X-Name-First: Haldun Author-X-Name-Last: Gülalp Title: The Eurocentrism of dependency theory and the question of ‘authenticity’: a view from Turkey Abstract: Dependency theory, which has always been regarded as the foremost ‘revolutionary’ alternative to the hegemonic ideology of Eurocentrism best expressed by modernisation theory, is equally Eurocentric and has been so from the beginning. The postmodernist perspective, where the notion of ‘development’ itself is questioned and its desirability is contested, certainly poses a greater challenge. The rise and decline of dependency theory may be interpreted in terms of the rise and decline of the early post-WWII optimism about the developmental prospects of the newly established Third World. With the failure of national development and the rise of globalism, dependency theory too has declined and ceased to be persuasive. By citing the Turkish literature on development from the 1930s and the 1980s and 1990s, this paper attempts to demonstrate that the rise of the notion of ‘authenticity’ as a critique of Eurocentrism is as universal a phenomenon today as was the rise of ‘dependency’ ideas half a century earlier. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 951-961 Issue: 5 Volume: 19 Year: 1998 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436599814118 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436599814118 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:19:y:1998:i:5:p:951-961 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Amalendú Misra Author-X-Name-First: Amalendú Author-X-Name-Last: Misra Title: On South Asian states and the state of the nations in South Asia Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 963-969 Issue: 5 Volume: 19 Year: 1998 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436599814127 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436599814127 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:19:y:1998:i:5:p:963-969 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: WorldViews Resource Guide Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 971-983 Issue: 5 Volume: 19 Year: 1998 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/713700820 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/713700820 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:19:y:1998:i:5:p:971-983 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Book review panel Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 984-985 Issue: 5 Volume: 19 Year: 1998 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.1998.11009405 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.1998.11009405 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:19:y:1998:i:5:p:984-985 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Information for Authors Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 986-987 Issue: 5 Volume: 19 Year: 1998 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.1998.11009406 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.1998.11009406 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:19:y:1998:i:5:p:986-987 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Contents of Volume 19 1998 Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 988-992 Issue: 5 Volume: 19 Year: 1998 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.1998.11009407 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.1998.11009407 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:19:y:1998:i:5:p:988-992 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Author index Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 993-993 Issue: 5 Volume: 19 Year: 1998 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.1998.11009408 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.1998.11009408 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:19:y:1998:i:5:p:993-993 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Radhika Desai Author-X-Name-First: Radhika Author-X-Name-Last: Desai Author-Name: Henry Heller Author-X-Name-First: Henry Author-X-Name-Last: Heller Title: Revolutions: a twenty-first-century perspective Abstract: We held the ‘Revolutions’ conference in 2017 to commemorate the Russian Revolution and redeem the actual record of revolutions in the Third World for the left. A quarter-century after the demise of the USSR, we found liberal capitalist triumphalism unwarranted. Two of the most important expectations to which it gave rise – that the world had become ‘unipolar’ and that it would enjoy a ‘peace dividend’ – remained unfulfilled. Instead, the world became multipolar and the West, led by the United States, engaged in unprecedented economic and military aggression against countries that contested its power. If this were not enough, social unrest and explosions in the First World as well as the Third underlined the relevance of revolutions. To trace their lineage, we recall capitalism’s intimate relation with revolution. It has needed revolutions to usher it into history and to usher it out. In addition to revolutions against developed capitalism, we also underline how important and necessary revolutions against nascent capitalism in various parts of the world have been. The contributions in this volume explore different parts of this lineage and vivify revolutions for our time. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1261-1271 Issue: 8 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1779053 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1779053 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:8:p:1261-1271 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kees van der Pijl Author-X-Name-First: Kees Author-X-Name-Last: van der Pijl Title: The Russian Revolution at 100: the Soviet experience in the mirror of permanent counterrevolution Abstract: The Russian Revolution is analysed in this paper in the context of a conjuncture dominated by counterrevolution. Beginning with the repression of the 1850s, a process of permanent counterrevolution has become the over-determining trend of social-political history. The Russian Revolution was subject to several distinct aspects of this process. First was external counterrevolution, the attack on it from the outside. Whilst Anglo-America was the main bulwark organising it, the Nazi/fascist counterrevolution and invasion of the USSR was an example of counterrevolution that ran out of control and ended in a defeat in Europe that was only overcome through a long and risky Cold War. Internal counterrevolution affected the Russian Revolution as part of a longer process of adjusting socialist theory to successive defeats. In the Soviet case, Socialism in One Country was the decisive mutation in this respect and must be viewed as the decisive component of the triumph of counterrevolution. After the war, Anglo-America adjusted the counterrevolutionary strategy to surgical excisions of socialist tendencies until the USSR, isolated and ideologically exhausted, collapsed. Even so, several of its legacies continue to be relevant, notably the nationality policy and internationalism. Also, today’s information revolution casts a new light on the Soviet planning experience that must be studied now that capitalism is slipping into a systemic crisis. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1272-1288 Issue: 8 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1665462 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1665462 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:8:p:1272-1288 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ruslan Dzarasov Author-X-Name-First: Ruslan Author-X-Name-Last: Dzarasov Author-Name: Victoria Gritsenko Author-X-Name-First: Victoria Author-X-Name-Last: Gritsenko Title: Colours of a revolution. Post-communist society, global capitalism and the Ukraine crisis Abstract: The Ukraine crisis is usually treated either as Russia’s return to the old-style empire-building (the right) or as a clash of two imperialisms (the left). However, the essence of this crisis can be understood only from the dual perspective of the consequences of the Stalinist degeneration of the Russian Revolution and the fate of the modern global capitalism. The most rotten sections of the Soviet bureaucracy moved the society to capitalism. However, this effort could secure only a peripheral (Ukraine) or at best semi-peripheral (Russia) position in the capitalist world-system as a provider of cheap raw materials. Meanwhile, modern capitalism led to world economic crisis. In these conditions, the capital of the core capitalist countries obviously decided to strengthen its control over the periphery, and Russia’s aspirations to secure its domination over the former Soviet space were in the way. To thwart them, Western powers decided to provoke a Ukraine crisis, exploiting Ukrainians’ justified indignation at the backwardness and corruption inherent in their own peripheral capitalism. Hence, a study of the properties of the post-Soviet societies and their place in the world hierarchy is the key to understanding the Ukraine crisis. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1289-1305 Issue: 8 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1732202 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1732202 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:8:p:1289-1305 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Lane Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Lane Title: Building socialism: from ‘scientific’ to ‘active’ Marxism Abstract: Historical materialism envisages law-like tendencies (‘scientific’ Marxism) promoting the development of productive forces and, concurrently, a political praxis (‘active’ Marxism) requiring human intervention. These positions give rise to conflicting interpretations of Marxism: first to understand society, second to change it – to abolish economic exploitation. The twentieth century witnessed a shift in the locus of the contradictions of capitalism to the economically dependent territories of the imperial powers. Socialist parties, when in power and adopting a Leninist political praxis, furthered modernisation and were successful in reducing economic exploitation. The paper addresses the relationship between the scientific and praxis components of Marxism in contemporary global capitalism. It considers post-Marxist interpretations of the changing class structure, the rise of identity politics and the evolving nature of capital. Forms of domination, oppression and discrimination (bureaucracy, patriarchy, racism, militarism and credentialism) give rise to their own distinctive forms of power relations. It is contended that they should not be equated with Marx’s crucial insight into the nature of economic exploitation. Many current Marxist (and ‘post-Marxist’) writers adopt a ‘scientific’ position emphasising the inherent contradictions of capitalism. The author claims that without appropriate political praxis, the resolution of such contradictions is unlikely to transcend capitalism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1306-1321 Issue: 8 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1724781 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1724781 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:8:p:1306-1321 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Aleksandr Buzgalin Author-X-Name-First: Aleksandr Author-X-Name-Last: Buzgalin Author-Name: Lyudmila Bulavka-Buzgalina Author-X-Name-First: Lyudmila Author-X-Name-Last: Bulavka-Buzgalina Title: Culture and revolution: Bakhtin, Mayakovsky and Lenin (disalienation as [social] creativity) Abstract: The article shows the dialectic of the relationship of revolution and culture as two sides of creativity - social and art. In a dialogue with the philosophy of Mikhail Bakhtin, the authors reveal culture as the removal of alienation (disalienation) in the process of subject-subjective dialogue, in which a qualitatively new reality is created – Truth, Beauty, Good, a new person is born - a man-creator, and as such, culture is revolutionary. The second side of this connection - the revolution as a culture - is revealed by the authors on the example of the social creativity of revolutionary Russia, the poet of which was Vladimir Mayakovsky. The article gives a panorama of the historical practices of art and social creativity of the 1920s. The authors show that the counterpoint to these practices was the relationship of conformism, bureaucracy and other forms of social alienation which led the Soviet project to the dead end. The authors conclude that disalienation in the social and cultural spheres is possible only to the extent that the sociopolitical revolutionary changes are carried out in unity with the liberation of the cultural potential of the masses, and art creativity is interfaced (united) with social creativity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1322-1337 Issue: 8 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1700792 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1700792 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:8:p:1322-1337 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Enfu Cheng Author-X-Name-First: Enfu Author-X-Name-Last: Cheng Author-Name: Jun Yang Author-X-Name-First: Jun Author-X-Name-Last: Yang Title: The Chinese Revolution and the Communist International* Abstract: This article is an intervention in some controversies concerning the role of the Communist International in and outside China. It seeks to tackle the inappropriate denial of its guidance and aid to the Chinese Revolution. In doing so, this paper makes several arguments. First, it argues that the Communist International provided the Chinese Revolution with valuable guidance, support and assistance. These contributed tremendously to the Communist Party of China’s birth, development, consolidation and maturation and advanced its theoretical self-consciousness. Second, while the Communist International gave its guidance in the sincere hope that the Chinese Revolution would benefit from correct theories and advanced experiences, it absolutised the theoretical conceptions of the classical Marxists and the Russian experience. This led to mistakes or misjudgments that deserve an accurate evaluation. Third, the Communist International was itself conducting theoretical exploration, and was generally able to adjust its own theories and change its strategies. Fourth, for all the Communist International’s guidance, the universal tenets of Marxism had to be integrated with the concrete practice of the Chinese Revolution, and it was the ability of Chinese communists to Sinicise Marxism–Leninism in what amounted to a theoretical revolution under Mao Zedong’s leadership that accounts for the revolution’s ultimate victory. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1338-1352 Issue: 8 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1763169 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1763169 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:8:p:1338-1352 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Radhika Desai Author-X-Name-First: Radhika Author-X-Name-Last: Desai Title: Marx’s critical political economy, ‘Marxist economics’ and actually occurring revolutions against capitalism Abstract: Most revolutions against capitalism have occurred in ‘backward’ and Third World societies, and they have divided and disarrayed Marxisms in the West. One key reason, this paper argues, is intellectual. When, long ago, Marxists surrendered to the bourgeois challenge to Marx – neoclassical economics – developing, in place of Marx’s critical political economy, a ‘Marxist economics’, they lost touch with Marx’s analysis of capitalism as contradictory value production. That analysis could illuminate how capitalism’s contradictions drive its imperialist expansionism and how and why resistance to it must, equally necessarily, take national forms. As a result, major currents of Marxism in the West either have paid attention to imperialism and anti-imperialist resistance but without Marx’s analysis of capitalism as contradictory value production or have insisted that their (mistaken) conception of Marx’s analysis implies that capitalism has no necessary connection with imperialism. Neither tradition can actually develop Marxism to comprehend the actual historical record of revolutions since Marx’s time. Neither can inform new mobilisations against capitalism, whether in or outside its homelands. It is high time we return to Marx’s analysis of capitalism as value production and develop it. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1353-1370 Issue: 8 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1741346 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1741346 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:8:p:1353-1370 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julia Buxton Author-X-Name-First: Julia Author-X-Name-Last: Buxton Title: Continuity and change in Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution Abstract: The aims and outcomes of the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela are fiercely contested. A sympathetic view sees the possibility of Left revolutionary transformation as destabilised by aggressive US and domestic opposition actions. Detractors trace an authoritarian path from President Hugo Chávez’s election in 1998 to an inevitable socialist implosion under his successor Nicolás Maduro two decades later. This article emphasises continuities between the Bolivarian Fifth Republic and the Fourth Republic that the Revolution displaced. These account for the limitations of the transformative process. Historical institutionalism explains the reproduction of rentier practices and centralised state management and political organisation, culminating in cascading crisis across regime types. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1371-1387 Issue: 8 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1653179 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1653179 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:8:p:1371-1387 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lee Artz Author-X-Name-First: Lee Author-X-Name-Last: Artz Title: A political economy for social movements and revolution: popular media access, power and cultural hegemony Abstract: One key marker of mass social movements transitioning to participatory democratic governance is popular media access. This essay argues that democratic media access by public constituencies becomes a site for constructing social revolution and simultaneously a manifest empirical measure of the extent of democratic participation in the production, distribution, and use of communication with new cultural possibilities. The participatory production practices (with citizens producing and hosting their own programs) and the democratic content (of oral histories, local issues, critiques of government and business, and everyday vernacular) reflect the hegemony of emerging ‘Bolivarian’ twenty-first century socialism expressed as popular participation in media production. Bolstered by constitutional changes and public funding, popular social movements of civil society, indigenous, women, and working class organizations have gained revolutionary ground by securing in practice the right of media production. Findings indicate that public and community media (that move beyond alternative sites of local expression and concerns) provide a startling revolutionary contrast to the commercial media operations in every nation. Popular media constructions suggest a new radically democratic cultural hegemony based on human solidarity with collective, participatory decision-making and cooperation offering real possibilities and experiences for increased equality and social justice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1388-1405 Issue: 8 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1668265 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1668265 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:8:p:1388-1405 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter Kulchyski Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Kulchyski Title: Bush/revolution: theses on the challenges that gatherers and hunters pose to dominant structures Abstract: This article argues that bush people deserve greater attention in revolutionary thought and action, both for the strategic value of their struggles against extraction at capital’s periphery and the emancipatory social values they continue to embody. But bush struggles cannot be borrowed for other purposes: the agenda of bush people for respect and cultural survival must respected in its own right. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1406-1420 Issue: 8 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1695115 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1695115 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:8:p:1406-1420 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Barkin Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Barkin Author-Name: Alejandra Sánchez Author-X-Name-First: Alejandra Author-X-Name-Last: Sánchez Title: The communitarian revolutionary subject: new forms of social transformation Abstract: The hope for a unique revolutionary actor in the twentieth century evaporated as a result of the weaknesses of social organisations. This paper examines the potential of an almost-forgotten group of revolutionary actors – collectively organised and deliberately involved in processes of social and productive transformation with a legitimate claim to territory – whose present-day activities involve them in concerted processes to consolidate a different constellation of societies on the margins of the global capitalist system. Indigenous and peasant communities throughout the Americas are self-consciously restructuring their organisations and governance structures, taking control of territories they claimed for generations. They are also reorganising production to generate surplus, assembling their members to take advantage of underutilised resources and peoples’ energies for improving their ability to raise living standards and assure environmental conservation and restoration. These communities are not operating in isolation. They coordinate activities, share information and build alliances. Hundreds of millions of people are participating in this growing movement; they occupy much more than one-quarter of the world’s land area. There is great potential for others to join them, expanding from the substantial areas where they are already operational. Global social networks are ensuring that this dynamic accelerates. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1421-1441 Issue: 8 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1636370 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1636370 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:8:p:1421-1441 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Henry Heller Author-X-Name-First: Henry Author-X-Name-Last: Heller Title: Hegel, Haiti and revolution: the post-colonial moment Abstract: Susan Buck-Morss’s argument that the Haitian Revolution embodied the most universal aspect of the French Revolution, namely the quest for universal freedom, relies on the supposed references to Haiti in the master–slave dialogue in Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit. The revolution’s lodgement at the core of this foundational text of Enlightenment universalism is, for her, about as convincing a demonstration as one can have of the universal significance of the Haitian Revolution. Marxists have opposed her venture, and demonstrated their hostility to post-colonial thinking, principally by claiming that the master–slave is an expression of European class conflict. This paper agrees with Buck-Morss that the Haitian Revolution critically affirmed the principle of universal freedom and, indeed, pushed the revolution in France and Europe in a radical direction. A better affirmation of the universal significance of the Haitian Revolution than the thoughts of Hegel is possible. The latter do not actually provide such affirmation, because racism, Eurocentrism and a hostility to political radicalism are fundamental aspects of Hegel’s thought. The alternative affirmation can be found in Marxist analysis. This paper outlines such an analysis, and concludes that post-colonialism of Buck-Morss’s sort is no substitute for the perspective provided by historical materialism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1442-1461 Issue: 8 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1763168 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1763168 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:8:p:1442-1461 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kamna Patel Author-X-Name-First: Kamna Author-X-Name-Last: Patel Title: Race and a decolonial turn in development studies Abstract: This paper reviews and revives a longstanding conversation about race and development studies, which was prominently explored in a collection of papers on race and racism in the journal Progress in Development Studies back in 2006. This revival is timely in the context of a global call to decolonise higher education. Given the central logic of race and racism in European colonialism, and the decolonial argument that colonialism continues in the production and value of knowledge, I examine the presence and absence of race and racism in discussions of decolonising higher education and in development studies. Through a systematic review and content analysis of papers published in six major development studies journals over the past 13 years, I identify where and how race is present in current development scholarship and explore the implications of this for a decolonial turn in development studies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1463-1475 Issue: 9 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1784001 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1784001 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:9:p:1463-1475 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Philomina Okeke-Ihejirika Author-X-Name-First: Philomina Author-X-Name-Last: Okeke-Ihejirika Author-Name: Temitope B. Oriola Author-X-Name-First: Temitope B. Author-X-Name-Last: Oriola Author-Name: Bukola Salami Author-X-Name-First: Bukola Author-X-Name-Last: Salami Author-Name: Michael Obiefune Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Obiefune Author-Name: Nwene Ejike Author-X-Name-First: Nwene Author-X-Name-Last: Ejike Author-Name: Ayodotun Olutola Author-X-Name-First: Ayodotun Author-X-Name-Last: Olutola Author-Name: Omolola Irinoye Author-X-Name-First: Omolola Author-X-Name-Last: Irinoye Title: Beyond poverty fixation: interrogating the experiences of internally displaced persons in Nigeria Abstract: This paper draws on fieldwork at three camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Northeast Nigeria. It interrogates the pre-displacement experiences of participants, their transition to and experiences of internal displacement, vignettes of life at IDP camps, their relationship with host communities, the non-universality of experiences of sexual and gender-based violence among female IDPs (despite the particularities of experiences of women and young girls) and the resilience and agency of IDPs. The paper argues that scholarly engagement with IDPs and their social conditions should go beyond fixation on or fetishisation of poverty. Overall, the paper contributes to the empirical literature on conditions of internal displacement in sub-Saharan Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1476-1497 Issue: 9 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1782732 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1782732 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:9:p:1476-1497 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Haroldo Ramanzini Júnior Author-X-Name-First: Haroldo Author-X-Name-Last: Ramanzini Júnior Author-Name: Bruno Theodoro Luciano Author-X-Name-First: Bruno Theodoro Author-X-Name-Last: Luciano Title: Regionalism in the Global South: Mercosur and ECOWAS in trade and democracy protection Abstract: The aim of this article is to analyse the performance of regionalism in the Global South through a comparative analysis of Mercosur and Ecowas with regard to the trade and democracy protection agendas, by contrasting their institutional design and regional leadership concerning the two issues. Firstly, it analyses the evolution of intra-regional trade as well as the trade agenda of each bloc concerning international negotiations with other states or economic blocs. Secondly, it discusses the relevance of democratic stability in the two regional organisations and how each organisation has performed in cases of democratic rupture in member states. When comparing the dynamics of the two organisations, we argue that differences in terms of institutional design and regional leadership have meant that Ecowas has been less ambitious than Mercosur in its trade agenda, but more decisive vis-à-vis the region’s democratic stability. Thus, this article aims to contribute to the comparative regionalism literature, setting out an analytical comparative framework for assessing the performance of regional organisations, which remains a difficult task for this particular research agenda. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1498-1517 Issue: 9 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1723413 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1723413 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:9:p:1498-1517 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Karlsrud Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Karlsrud Author-Name: Yf Reykers Author-X-Name-First: Yf Author-X-Name-Last: Reykers Title: Ad hoc coalitions and institutional exploitation in international security: towards a typology Abstract: While the increasingly thick web of global, regional and sub-regional security arrangements and institutions has received ample scholarly attention, the phenomenon of ad hoc military coalitions and how they impact these institutions has been relatively little explored. We examine ad hoc coalitions in international security responses and develop a tentative typology of military responses that takes ad hoc coalitions into consideration, where we differentiate in terms of institutionalisation and duration. Following a rational-choice institutionalist logic, we argue that institutional proliferation increases the chances of institutional exploitation. We illustrate this with how states apply a pick-and-choose approach in which institutional products but not frameworks are used. They use the interoperable forces, a common culture and mainstreamed doctrine, but not the formal deployment of rapid response mechanisms of eg the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the African Union. In closing, we observe that institutional proliferation in international security facilitates a functionalist approach mainly inspired by national self-interest. Future research should examine whether this could result in dwindling relevance of international institutions, first in the domain of security, but later also in other domains. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1518-1536 Issue: 9 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1763171 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1763171 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:9:p:1518-1536 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Timothy MacNeill Author-X-Name-First: Timothy Author-X-Name-Last: MacNeill Title: Indigenous food sovereignty in a captured state: the Garifuna in Honduras Abstract: This study explores the emergence of the Afro-Indigenous food sovereignty movement in the context of a captured Honduran state and unequal political economy. In contrast with national-level research that has advocated a policy of food security in the context of non-indigenous campesino movements, this work explains how food sovereignty is more appropriate regarding Garifuna Hondurans. In a political economy that has precluded other options, and given the deep cultural relation that Garifuna activists have to land and autonomy, food sovereignty provides a possibility around which Indigenous development can be animated. It encapsulates a local ‘fight’ response to repression as an alternative to northern ‘flight’, often via migrant caravans, that many Garifuna have undertaken. This study shows how food sovereignty, more than being a technical policy set, is a discursive and material node through which dispossessed and especially indigenous populations can enhance decolonial power in the contestation of entrenched hegemonic and institutionalised power in a corrupt, unequal and colonised political economy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1537-1555 Issue: 9 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1768840 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1768840 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:9:p:1537-1555 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Laurie Nathan Author-X-Name-First: Laurie Author-X-Name-Last: Nathan Title: The real deal? The post-conflict constitution as a peace agreement Abstract: When intra-state armed conflicts end through a negotiated settlement, the conflict parties frequently agree to amend or replace the country’s constitution. Their aim is to entrench the settlement, address the conflict incompatibility, reform institutions and take other measures to prevent a recurrence of violence. This article argues that post-conflict constitutions (PCCs) should be understood as peace agreements. It motivates this argument on conceptual, functional and legal grounds. It demonstrates that PCCs comply with conventional definitions of a peace agreement, are an intrinsic component of the conflict resolution process and have a range of peace maintenance functions. As supreme law, they become the definitive peace agreement. Research on peace durability following negotiated settlements should therefore focus not only on comprehensive peace agreements (CPAs) but also on PCCs. PCCs should be conceived not as mere components of CPA implementation but as substantive political and legal agreements in their own right and as independent causes of peace. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1556-1574 Issue: 9 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1771177 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1771177 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:9:p:1556-1574 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pak K. Lee Author-X-Name-First: Pak K. Author-X-Name-Last: Lee Author-Name: Cecilia Ducci Author-X-Name-First: Cecilia Author-X-Name-Last: Ducci Title: No humanitarian intervention in Asian genocides: how possible and legitimate? Abstract: This article addresses an important empirical puzzle: why has the United States, without exception, chosen not to intervene in the six humanitarian catastrophes in post-war Asia, namely in Indonesia, East Pakistan/Bangladesh, Cambodia, East Timor, Sri Lanka and Myanmar? We use an eclectic approach that blends arguments about the international normative structure and geostrategic interests to examine what has made the absence of humanitarian intervention in Asia by the US possible and legitimate. Specifically, we focus on the paradox between calls for humanitarian intervention and the historically and geographically contingent social construction of the norms of humanity, national sovereignty and United Nations-backed multilateralism in conjunction with US and Chinese concerns over their regional geostrategic interests. The normative narratives about race, ‘communists’, ‘terrorists’, international order and inclusive multilateral processes, and the geostrategic interests of the US and China, combine to make non-intervention possible and legitimate. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1575-1594 Issue: 9 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1774358 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1774358 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:9:p:1575-1594 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marco Nilsson Author-X-Name-First: Marco Author-X-Name-Last: Nilsson Title: Hezbollah and the framing of resistance Abstract: Hezbollah is a holistic network whose social, political, military and cultural dimensions are all parts of a discourse of resistance. Conducting a qualitative frame analysis of speeches by Hezbollah’s General Secretary Nasrallah, supported by interviews with Hezbollah leadership privy to its ideology, this study analyses the construction of muqawama (resistance). It argues that resistance is a complex social phenomenon, which can be manifested, for example, in the differences in how resistance is framed in varying contexts, often addressing different audiences. However, three unifying themes emerged from the frame analysis: diversity of resistance, normalisation of resistance and social dimensions of resistance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1595-1614 Issue: 9 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1779587 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1779587 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:9:p:1595-1614 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Saba Joshi Author-X-Name-First: Saba Author-X-Name-Last: Joshi Title: Contesting land grabs, negotiating statehood: the politics of international accountability mechanisms and land disputes in rural Cambodia Abstract: In Cambodia, rural citizens embroiled in protracted land grabbing cases with the state and private companies are turning increasingly to international accountability mechanisms for resolution. This article applies the interlinked concepts of hybrid governance and legal pluralism to understand the prospects and limitations of ‘forum-shopping’ through appeals to international mechanisms for rural communities affected by land grabs. Drawing on interviews and using process tracing, it examines the outcomes of a mediation case filed with the International Finance Corporation’s Compliance Advisor/Ombudsman (CAO) involving indigenous groups and a Vietnamese rubber company in north-east Cambodia. It argues that while international accountability mechanisms yield platforms for dispossessed groups to assert claims, they also reify choices between entitlements and attainability without circumventing the problems associated with justice delivery under Cambodia’s authoritarian regime. Overall, this study highlights the interaction, competition and collaboration between distinct forms of regulatory authority exercised by national and transnational actors involved in land grabbing cases in Cambodia, demonstrating their role in ‘negotiating statehood’ by governing local claims to land. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1615-1633 Issue: 9 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1763170 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1763170 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:9:p:1615-1633 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anaïs Tobalagba Author-X-Name-First: Anaïs Author-X-Name-Last: Tobalagba Author-Name: Ramona Vijeyarasa Author-X-Name-First: Ramona Author-X-Name-Last: Vijeyarasa Title: Engendering regulation of artisanal and small-scale mining: participation, protection and access to justice Abstract: This article argues that adopting a gender perspective when regulating artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) is both necessary and achievable. The authors analyse women’s often-ignored needs and experiences as workers, decision-makers and affected community members in the ASM sector. To address these concerns, this article sets out standards for regulating ASM to guarantee women’s access to services and information and women’s decision-making and representation; to address the specific risks women face in the sector; and to provide access to effective remedies. The authors use international instruments to identify good practice benchmarks from which legislators and policymakers can draw. The article also notes where global norms fall short of addressing women’s rights in ASM. Some of the limitations of this approach are also acknowledged, notably the challenge of establishing gender-responsive laws that can be feasibly and effectively implemented. Nonetheless, the proposed approach should be favoured to better respond to the highly masculinised nature of the sector and the differentiated impacts of ASM on men and women while recognising women’s roles as beneficiaries and productive agents of the sector. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1635-1652 Issue: 10 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1783995 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1783995 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:10:p:1635-1652 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Aidan Craney Author-X-Name-First: Aidan Author-X-Name-Last: Craney Author-Name: David Hudson Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Hudson Title: Navigating the dilemmas of politically smart, locally led development: the Pacific-based Green Growth Leaders’ Coalition Abstract: Iterative approaches to development under banners such as ‘thinking and working politically’ and ‘doing development differently’ build upon decades-old commitments to fostering locally led and -owned development. These approaches are increasingly popular with academics and development practitioners. In this paper we argue that outsiders seeking to deliver locally led, politically smart programmes need to either accept that competing priorities, results and values will work to limit the extent of true local ownership, or be sufficiently committed to true local leadership to accept that this may well cut against organisational imperatives. Using the example of the Pacific-based Green Growth Leaders’ Coalition, we discuss how politically tricky partnerships challenge tenets of local leadership and ownership. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1653-1669 Issue: 10 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1773256 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1773256 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:10:p:1653-1669 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Muhammad Azeem Author-X-Name-First: Muhammad Author-X-Name-Last: Azeem Title: The state as a political practice: Pakistan’s postcolonial state beyond dictatorship and Islam Abstract: The emphasis since the 1990s in the neoliberal paradigm on the non-interventionist state, and the theoretical disinterest in the state by critical scholarship, has negatively affected the prospects for political and social change. The fragmented and dispersed social movements analysed by critical scholars have proven insufficiently counter-hegemonic. All this invites us to reconsider the postcolonial state at a new theoretical level to guide better choices for political practice. This article analyses the prevalent academic literature on the postcolonial Pakistani state. In these analyses, an omnipresent and omnipotent military state decides the fate of democracy, now and again replacing politicians at the helm and also promoting Islam. Political practice remains confined to inter-elite struggles for the restoration of democracy, whereas imperialist hegemony and the role of marginalised classes as reservoirs of counter-hegemony are largely missing. This article critically builds on the legacy of the renowned Pakistani scholar Hamza Alavi to show, historically and empirically, how imperialist powers (from the United States to China) have used the military as a seat of power to bring the local elite under their hegemony. A political theoretical practice and the building of a counter-hegemony which goes beyond and beneath inter-elite struggles is much needed. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1670-1686 Issue: 10 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1780115 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1780115 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:10:p:1670-1686 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michelle Scobie Author-X-Name-First: Michelle Author-X-Name-Last: Scobie Author-Name: Afiya France Author-X-Name-First: Afiya Author-X-Name-Last: France Title: Child marriage, human rights and international norms: the case of legislative reform in Trinidad and Tobago Abstract: The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child entered into force in 1990. It condemns child marriage, violence and discrimination against children and enjoins tutelage for their education and health. Implementing such principles in national legislation sometimes conflicts with local norms relating to respect for cultural and religious traditions. This was the case of Trinidad and Tobago, a multicultural and multi-religious society that legally sanctioned child marriage until 2017. The paper makes two unique contributions to the literature. First, using the literature on child marriage and the obligations under international conventions, the paper creates a child marriage conceptual framework with the main normative positions on child marriage. Second, using the framework, it explores the normative motivations underlying the domestic legal reform debates held in parliament between 2015–2017. The paper uses the conceptual framework to explain the transformations in the traditional positions of local religious and ethnic groups, provides evidence of norm penetration from the international to a local multicultural setting and furthers the literature on international human rights norm penetration and contestation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1687-1706 Issue: 10 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1780908 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1780908 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:10:p:1687-1706 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Yong Sub Choi Author-X-Name-First: Yong Sub Author-X-Name-Last: Choi Title: Overcoming the division bloc and its limitations: a Gramscian approach to South Korean social formation Abstract: Colonialism affects post-colonial social formations in a variety of ways. Japanese colonial rule had a far-reaching influence on South Korean post-colonial social formation. Most legacies of colonialism diminished as time went by, but one legacy of colonialism continued or even increased its effects on the South Korean political economy from the 1960s – namely, the division of Korea. This article provides an alternative Gramscian approach to the analysis of the social formation of South Korea, with due consideration of the division of the peninsula. For that purpose, it introduces the concept of a division bloc, adapting Gramsci’s concept of a historical bloc to develop an analysis of a social formation that is unique to South Korea. Then, I explicate the two events that have been most damaging for the division bloc – the 1997 economic crisis and the 1998–2007 inter-Korean reconciliation – describing them as an organic crisis and a hegemonic project, respectively. Following this, I present reasons why the counter-hegemonic efforts of liberal nationalists to overcome the division bloc failed. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1707-1722 Issue: 10 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1783997 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1783997 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:10:p:1707-1722 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Farwa Sial Author-X-Name-First: Farwa Author-X-Name-Last: Sial Author-Name: Jamie Doucette Author-X-Name-First: Jamie Author-X-Name-Last: Doucette Title: Inclusive partners? Internationalising South Korea’s chaebol through corporate social responsibility-linked development cooperation Abstract: In recent years, non-traditional or ‘emerging’ donors such as South Korea have organised their development cooperation models in a manner that seeks to complement the capacities of the private sector by extending the overseas activities of domestic businesses. To better understand this process, this article examines the role of South Korea’s large, family-led conglomerates (chaebol) in its growing international development sector. In particular, we focus on how the concept of corporate social responsibility (CSR) has been used to link the role of its large, and frequently scandal-ridden, private companies to international development, and, by extension, how it has helped to internationalise state–business networks long associated with the Korean developmental state. We examine two strategies through which this has been carried out. The first is by extending the logic of creating shared value (CSV, a derivative of CSR) to aid and infrastructure projects in which chaebol and other state-linked businesses have participated. The second is by directly embedding CSR-based aid initiatives in the value chains of the specific chaebol themselves. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1723-1739 Issue: 10 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1782185 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1782185 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:10:p:1723-1739 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Miho Taka Author-X-Name-First: Miho Author-X-Name-Last: Taka Author-Name: Jessica Ayesha Northey Author-X-Name-First: Jessica Ayesha Author-X-Name-Last: Northey Title: Civil society and spaces for natural resource governance in Kenya Abstract: In the Kenyan context of new resource discoveries and an ambitious devolution programme, and what is argued to be a shrinking of civic space globally, the role of civil society organisations (CSOs) working on natural resource governance is critical. The resilience, space and capacity of civil society to engage in the policy process, from community-based organisations to national non-governmental organisations, all shape outcomes in terms of legislation, policy and management of scarce resources. Drawing on interviews with CSOs from across Kenya, following the new 2010 constitution and devolution programme, this article explores how new negotiated spaces of participation around resource governance have emerged in Kenya. Using multidimensional frameworks to analyse power relations, it explores how Kenyan CSOs are cautiously redefining roles, offering expertise when devolved governments struggle, and standing up to powerful interests of corporate lobbies with varying degrees of success. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1740-1757 Issue: 10 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1783996 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1783996 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:10:p:1740-1757 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: George M. Bob-Milliar Author-X-Name-First: George M. Author-X-Name-Last: Bob-Milliar Author-Name: Ali Yakubu Nyaaba Author-X-Name-First: Ali Yakubu Author-X-Name-Last: Nyaaba Title: Political transitions and commissions of inquiry: the politicisation of accountability in Ghana Abstract: What role does a commission of inquiry (COI) play in delivering accountability? In theory, when the public delegates power to political leaders to formulate and implement policies, they seek political accountability in return. Using Ghana as a case study, this study examines how the operations of COIs may deliver accountability. Principal–agent theories of accountability and African conceptions of legitimacy are incomplete on their own and need to be integrated into an explanation of political accountability that takes into consideration political transitions and the role of COIs in delivering a minimalist form of accountability. This study argues that a COI is an instrument of regime legitimatisation. The demands by citizens for political accountability in Ghana correlate with political transitions. Accompanying each power alternation was a different model of political accountability. To understand the predominant applications of accountability, we emphasise the politicisation of accountability. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1758-1775 Issue: 10 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1783998 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1783998 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:10:p:1758-1775 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lynn Meskell Author-X-Name-First: Lynn Author-X-Name-Last: Meskell Author-Name: Benjamin Isakhan Author-X-Name-First: Benjamin Author-X-Name-Last: Isakhan Title: UNESCO, world heritage and the gridlock over Yemen Abstract: Since March 2015, the Saudi-led military intervention in Yemen has had devastating consequences for the country, its people and its rich cultural heritage. This article traces the responses of the world’s foremost multilateral body concerned with heritage promotion and protection, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Drawing on extensive interviews, archival research and long-term ethnographic research on UNESCO itself and, more specifically, its responses to the war in Yemen, it documents UNESCO’s profound failures in protecting Yemen’s heritage and in confronting the Saudi-led coalition. To do so, the article utilises the framework of ‘gridlock’ to analyse how and why multilateral bodies such as UNESCO become hamstrung in confronting powerful member states in conflict. The article concludes by arguing that UNESCO’s failures in Yemen hold powerful lessons about the role of multilateral institutions in addressing conflict. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1776-1791 Issue: 10 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1784000 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1784000 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:10:p:1776-1791 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marisa Wilson Author-X-Name-First: Marisa Author-X-Name-Last: Wilson Author-Name: Denise Baden Author-X-Name-First: Denise Author-X-Name-Last: Baden Author-Name: Stephen Wilkinson Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Wilkinson Title: Towards ecological public health? Cuba’s moral economy of food and agriculture Abstract: The concept of moral economy can be applied to all types of economies as they all involve conceptions of the ‘common good’ that determine who gets what, why and how, and who is responsible for this distribution, eg state or private actors. In this paper, we use the concept of moral economy to demonstrate how particular morals and logics shape public health governance in Cuba, comparing these with market liberal contexts. The paper draws from ethnographic and interview data from Cuba to evaluate the benefits and drawbacks of Cuban agri-food governance, against the backdrop of market liberal approaches. While Cuban interviewees justified their activities in terms of Cuba’s moral economy of collective need, there were also instances when the socialist moral economy conflicted with individual needs and aspirations. We conclude that, despite its faults, Cuba’s holistic approach to food and agriculture illustrates how ecological approaches to public health might work in practice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1793-1808 Issue: 11 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1787825 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1787825 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:11:p:1793-1808 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Annie Young Song Author-X-Name-First: Annie Young Author-X-Name-Last: Song Author-Name: Justin V. Hastings Author-X-Name-First: Justin V. Author-X-Name-Last: Hastings Title: Engaging North Korea: environmental cooperation in peacebuilding Abstract: Despite ongoing political tensions and sanctions, North Korea and South Korea have made some progress in forestry cooperation. To explain the persistence of this cooperation, we draw upon a local approach to environmental peacebuilding. By tracing inter-Korean forestry cooperation from 2000 to 2018, this study finds that cooperation persists because of a North Korean desire for cooperation specifically on the environment, and because non-governmental organisations (NGOs) with close ties to the South Korean government provided an alternative way to implement inter-Korean forestry cooperation through periods of tension. Our findings also highlight the benefits of using environmental cooperation as a way to engage with North Korea in a depoliticised and sanction-free context. This finding has far-reaching implications for environmental peacebuilding. First, NGOs can pave the way for engaging conflict parties even in the face of ongoing hostility. Second, environmental cooperation provides an opportunity for a win–win strategy for conflict parties. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1809-1827 Issue: 11 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1787826 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1787826 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:11:p:1809-1827 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hsinyen Lai Author-X-Name-First: Hsinyen Author-X-Name-Last: Lai Title: The ‘Juffair dilemma’: Arab nationalism, alignment and ‘national-popular collective will’ in Bahrain Abstract: This paper challenges ‘the myth’ of the demise of Arab nationalism after the Arab–Israeli War in 1967 that appears in the scholarship of international relations of the Middle East (IRME). I argue instead that Arab nationalism plays a constitutive role in ideologically linking the issue of Bahrain’s post-colonial state sovereignty and foreign policy on alignment, showing its political salience after 1967 in what I call ‘the Juffair dilemma’: the Al Khalifa regime’s dilemma in aligning with the US after Bahrain’s formal independence. Drawing on Antonio Gramsci’s ‘national-popular collective will’ to re-conceptualise Arab nationalism, the paper further argues that the impact of Arab nationalism on Bahrain’s alignment was revealed through a political struggle between the Al Khalifa regime and the Bahraini New Arab Left, corresponding to wider regional and international anti-imperialist movements in the context of the Cold War. This struggle manifested Arab nationalism as a non-collective will, in which ideological disconnections existed between ‘the people’ and the regime, in Bahrain. It then created the context where the issue of alignment was related to the contestation of sovereignty and the Palestinian question, which was the source of the Al Khalifa regime’s dilemma in making alignment with the US. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1828-1842 Issue: 11 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1788386 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1788386 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:11:p:1828-1842 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Fathi Nemer Author-X-Name-First: Fathi Author-X-Name-Last: Nemer Title: Political solutions among Palestinian university students: different models and conceptions Abstract: Once a baseline resolution to the question of Palestine, the two-state solution has become contested after decades of failed negotiation and renewed support for a one-state solution. This study measures Palestinian university students’ understandings of these different solutions through a representative survey. Results indicate that despite being unconvinced by it, the majority of respondents prefer a two-state solution, although their conception of its specificities differs to that of the Palestinian Authority. Most respondents held unclear ideas of the meaning of the one-state solution. Finally, a model based on analysis of this data explains the reasons and circumstances behind students’ preferences. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1843-1862 Issue: 11 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1788932 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1788932 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:11:p:1843-1862 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Erica S. Lawson Author-X-Name-First: Erica S. Author-X-Name-Last: Lawson Author-Name: Vaiba K. Flomo Author-X-Name-First: Vaiba K. Author-X-Name-Last: Flomo Title: Motherwork and gender justice in Peace Huts: a feminist view from Liberia Abstract: At the end of their country’s 14-year civil war (1989–2003), Liberian women established Peace Huts to provide conflict resolution and mediation services to disputing community members. Peace Huts are modeled on the centuries-old Palava Hut system used to address disputes, but the latter are largely run by men. This article examines how Liberian women have adopted the Palava Hut system to suit their needs in the interest of advancing transitional justice. We document and analyse what women do at Peace Hut sites and how their pursuit of peace and gender justice is related to motherwork, understood in feminist scholarship as the exercise of political agency through maternal activism. Based on a year-long study with women who provide social labour in Peace Huts, this article seeks to provide insight into how women participate in post-conflict initiatives amid infrastructural challenges, structural violence and tensions between the best legal approaches to gender justice and human rights. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1863-1880 Issue: 11 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1793663 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1793663 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:11:p:1863-1880 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Annamária Artner Author-X-Name-First: Annamária Author-X-Name-Last: Artner Title: Can China lead the change of the world? Abstract: Currently, the world system is in a state of complex crisis and transformation. The overall influence of its US-led centre has weakened, and most of the global periphery is in either chaos or misery. The mechanisms of the global accumulation of capital prevent new global leaders from emerging. Until now, China’s economic ascent has been based on managed market forces and sovereign monetary policy. However, if the liberalisation of capital flows in China continues, the country’s financial independence might be lost. This article explains how the nodal crisis of global capitalism has evolved, how far the marketisation and financial liberalisation of the Chinese economy has gone and the largest obstacles to China further strengthening its influence on the world order. The author concludes that China could play a positive role as a new superpower in constructing a world beyond capitalism, if it does not give up the socialist project, keeps market forces under control, maintains accumulation without dispossession, preserves its financial independence and makes alliances with other nations on the global (semi-)periphery. The latter is particularly important, as the present hegemonic centre will not give up its position peacefully. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1881-1899 Issue: 11 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1793664 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1793664 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:11:p:1881-1899 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Robert Dover Author-X-Name-First: Robert Author-X-Name-Last: Dover Author-Name: Richard J. Aldrich Author-X-Name-First: Richard J. Author-X-Name-Last: Aldrich Title: Cryptography and the Global South: secrecy, signals and information imperialism Abstract: For decades, espionage during the Cold War was often presented as a competition between East and West. The extent to which the Global South constituted the main battleground for this conflict is now being appreciated, together with the way coups and covert regime change represented a continuation of colonialism by other means. Recent revelations about the nature of technical surveillance and signals intelligence during this period paint an even more alarming picture. New research materials released in Germany show the ways in which Washington, London and even Moscow conspired to systematically attack the secure communications of the Global South. For almost half a century, less advanced countries were persuaded to invest significant sums in encryption machines that were adapted to perform poorly. This was a deceptive system of non-secrecy that opened the sensitive communications of the Global South to an elite group of nations, that included former colonial rulers, and emergent neo-imperial powers. Moreover, the nature of this technical espionage, which involved commercial communications providers, is an early and instructive example of digital global information inequality. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1900-1917 Issue: 11 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1793665 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1793665 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:11:p:1900-1917 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Grant William Walton Author-X-Name-First: Grant William Author-X-Name-Last: Walton Title: Establishing and maintaining the technical anti-corruption assemblage: the Solomon Islands experience Abstract: Scholars have sought to explain how and why developing countries establish anti-corruption agencies by examining the strength of national and international institutions, particularly political institutions and actors, international donors and civil society. This article argues that these explanations are inadequate and that explaining the nature of anti-corruption reform in developing countries requires accounting for the transnational technical anti-corruption assemblage. This assemblage comprises individuals, ideas and things that reinforce technical solutions to corruption. This article examines the case of anti-corruption reforms in Solomon Islands during and after the international Regional Assistant Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) intervention (2003–2017). It shows that parliamentarians passed anti-corruption reforms despite declining pressure from donors, relatively weak civil society and wavering political commitment. The article suggests a transnational coalition of national and international actors and objects helped establish and maintain a technical anti-corruption assemblage. Through exclusionary practices, this assemblage helped maintain the technical and apolitical nature of anti-corruption reform. Findings provide insights into the effectiveness of anti-corruption ‘policy transfer’ in Solomon Islands and other developing countries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1918-1936 Issue: 11 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1798222 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1798222 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:11:p:1918-1936 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Graeme Young Author-X-Name-First: Graeme Author-X-Name-Last: Young Title: Urban informal economies in peacebuilding: competing perspectives and implications for theory and praxis Abstract: Informal economic activity is often a defining feature of the political economy of conflict and post-conflict cities. Despite its prevalence, however, its implications for peacebuilding remain largely under-theorised. This article draws on the extensive literature on informal economic activity more generally, with a focus on cities, to outline three contrasting perspectives on its significance for peacebuilding: first, that informal economies can support peacebuilding efforts by providing crucial livelihood support and access to essential goods and services in the absence of functioning formal markets; second, that they are a manifestation of resistance to unpopular top-down peacebuilding processes that fail to cohere with local understandings of economic justice; and third, that they can reproduce the conditions that led to conflict by re-establishing socio-economic hierarchies and systems of marginalisation. It argues that each of these perspectives has important implications for the theory and praxis of peacebuilding and raises conceptual challenges that remain unresolved. It then claims that any effort to incorporate urban informal economies into peacebuilding processes must prioritise democratic inclusion, grassroots organisation and formal employment creation if they are to have a meaningful impact on the lives of the urban poor. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1937-1956 Issue: 11 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1799192 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1799192 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:11:p:1937-1956 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas S. Woodson Author-X-Name-First: Thomas S. Author-X-Name-Last: Woodson Author-Name: Logan D. A. Williams Author-X-Name-First: Logan D. A. Author-X-Name-Last: Williams Title: Stronger together: inclusive innovation and undone science frameworks in the Global South Abstract: Over the past two decades, scholars have developed undone science and inclusive innovation to explain knowledge silos, technology and development for marginalised communities. The undone science framework describes the systematic neglect of scientific issues that impact marginalised groups. The inclusive innovation framework emphasises the need to produce innovations that directly benefit marginalised groups. Despite the similar goals of the frameworks, the undone science and inclusive innovation theoretical communities have not interacted with each other, and as a result, the insights from each framework fail to help other disciplines improve opportunities for marginalised groups. This article compares the frameworks by examining nanotechnology policy and research in South Africa and shows how the frameworks help create better policies for marginalised groups. Because the frameworks emphasise different issues, policymakers should use both frameworks as opposed to over-relying on one of them. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1957-1972 Issue: 11 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2019.1702458 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2019.1702458 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:11:p:1957-1972 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gorana Draguljić Author-X-Name-First: Gorana Author-X-Name-Last: Draguljić Title: Power in numbers: the developing world and the construction of global commons institutions Abstract: This paper examines the influence of developing countries during the construction of international institutions that govern the global commons. It argues that developing states are empowered by the problem structure of commons issues because the latter’s management requires universal participation. This allows developing states to employ their large numbers to shape institutional outcomes in two ways. First, they can leverage non-participation when the need for commons management arises, threatening the long-term viability of a valued good unless their demands are met. Second, developing states can utilise their majority status in the international venues through which commons issues are addressed to advance their preferred policies. A case study on the Third United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, followed by brief comparisons to the creation of the focal institutions for ozone and climate governance, illustrate the argument. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1973-1991 Issue: 12 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1809370 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1809370 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:12:p:1973-1991 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Johanne Døhlie Saltnes Author-X-Name-First: Johanne Døhlie Author-X-Name-Last: Saltnes Author-Name: Samuel Brazys Author-X-Name-First: Samuel Author-X-Name-Last: Brazys Author-Name: Joseph Lacey Author-X-Name-First: Joseph Author-X-Name-Last: Lacey Author-Name: Arya Pillai Author-X-Name-First: Arya Author-X-Name-Last: Pillai Title: EU aid for trade: Mitigating global trade injustices? Abstract: Does the EU’s Aid for Trade (AfT) initiative contribute to global justice? Complementing work that considers distributive justice, in this paper we adopt the central tenets of the republican theory of non-domination as a regulative ideal for justice in international relations. We evaluate the extent to which the EU’s AfT initiative results from reduced political domination in international trade negotiations, and if that then mitigates economic dependency between European and African states. We first provide a qualitative account of the processes that led to the establishment and subsequent development of AfT. We then consider the extent to which the AfT has promoted the reliance of African states on European foreign direct investment (FDI) relative to FDI from other regions (including and especially from within Africa itself) using subnational, project-level, data. Our findings suggest that EU AfT does not reinforce dominating forms of dependency in the international arena, at least when measured by the source of the FDI that it attracts, while AfT is itself an outcome of somewhat less dominating power relations in trade negotiations between wealthier and poorer states. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1992-2010 Issue: 12 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1801343 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1801343 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:12:p:1992-2010 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Joseph Yaw Asomah Author-X-Name-First: Joseph Yaw Author-X-Name-Last: Asomah Title: Can private media contribute to fighting political corruption in sub-Saharan Africa? Lessons from Ghana Abstract: In sub-Saharan Africa, the private media are often considered corrupt and thus incapable of performing critical watchdog functions. Using the Ghanaian case, the objective of this study is to examine how the private media contribute to exposing political corruption and demanding accountability. Based on the media-as-a-watchdog theory and on primary and secondary data, this article argues that private media outlets make significant contributions to the fight against political corruption. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were used to collect primary data in Ghana. Relevant secondary data from media reports and scholarly work supplement the primary data. The research findings show that Ghanaian private media address political corruption through investigative reporting, agenda-setting, providing a forum for anti-corruption discussions, and acting as a pressure group for institutional and legal reforms as well as political accountability. This article thus questions the popular claim that in sub-Saharan Africa, the private media cannot contribute meaningfully to combatting corruption involving influential political actors. Policy and future research implications are presented in the conclusions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2011-2029 Issue: 12 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1806707 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1806707 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:12:p:2011-2029 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Yahya Sseremba Author-X-Name-First: Yahya Author-X-Name-Last: Sseremba Title: Ethnic emancipation and conflict escalation in Uganda Abstract: This article examines why the emancipation of ethnic groups has failed to address ethnic conflicts in Uganda. Successive Ugandan governments, especially the current regime of President Yoweri Museveni, have attempted to end the country’s history of ethnic strife by creating separate constituencies, separate districts and separate kingdoms for marginalised ethnic groups to free them from the domination of powerful ethnic groups. Focussing on the Rwenzori area of western Uganda where ethnic violence is severest, I show how the approach of ethnic emancipation reproduces ethnicity as the basis for political inclusion and escalates rather than abates ethnic contestations. This study should shed more light on the challenge of ethnic federalism in other countries like Ethiopia and Nigeria. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2030-2047 Issue: 12 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1803059 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1803059 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:12:p:2030-2047 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Olayinka Ajala Author-X-Name-First: Olayinka Author-X-Name-Last: Ajala Title: New drivers of conflict in Nigeria: an analysis of the clashes between farmers and pastoralists Abstract: In the last few years, several African countries have witnessed an increase in conflict between pastoralists and sedentary farmers and among pastoralist groups. While issues such as climate change, desertification, regional conflicts, population expansion, trafficking and terrorism have been highlighted as the reasons for the surge in violence, none of these issues fully explain the increased use of small and light weapons by several pastoralist groups and sedentary farmers. This article explores the changes in the dynamics of cattle ownership, termed neo-pastoralism, as a possible explanation for the increase in armed clashes between the groups. The article explains how traditional pastoralism is gradually giving way to neo-pastoralism, a form of pastoralism which involves larger herds and increased use of arms and ammunitions. Nigeria is used as a case study to explore these new patterns of conflict due to having the largest number of cattle in the sub-Saharan Africa region and the scale of the conflict in the country. This article is based on field research and interviews carried out in Nigeria between 2013 and 2019. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2048-2066 Issue: 12 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1811662 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1811662 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:12:p:2048-2066 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Seongyi Yun Author-X-Name-First: Seongyi Author-X-Name-Last: Yun Author-Name: Hee Min Author-X-Name-First: Hee Author-X-Name-Last: Min Title: Does social media promote participatory democracy? Evidence from South Korea’s presidential impeachment protests? Abstract: This study examines whether social media contributed to the success of the Korean presidential impeachment protests of 2016–17 and promoted participatory democracy. The 2016–17 candlelight protests contributed to the overthrowing of a corrupt regime. However, was it a victory of participatory democracy? To answer this question, we must first be clear on what kind of participatory democracy is being referred to. Therefore, while social media played a crucial role in the success of the protests, the impact of social media on participatory democracy should be addressed separately. For this purpose, we first analyse the contributions of the digitally connected movements during the 2016–17 protests with two social movement theories: resource mobilisation and collective identity. Second, we examine whether the success of digitally connective movements during those protests promoted participatory democracy. To discuss this issue, we use Arnstein’s concept of a ‘ladder of participation’, which describes participatory democracy as falling within three levels, from non-participation through tokenism to citizen power. This study shows that the proliferation of social media politics by itself does not convert representative democracy into participatory democracy. This implies that even if social media augments citizens’ power of resistance, it cannot transform citizens into a governing power. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2067-2086 Issue: 12 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1806708 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1806708 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:12:p:2067-2086 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Osman Bahadır Dinçer Author-X-Name-First: Osman Bahadır Author-X-Name-Last: Dinçer Author-Name: Mehmet Hecan Author-X-Name-First: Mehmet Author-X-Name-Last: Hecan Title: Democratisation in ambiguous environments: positive prospects for democracy in the MENA region after the Arab Spring Abstract: Instead of writing off the post-uprising period in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) as a failed attempt at democratisation, this article argues that the region is still undergoing an ambiguous and contingent process in which democratisation survives as one likely path among others. From this alternative viewpoint, the uprisings have multi-faceted, complex and uncertain consequences that constitute the beginnings of a long-term transitional phase in which various forces of political development continue to coexist in competing fashions. We argue that amidst this ambiguous process, the uprisings have introduced game-changing dynamics with regard to democratisation. We further attempt to identify these dynamics and discuss the potential value of the post-uprising experience as an asset for regional democratisation. For this purpose, we underline at least three crucial aspects of the post-uprising experience regarding democratic development in the region: (1) the demonstration of the potential for political change, (2) the contribution to the democratic learning curve, and (3) the emergence of Tunisia as a ‘transition game’. This study aims to serve as a guiding analytical exercise in the study of democratisation within ambiguous political environments, such as the post-uprising MENA region, where identifying the direction of democratisation may prove difficult. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2087-2108 Issue: 12 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1811084 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1811084 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:12:p:2087-2108 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Debby Sze Wan Chan Author-X-Name-First: Debby Sze Wan Author-X-Name-Last: Chan Author-Name: Ngai Pun Author-X-Name-First: Ngai Author-X-Name-Last: Pun Title: Renegotiating Belt and Road cooperation: social resistance in a Sino–Myanmar copper mine Abstract: In what way can societal actors in transitional polities play a role in influencing bilateral economic agreements? Societal actors are often ignored in the state-centric international relations literature. We, however, contend that social resistance to a foreign development project can reshape the international outcome, even under an asymmetric bargaining structure, if two conditions are met: the host country’s policy options are conditioned by citizens’ resistance; and the home country is eager to continue cooperation. To make this argument, this paper examines the social resistance to the China-backed Letpadaung copper mine in Myanmar amid the host country’s democratisation. Employing a process-tracing technique and drawing upon extensive interviews from 2015–2019, official documents and secondary data, we argue that a popular anti-mining movement transformed a previous state-to-state bargaining process into a two-level game negotiation. As a result, the rise of societal actors was able to disrupt project implementation and extract concessions from China in exchange for project resumption. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2109-2129 Issue: 12 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1807928 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1807928 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:12:p:2109-2129 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bridget Backhaus Author-X-Name-First: Bridget Author-X-Name-Last: Backhaus Title: Keeping it clean: exploring discourses of development on Indian community radio Abstract: Community radio in India operates within a clear framework of development. This calls into question the fundamental purpose of community radio: communication rights, activism, voice, community participation or development? Drawing on ethnographic research conducted at two rural stations in South India, this research explores the influence of a pervasive development discourse on the grassroots activities and functions of community radio. The starkest example of this was observed through the far-reaching influence of the Government of India’s highly publicised sanitation programme, the Swachh Bharat Mission. This programme represents a pervasive example of the modernisation paradigm in development communication, yet it was found to proliferate throughout community radio, a medium more often associated with participatory communication. This development discourse was found to profoundly impact the way both broadcasters and audience members engage with and experience community radio. The findings highlight a disconnect between the theoretical and ideological frameworks of community radio and the ways in which a development discourse operates through the stations at the grassroots level. As such, this article argues that community radio in India represents a liminal space where multiple development communication paradigms interact and compete with the theoretical underpinnings of the movement. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2130-2147 Issue: 12 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1809371 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1809371 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:12:p:2130-2147 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Birte Vogel Author-X-Name-First: Birte Author-X-Name-Last: Vogel Author-Name: Catherine Arthur Author-X-Name-First: Catherine Author-X-Name-Last: Arthur Author-Name: Eric Lepp Author-X-Name-First: Eric Author-X-Name-Last: Lepp Author-Name: Dylan O’Driscoll Author-X-Name-First: Dylan Author-X-Name-Last: O’Driscoll Author-Name: Billy Tusker Haworth Author-X-Name-First: Billy Tusker Author-X-Name-Last: Haworth Title: Reading socio-political and spatial dynamics through graffiti in conflict-affected societies Abstract: This paper argues that graffiti can provide a form of socio-political commentary at the local level, and is a valuable, yet often overlooked, resource for scholars and policymakers in conflict-affected societies. Graffiti, in its many forms, can provide rich insight into societies, cultures, social issues, trends, political discourse, and spatial and territorial identities and claims. Thus, this, paper suggests that graffiti is a valuable source of knowledge in societies undergoing social and political transformation, to hear the voices of those often left out from the official discourses. Despite advances in the field of arts and international relations and the focus on the local and the everyday, peace and conflict scholarship and policy still lack systematic engagement with arts-based contributions and how to read them. The paper attempts to address this gap by outlining four core dimensions to consider when attempting to interpret and decode graffiti: the spatial, temporal, political economic and representative dimensions. This can also be viewed as an inquiry into the where, when, who and what. These four elements make up an analytical guide and enable scholars to better understand graffiti, and its political meaning and messaging. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2148-2168 Issue: 12 Volume: 41 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1810009 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1810009 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:41:y:2020:i:12:p:2148-2168 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Micheline van Riemsdijk Author-X-Name-First: Micheline Author-X-Name-Last: van Riemsdijk Author-Name: Marianne H. Marchand Author-X-Name-First: Marianne H. Author-X-Name-Last: Marchand Author-Name: Volker M. Heins Author-X-Name-First: Volker M. Author-X-Name-Last: Heins Title: New actors and contested architectures in global migration governance: continuity and change Abstract: This article introduces the volume on New Actors and Contested Architectures in Global Migration Governance. It presents the aims and scope of the volume, followed by an overview of international cooperation in global migration governance, migration management and advocacy for migrants. We then discuss ‘new’ actors and how they maintain, contest or even alter established architectures and assemblages, followed by a presentation of the articles included in the volume. In conclusion, we reflect on the ways in which the COVID-19 pandemic may affect these dynamics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-15 Issue: 1 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1857235 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1857235 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:1:p:1-15 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Antoine Pécoud Author-X-Name-First: Antoine Author-X-Name-Last: Pécoud Title: Narrating an ideal migration world? An analysis of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration Abstract: The Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM) was adopted in 2018 under the auspices of the United Nations. In a context in which the global governance of international migration remains weak, and in which states regularly confront migration/refugee crises, the GCM provides an internationally agreed-upon assessment of the political issues raised by international migration and identifies non-binding policy recommendations regarding how governments should address them. This article analyses the content of the GCM in light of the migration-related discussions at the international level since the 1990s. It critically examines its core arguments and argues that, because of the diverging worldviews and interests among governments and other stakeholders, the GCM is marked by major internal contradictions. This results in a depoliticised document and in a political language that hides the dilemmas raised by migration politics. There is therefore little consensus among states regarding the nature of migration and the political responses to govern the transnational mobility of people. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 16-33 Issue: 1 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1768065 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1768065 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:1:p:16-33 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sebastien Moretti Author-X-Name-First: Sebastien Author-X-Name-Last: Moretti Title: Between refugee protection and migration management: the quest for coordination between UNHCR and IOM in the Asia-Pacific region Abstract: This article discusses the role of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in the context of significant changes in global migration governance. Drawing more specifically on examples from the Asia-Pacific region, it sheds light on the way UNHCR and IOM cooperate in situations where both organisations might claim to have legitimacy to intervene based on their mandate, eg in situations of ‘mixed flows’ of people and in the context of large-scale movements, especially when people may not be recognised as refugees but may still be in need of international protection. The recent changes in global migration governance, including the entry of IOM into the UN system, have arguably failed to bring clarity on the respective roles and responsibilities of UNHCR and IOM in such situations. While ad hoc arrangements have been established in various contexts, the lack of clear and predictable arrangements to allocate responsibilities and accountability between the two organisations in situations where both are involved is likely to fuel further tensions between them. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 34-51 Issue: 1 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1780910 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1780910 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:1:p:34-51 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Morten Bøås Author-X-Name-First: Morten Author-X-Name-Last: Bøås Title: EU migration management in the Sahel: unintended consequences on the ground in Niger? Abstract: The policies implemented in the Sahel by the EU and individual member states have reduced the number of migrants transiting through the region towards Europe. However, the sustainability of this approach should be questioned as it may also increase domestic tensions in politically fragile and administratively weak states, leading to increased pressure on political and social systems that already are struggling to stay afloat. Thus, whereas making a country like Niger an integral part of European migration management may seem successful, the approach of the EU may also have several unintended consequences. This paper will critically examine the EU’s crisis response towards the Sahel with a particular focus on Niger and the city of Agadez, arguing that while EU’s approach may have reduced the number of migrants passing through Agadez, it could also come to undermine a number of local compromises that so far have helped Niger display higher resilience towards the crises that are quickly destabilising neighbouring Burkina Faso and Mali. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 52-67 Issue: 1 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1784002 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1784002 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:1:p:52-67 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christina Gabriel Author-X-Name-First: Christina Author-X-Name-Last: Gabriel Author-Name: Laura Macdonald Author-X-Name-First: Laura Author-X-Name-Last: Macdonald Title: New architectures for migration governance: NAFTA and transnational activism around migrants’ rights Abstract: This article analyses the way in which free trade agreements may become a new form of migration governance architecture, through an examination of the case of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). We argue that the inclusion of migrant worker rights among the labour rights covered by the labour side accord unexpectedly resulted in new forms of migrant rights advocacy and transnational cooperation to promote migrant worker rights, especially in the United States. We examine two cases that were brought before the NAFTA labour rights tribunal. While this form of activism has had limited concrete impact on improving the actual conditions faced by vulnerable migrant workers, it has had some positive results in politicising the issue of abuses of migrant workers’ rights in the United States. It has also resulted in the transnationalisation of struggles around migrant workers’ rights and the forging of new alliances between trade unions and migrants’ rights activists. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 68-85 Issue: 1 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1796482 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1796482 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:1:p:68-85 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Joseph Trawicki Anderson Author-X-Name-First: Joseph Trawicki Author-X-Name-Last: Anderson Title: Managing labour migration in Malaysia: foreign workers and the challenges of ‘control’ beyond liberal democracies Abstract: This paper examines the issue of migration control in Malaysia. Despite the fact that the majority of the world’s migratory movements are between countries in the Global South, the dominant focus of research on migration control has tended to be liberal democracies of the Global North. Here, focussing on a country which is a major destination for migrants in Southeast Asia, this paper examines the varied policies enacted by the Malaysian government in an effort to decrease the number of undocumented foreign workers. As Malaysia is known for its frequent migration policy shifts, this paper traces the many twists and turns in Malaysian policy in the period from 2011 to 2019. In doing so, the paper seeks to help build a better understanding of the complex and sometimes contradictory tools states use in attempting to manage migration. Here I find that some patterns emerge from Malaysia’s use of a wide variety of policy instruments to reduce its population of undocumented foreign workers, but that ultimately these must be placed in the context of the overall economic reliance of Malaysia on foreign labour and its turbulent policies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 86-104 Issue: 1 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1784003 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1784003 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:1:p:86-104 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Cesar E. Merlín-Escorza Author-X-Name-First: Cesar E. Author-X-Name-Last: Merlín-Escorza Author-Name: Tine Davids Author-X-Name-First: Tine Author-X-Name-Last: Davids Author-Name: Joris Schapendonk Author-X-Name-First: Joris Author-X-Name-Last: Schapendonk Title: Sheltering as a destabilising and perpetuating practice in the migration management architecture in Mexico Abstract: This paper discusses shelters in relation to the migration industry that shapes irregular migration from Central America to Mexico. Whereas the migration industry literature often separates migration facilitation from migration control, we instead position shelters at the intersection of the two domains. We use an assemblage approach to better understand how different institutions, policies, responsibilities, actors and discourses meet, clash and intertwine at shelters. Based on our ethnographic material, we distinguish three significant processes that characterise sheltering practices (attraction, multiple performativities, (dis)location) and analyse how these processes display different, sometimes contradictory, discourses and power relations. With these insights, we conclude that sheltering practices reinforce as well as destabilise migration management architecture in Mexico. They undermine the presupposed ‘rigidity’ of migration management, but they simultaneously attract violence and control, and incorporate state-like practices of administration and discipline. In particular, the notions of ‘humanitarian aid’ and ‘mobility control’ are floating signifiers in these practices in the sense that they are constantly open to different ascriptions of meaning. Following this observation, we consider the migration management architecture as a form of plasticity. Its shape and function might appear to be rigid, but it is able to bend, bow and change in forms rather easily. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 105-122 Issue: 1 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1794806 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1794806 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:1:p:105-122 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Georgios Glouftsios Author-X-Name-First: Georgios Author-X-Name-Last: Glouftsios Author-Name: Stephan Scheel Author-X-Name-First: Stephan Author-X-Name-Last: Scheel Title: An inquiry into the digitisation of border and migration management: performativity, contestation and heterogeneous engineering Abstract: This article is concerned with the digitisation of border security and migration management. Illustrated through an encounter between a migrant and the Visa Information System (VIS) – one of the largest migration-related biometric databases worldwide – the article’s first part outlines three implications of digitisation. We argue that the VIS assembles a set of previously unconnected state authorities into a group of end users who enact border security and migration management through the gathering, processing and sharing of data; facilitates the practice of traceability, understood as a rationality of mobility control; and has restrictive effects on migrants’ capacity to manoeuvre and resist control. Given these implications, the article’s second part introduces three analytical sensitivities that help to avoid some analytical traps when studying digitisation processes. These sensitivities take their cue from insights and concepts in science and technology studies (STS), specifically material semiotics/ANT approaches. They concern, firstly, the ways that data-based security practices perform the identities of the individuals that they target; secondly, the need to consider possible practices of subversion by migrants to avoid control-biased analyses; and finally, the challenge to study the design and development of border security technologies without falling into either technological or socio-political determinism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 123-140 Issue: 1 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1807929 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1807929 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:1:p:123-140 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marianne H. Marchand Author-X-Name-First: Marianne H. Author-X-Name-Last: Marchand Title: The caravanas de migrantes making their way north: problematising the biopolitics of mobilities in Mexico Abstract: Since the Trump administration started its ‘war on migrants’ many of civil society’s responses have been oriented to counter the impact of this ‘war’. Such responses include the creation of sanctuary cities and providing legal defence to migrants. In Mexico, the actions of the Trump administration have also reverberated among migrant communities and within government circles. Ways of dealing with the challenges posed by the Trump administration range from policies directed at return migrants to providing shelter to Central American migrants in transit, to organising caravanas de migrantes to the Mexico–US border. This paper addresses how these caravanas have become the focus of biopolitical struggles among different authorities, migrant smugglers and civil society organisations. It argues that biopolitics is not just a state-initiated phenomenon, but that non-state actors are also practicing biopolitics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 141-161 Issue: 1 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1824579 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1824579 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:1:p:141-161 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tamirace Fakhoury Author-X-Name-First: Tamirace Author-X-Name-Last: Fakhoury Title: Refugee return and fragmented governance in the host state: displaced Syrians in the face of Lebanon’s divided politics Abstract: How do host states with a refugee regime relying on a patchwork of competing and informal responses negotiate refugee return? Amid a stalemate, Lebanon has taken in more than one million Syrian refugees. As soon as conflict dynamics shifted in favour of the Syrian regime, politicians started calling for their repatriation. In this context, although conditions are not propitious for return, various state and non-state actors have rushed to devise return initiatives. The article discusses shifts in governing returns from the Lebanese state as the sole decision-maker to the dispersion of authority within competing structures. It shows how various actors have drawn on return as bargaining leverage. Their divergent agendas have enshrined disputed preferences over repatriation, obscuring accountability over refugee rights. Competing logics are to be contextualised in a historically informed analysis of the state and its refugee regime. They are further to be embedded in a geopolitical reading of the ways Syria’s war has cut across Lebanese borders. The Lebanese case conveys broader insights. Host states may draw on fragmentation and informality to blur responsibility over safe and dignified return. Additionally, fragmentation and informality within a state make it harder for international actors to rally support for principles governing repatriation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 162-180 Issue: 1 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1762485 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1762485 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:1:p:162-180 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Zeynep Sahin Mencutek Author-X-Name-First: Zeynep Author-X-Name-Last: Sahin Mencutek Title: Refugee community organisations: capabilities, interactions and limitations Abstract: This article focuses on ways in which refugee-led community organisations (RCOs) carve out a space of influence through civic activism in the migration architectures of receiving countries. Building on scholarship addressing migration governance and grassroots refugee organisations, it argues that RCOs have become vital in the refugees’ search for means to alleviate the sufferings of their fellows, to empower their community and claim rights for an improvement of their conditions. The notions of invented and invited spaces are convenient to describe opportunities, limitations and the ways of interactions encountered by emerging formal and informal RCOs. Drawing on qualitative data obtained from Syrian RCOs and governance actors in Turkey, the article demonstrates how increasing numbers of RCOs operate in the invited spaces opened by the state agencies and international donors. Only rarely, however, are RCOs able to invent spaces to change existing power relations, as Turkey’s political context categorically opposes rights-based advocacy of any marginalised group, and the national refugee governance is based on temporary protection. The findings can serve to analyse the dynamics of new refugee groups’ collective actions as well as their interactions with governance actors at transnational, national and local levels. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 181-199 Issue: 1 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1791070 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1791070 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:1:p:181-199 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Galya Ben-Arieh Author-X-Name-First: Galya Author-X-Name-Last: Ben-Arieh Author-Name: Volker M. Heins Author-X-Name-First: Volker M. Author-X-Name-Last: Heins Title: Criminalisation of kindness: narratives of legality in the European politics of migration containment Abstract: This article explores the emergence of the crime of migrant smuggling and its legitimising narratives as tools of global migration management. We examine the ways in which the language of ‘migrant smuggling’ was introduced into and then lifted out of the context of international law and recontextualised to serve the purposes of migration management. The main consequence of this fusion of law, narrative and policy is the redefinition of the legality of actors and actions along the migration routes across the Sahara, the Mediterranean and Europe. We examine the conflict between two dominant narratives of legality: the smuggler narrative vs the rescue narrative. Laws designed to protect people are being turned against the people they were ostensibly designed to protect. We argue that the smuggler narrative facilitates policies whereby wealthy states, under the pretence of law, contain migration from the South within the broader framework of a divisive global politics of life. Since these policies are implemented through bribery, blackmail and brute force, they are displaying the ugly face of global migration governance without contributing in any way to a solution of the problems driving migration in the current global environment. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 200-217 Issue: 1 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1855074 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1855074 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:1:p:200-217 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ruben Gonzalez-Vicente Author-X-Name-First: Ruben Author-X-Name-Last: Gonzalez-Vicente Author-Name: Annita Montoute Author-X-Name-First: Annita Author-X-Name-Last: Montoute Title: A Caribbean perspective on China–Caribbean relations: global IR, dependency and the postcolonial condition Abstract: The field of global international relations remains to a great extent aspirational and focussed on the critique of Western-centric perspectives or the appraisal of non-Western theories within their specific geographical and historical contexts. In this essay, we go a step further and transpose a set of Caribbean-based theories that gained prominence in the 1960s and 1970s to apply it to the study of China’s contemporary relations with the Caribbean Community, drawing broader implications for China’s Belt and Road Initiative. The Caribbean’s tradition of critical and radical thought raises important questions about continuing epistemic dependency, structural impediments to development in small and highly open states, and a number of unresolved issues relating to the postcolonial condition in former plantation societies. Drawing upon these insights, we contend that the expectations placed on the emerging ‘South–South’ link with China are easily overstated, given China’s elitist business-centric approach to development, the eschewing of participatory approaches in Sino–Caribbean ventures and the passive incorporation of the Caribbean into China’s global vision. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 219-238 Issue: 2 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1834841 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1834841 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:2:p:219-238 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ajit Singh Author-X-Name-First: Ajit Author-X-Name-Last: Singh Title: The myth of ‘debt-trap diplomacy’ and realities of Chinese development finance Abstract: In recent decades China has emerged as a leader in international development finance, with the potential to provide sorely needed funds to address major global developmental gaps. However, not everyone is optimistic about this new source of lending. A narrative of ‘debt-trap diplomacy’ has emerged to describe Chinese lending to developing countries – most ardently advanced by the United States – contending that China seeks to ensnare smaller countries with onerous levels of debt in order to realise neocolonial aims. This article argues that the theory of debt-trap diplomacy does not accurately describe Chinese finance. First, investigating China–Africa relations, it will demonstrate that Chinese loans are not a major driver of debt distress. Second, it will demonstrate that China does not engage in predatory behaviour towards borrowing countries, using debt to facilitate takeovers of strategic assets and natural resources, or to promote military expansion. Finally, comparing Chinese and Western financial relations with Latin America and the Caribbean, it will demonstrate that, in contrast to the debt-trap narrative, China’s non-interventionist approach has opened space for developing countries, particularly those with governments facing hostility from the US and its allies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 239-253 Issue: 2 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1807318 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1807318 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:2:p:239-253 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Beata Paragi Author-X-Name-First: Beata Author-X-Name-Last: Paragi Title: Digital4development? European data protection in the Global South Abstract: While the European Union has recently become a champion of privacy rights and data protection, by enacting its General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) in 2018, there is a growing body of research on the costs and benefits of digitalisation in the aid industry. On the ‘cost’ side, risks associated with privacy and protection of personal data are clear. The purpose of this paper is to explore how the EU and European aid organisations can protect the privacy rights of individuals residing outside the EU’s borders, by scrutinising those GDPR articles that may be relevant from the perspectives of aid-implementing actors working outside the EU and the European Economic Area (EEA). This analysis of the important EU documents describing its foreign and development policies shows that promoting digitalisation outside of the EU seems to be more important to the EU than data protection. Furthermore, while aid organisations registered in the EU/EEA are supposed to comply with GDPR, the regulation’s territorial scope is not clear enough and the EU is not able to protect the privacy rights of individuals residing in the Global South, nor is it necessarily interested in doing so. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 254-273 Issue: 2 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1811961 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1811961 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:2:p:254-273 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Imran Ahmed Author-X-Name-First: Imran Author-X-Name-Last: Ahmed Title: Asia Bibi v. The State: the politics and jurisprudence of Pakistan’s blasphemy laws Abstract: This paper provides a critical appraisal of the Supreme Court judgement in the long-running and infamous case against Asia Bibi, a Pakistani Christian woman, accused of blasphemy in 2009. While the judgement is hailed as a landmark ruling, this paper argues that apart from acquitting the accused, it changes little else in the political and legal landscape of the country. The judgement relies on colonial assumptions about the nature of religious conflict in order to defend the blasphemy laws of Pakistan. This approach of the court tacitly affirms the discourses on the Islamic identity of the state that justify the marginalisation of religious minorities. The judgement reinforces the death penalty for blasphemy even as it recognises the almost ubiquitous misuse and problematic nature of Section 295-C of the Pakistan Penal Code. The court defends both the existence and the perpetuity of blasphemy laws pre-eminently on religious grounds rather than the constitution. This magnifies the grievances of Muslims ahead of the objections and concerns religious minorities in Pakistan have long raised. The court fails to seriously engage with the question of how the constitutional rights and liberties of religious minorities can be preserved so long as the law continues to endure. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 274-291 Issue: 2 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1826300 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1826300 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:2:p:274-291 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrzej Polus Author-X-Name-First: Andrzej Author-X-Name-Last: Polus Author-Name: Dominik Kopiński Author-X-Name-First: Dominik Author-X-Name-Last: Kopiński Author-Name: Wojciech Tycholiz Author-X-Name-First: Wojciech Author-X-Name-Last: Tycholiz Title: Reproduction and convertibility: examining wealth inequalities in South Africa Abstract: Inspired by Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of capital convertibility, this article investigates why wealth inequalities in South Africa under the African National Congress have remained so persistently stubborn and how it is possible that the revolutionary movement, ostensibly devoted to the ideals of the Freedom Charter, has not managed to radically improve matters 25 years after the fall of apartheid. Based on a series of interviews conducted with South African academics and members of civil society, the article seeks to provide some answers to this conundrum by tracing the roots of the problem to reproduction mechanisms that are deeply entrenched in the economy of South Africa, its politics and its educational system. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 292-311 Issue: 2 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1800450 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1800450 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:2:p:292-311 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mohammad Eslami Author-X-Name-First: Mohammad Author-X-Name-Last: Eslami Author-Name: Alena Vysotskaya Guedes Vieira Author-X-Name-First: Alena Vysotskaya Guedes Author-X-Name-Last: Vieira Title: Iran’s strategic culture: the ‘revolutionary’ and ‘moderation’ narratives on the ballistic missile programme Abstract: Drawing on an analytical framework that combines strategic culture theory with narrative analysis, this paper explores the recent evolution of Iran’s ballistic missile programme (BMP) (2015–2019). Iran’s strategic culture attributes a key role to the BMP but nevertheless allows room for manoeuvre in Iran’s security policy, which explains multiple and sometimes contradicting visions of the BMP. We demonstrate that Iran’s approach towards the programme is enveloped by political discourses, which shift with the direction of Iran’s international relations and domestic politics. We distinguish two competing narratives – ‘revolutionary’ and ‘moderation’ – and demonstrate how they define the opportunities and constraints of Iran’s military behaviour in different ways. Finally, we demonstrate a move towards a more confrontational approach, reflected in the consolidation of the ‘revolutionary’ narrative. This article contributes to a more fine-grained understanding of Iran’s policy towards its BMP, which remains central to Iran’s strategic culture. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 312-328 Issue: 2 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1813562 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1813562 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:2:p:312-328 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mariam Zaqout Author-X-Name-First: Mariam Author-X-Name-Last: Zaqout Author-Name: Sally Cawood Author-X-Name-First: Sally Author-X-Name-Last: Cawood Author-Name: Barbara E. Evans Author-X-Name-First: Barbara E. Author-X-Name-Last: Evans Author-Name: Dani J. Barrington Author-X-Name-First: Dani J. Author-X-Name-Last: Barrington Title: Sustainable sanitation jobs: prospects for enhancing the livelihoods of pit-emptiers in Bangladesh Abstract: Manual pit-emptying – the removal of faecal sludge from pits and tanks using hands or basic tools – is a widespread practice in Bangladesh, and in other low- and middle-income countries. Despite this, little is known about the livelihoods of pit-emptiers. This paper analyses data from six cases of pit-emptying in three cities in Bangladesh, across three different operational modes: private cooperatives, government employees and self-employed workers. These cases describe the experiences of emptiers from diverse socio-economic, religious and ethnic backgrounds, operating across a formal–informal spectrum. We find that government employees and self-employed groups are deprived of basic rights, fear a loss of income brought about by mechanisation and cannot access alternative livelihoods. While the status of emptiers in private cooperatives has improved recently due to the support of governmental oranisations (GOs) and non-governmental organisations (NGOs), the extent to which these cooperatives are sustainable, without the ongoing support of NGOs or GOs, remains unclear. In all modes, sustainable livelihoods are hindered by deep-rooted social and financial barriers. Organisations can support pit-emptiers by designing sanitation interventions that prioritise the human right to decent work, focussing not only on the beneficiaries of universal sanitation, but also on those who work to implement this ambitious goal. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 329-347 Issue: 2 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1810560 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1810560 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:2:p:329-347 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maïka Sondarjee Author-X-Name-First: Maïka Author-X-Name-Last: Sondarjee Title: Change and stability at the World Bank: inclusive practices and neoliberal technocratic rationality Abstract: Arguing that international development policymaking is technocratic is not new. However, examining technocracy as a political rationality sheds new light on intentionality, on the evolution of policymaking practices, and on change and stability as part of a single process. In short, the meaningful adoption of new inclusive practices (change) has stabilised World Bank employees’ mode of thought and action (stability). My overall argument is that World Bank employees translate potentially radical new knowledge, tools and concepts through a neoliberal technocratic rationality, thereby translating radical practices into technocratic ones. The concept of translation can further our understanding of how inclusion has reinforced rather than challenged the status quo. I thus consider both stability and change at the World Bank from 1980 to 2010, without downgrading either. This article also explores the spread of this political rationality to borrowing governments and populations through self-censorship and mirroring mechanisms, rendering old fashioned conditionalities obsolete. This research is based on extensive interview material and archival analysis. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 348-365 Issue: 2 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1838893 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1838893 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:2:p:348-365 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Güneş Murat Tezcür Author-X-Name-First: Güneş Murat Author-X-Name-Last: Tezcür Author-Name: Doreen Horschig Author-X-Name-First: Doreen Author-X-Name-Last: Horschig Title: A conditional norm: chemical warfare from colonialism to contemporary civil wars Abstract: The norm against chemical weapons (CW) is considered to be a strong and universal restraint against poisonous methods of warfare. Yet the repeated CW attacks during the Syrian civil war have raised questions about the robustness of this international norm. Under what conditions do third parties emphatically sanction violators of the norm? Adopting a historical approach, we analyse the discursive and contextual dynamics characterising the CW attacks since the early twentieth century. Employing process tracing, we consult a variety of rich archival resources including primary language documents to study a number of historical cases including late colonial wars during the interwar period, and Middle Eastern civil wars since the late twentieth century. Building on Judith Butler’s distinction of grievable and ungrievable lives and Didier Fassin’s notion of politics of life, we argue that the anti-CW norm has never had universal status and always remained conditional on a hierarchy of victims. CW attacks targeting certain groups have been more readily justifiable and generated ineffective and inconsistent third-party reactions. Consequently, certain groups, who are implicitly or explicitly perceived to be outside the pale of civilised order, remain more vulnerable to CW attacks than others. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 366-384 Issue: 2 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1834840 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1834840 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:2:p:366-384 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Laura S. Martin Author-X-Name-First: Laura S. Author-X-Name-Last: Martin Title: Deconstructing the local in peacebuilding practice: representations and realities of Fambul Tok in Sierra Leone Abstract: The ‘local’ has become central to peacebuilding, both in theory and in practice. While there is extensive conceptual literature analysing the ‘local’, there is much less that looks at how what is often considered local in peacebuilding programmes actually works in practice. The empirical peacebuilding literature that does exist has largely focussed on the international–local interface and those studies that have focussed solely on the ‘local’ largely rely on discussions with more elite civil society leaders. In contrast, this article empirically analyses ‘local–local’ dynamics. Using a Sierra Leonean peacebuilding project called Fambul Tok, this article both provides in-depth analysis on how the organisation externally projects itself as ‘local’ and contrasts this with how the organisation actually works in practice. Externally, Fambul Tok’s media materials equate ‘local’ with Sierra Leonean place and people, as well as notions of culture and tradition. However, by examining the dynamics between different Sierra Leoneans, including staff members and programme participants, a complex picture of the ‘local–local’ emerges. I argue that by engaging with comprehensive empirical research, we can understand how local peacebuilding is actually experienced and enacted and how the theoretical discussions of the ‘local’ and ‘local–local’ in peacebuilding converge with how peacebuilding works in practice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 385-401 Issue: 2 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1825071 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1825071 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:2:p:385-401 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anne Décobert Author-X-Name-First: Anne Author-X-Name-Last: Décobert Title: Health as a bridge to peace in Myanmar’s Kayin State: ‘working encounters’ for community development Abstract: This article explores ‘health as a bridge to peace’ in Myanmar’s Kayin State. It focuses on an Auxiliary Midwife training programme, which has created partnerships between actors historically divided by decades-long conflict. Drawing on ethnographic research, the article highlights the agency of community-level service providers, who are often overlooked in conventional approaches to peacebuilding. It demonstrates that community health workers are challenging top-down liberal approaches to peacebuilding and advancing an alternative approach to development and peace in their areas – one that emphasises systemic change and recognition of non-state governance systems. The shared lexicon and standardised practices of healthcare create ‘working encounters’ – encounters that ‘work’, because they enable actors historically divided by conflict to carve out an ‘apolitical’ space in an otherwise highly politicised context, while still allowing for different perspectives and agendas. These ‘working encounters’ in turn facilitate the development of understanding, trust and collaboration across conflict divides. Yet community-level actors face structural limitations, which are often underestimated by proponents of ‘health as a bridge to peace’. Nevertheless, this case study highlights significant contributions that community-level ‘working encounters’ can make to wider peace processes, as well as the need for hybrid and emancipatory practices of peace formation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 402-420 Issue: 2 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1829970 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1829970 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:2:p:402-420 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Estella Carpi Author-X-Name-First: Estella Author-X-Name-Last: Carpi Author-Name: Jessica Anne Field Author-X-Name-First: Jessica Anne Author-X-Name-Last: Field Author-Name: Sophie Isobel Dicker Author-X-Name-First: Sophie Isobel Author-X-Name-Last: Dicker Author-Name: Andrea Rigon Author-X-Name-First: Andrea Author-X-Name-Last: Rigon Title: From livelihoods to leisure and back: refugee ‘self-reliance’ as collective practices in Lebanon, India and Greece Abstract: Over the last two decades, leading humanitarian agencies in the Global North have increasingly promoted a policy of self-reliance, understood as making individual refugees financially independent from aid assistance through livelihood programmes. However, individual economic autonomy offers an incomplete picture of refugee well-being. Based on fieldwork conducted over 2017 in Halba (Lebanon), Delhi (India) and Thessaloniki (Greece), this multi-site study shows that non-camp refugees build on collective strategies at household, social network and community levels in efforts to develop mechanisms of survival and enfranchisement. These strategies include social and leisure activities as well as income-generating activities which are often organised compartmentally in humanitarian programming. We argue that while leisure and social mingling alone cannot ensure economic sustainability, they are fundamental dimensions of self-reliance as seen by refugees and should therefore be systematically included in livelihood programming.“It is on a living tree that the vine grows” (Ghanaian proverb teaching support, growth and interdependence on one another within the community). Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 421-440 Issue: 2 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1828852 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1828852 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:2:p:421-440 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Crelis F. Rammelt Author-X-Name-First: Crelis F. Author-X-Name-Last: Rammelt Title: The impact of COVID-19 on the eradication of poverty: an incorrect diagnosis Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic is said to have reversed a decade of progress towards poverty alleviation. This opinion piece contends that this diagnosis is incomplete and possibly incorrect. It distracts us from understanding the ways in which the impacts of the pandemic are embedded in a longer trajectory of unjust economic development. Two problems are highlighted: a more reasonable international poverty line shows that extreme poverty is on the rise, and the alleged progress fails to account for relatively fast-rising food prices. COVID-19 is therefore not reversing any meaningful trend; it is merely aggravating the problem. Ignoring this critique, the inclusive growth and productive employment agendas persist in their aim to incorporate the poor in an economic system that – compelled by its own logic – (re)produces poverty, inequality and hunger and undermines welfare. Simply reinforcing these agendas in light of COVID-19 bypasses the question of the desirability and viability of the system in which the poor are supposed to be incorporated. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 441-447 Issue: 2 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1860745 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1860745 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:2:p:441-447 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Notes on Contributors Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-3 Issue: 1 Volume: 26 Year: 2005 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/0143659042000322991 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/0143659042000322991 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:26:y:2005:i:1:p:1-3 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michael V Bhatia Author-X-Name-First: Michael V Author-X-Name-Last: Bhatia Title: Fighting words: naming terrorists, bandits, rebels and other violent actors Abstract: This introductory paper identifies some of the core background themes and theories through which the ‘politics of naming’ and other forms of discourse conflict can be examined. The focus is on the nature, power, role and function of names, with a final section examining the ethics of naming and examining terrorism. The central unifying theme is the contested relationship between the actual nature of a movement and the name applied, particularly in terms of the attempt to identify the essence or true nature of a movement and how this relates to other dissenting or surrounding factors. Once assigned, the power of a name is such that the process by which the name was selected generally disappears and a series of normative associations, motives and characteristics are attached to the named subject. Indeed, the long historical relationship between the naming of opponents, empire and colonialism, as well as the manner in which the global media frame armed conflict, only provide further reason to doubt the truthfulness of the names assigned, and their ability to address the micro-realities involved in these conflicts and movements. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 5-22 Issue: 1 Volume: 26 Year: 2005 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/0143659042000322874 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/0143659042000322874 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:26:y:2005:i:1:p:5-22 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: James Der Derian Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Der Derian Title: Imaging terror: logos, pathos and ethos Abstract: As verb, code and historical method, terrorism has consistently been understood as an act of symbolically intimidating and, if deemed necessary, violently eradicating a personal, political, social, ethnic, religious, ideological or otherwise radically differentiated foe. Yet, as noun, message and catch-all political signifier, the meaning of terrorism has proven more elusive. After the Cold War terror mutated from a logic of deterrence based on a nuclear balance of terror into a new imbalance of terror based on a mimetic fear and an asymmetrical willingness and capacity to destroy the other without the formalities of war. This imbalance is furthered by the multiple media, which transmit powerful images as well as triggering pathological responses to the terrorist event. Thanks to the immediacy of television, the internet and other networked information technology, we see terrorism everywhere in real time, all the time. In turn, terrorism has taken on an iconic, fetishised and, most significantly, highly optical character. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 23-37 Issue: 1 Volume: 26 Year: 2005 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/0143659042000322883 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/0143659042000322883 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:26:y:2005:i:1:p:23-37 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christina Hellmich Author-X-Name-First: Christina Author-X-Name-Last: Hellmich Title: Al-Qaeda—terrorists, hypocrites, fundamentalists? The view from within Abstract: This article investigates the ideology of Al-Qaeda as perceived from within the network. Particular attention is paid to the ideological background of Al-Qaeda's intellectual leadership, its sociopolitical context and the nature of its recruits. The inner logic of the Al-Qaeda organisation advances an intellectual concept that is not based on the main schools of Islamic theology, but on a new ideological starting point that results from the application of Islamic principles to sociopolitical change. With its political goals reinforced by the teachings of the Quran, exemplified by the content and rhetoric of a recently discovered training manual, the organisation creates powerful imagery embedded in the collective consciousness of the Muslim community. Thus, the message provided by Al-Qaeda inspires its followers to commit violent acts of destruction while being fully convinced that they are fulfilling the ordained will of Allah. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 39-54 Issue: 1 Volume: 26 Year: 2005 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/0143659042000322892 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/0143659042000322892 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:26:y:2005:i:1:p:39-54 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Robert L Ivie Author-X-Name-First: Robert L Author-X-Name-Last: Ivie Title: Savagery in democracy's empire Abstract: The language of savagery is indigenous to US political culture as the trope that legitimises war and empire. This article traces its recurrence and development throughout US history, from America's 18th century revolution to the post-World War II American century and from Cold War to the present open-ended war on terror—a continuing quest for empire under the sign of civilisation and democracy. The three main dimensions of the image of savagery and multiple sets of decivilising vehicles are identified as an initial step towards language critique. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 55-65 Issue: 1 Volume: 26 Year: 2005 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/0143659042000322900 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/0143659042000322900 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:26:y:2005:i:1:p:55-65 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michael J Schroeder Author-X-Name-First: Michael J Author-X-Name-Last: Schroeder Title: Bandits and blanket thieves, communists and terrorists: the politics of naming Sandinistas in Nicaragua, 1927 – 36 and 1979 – 90 Abstract: This article examines the politics of naming Sandinistas in Nicaragua during two periods of intense political and military struggle: the era of the Sandinista Revolution and Contra War (1979 – 90) and the era of the Sandino rebellion against the US Marines and Nicaraguan National Guard (1927 – 36). Focusing principally on the rhetorical and narrative strategies used by the USA and its Nicaraguan allies, the article explores the delegitimising master narratives concocted by these dominant groups and the efforts of two generations of Sandinistas and their allies to challenge these narratives. It argues that the politics of naming was embedded within a larger politics of storytelling, and that effective challenges to dominant groups' epithets must be grounded in historically informed challenges to the larger narratives from which they spring. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 67-86 Issue: 1 Volume: 26 Year: 2005 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/0143659042000322919 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/0143659042000322919 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:26:y:2005:i:1:p:67-86 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Suthaharan Nadarajah Author-X-Name-First: Suthaharan Author-X-Name-Last: Nadarajah Author-Name: Dhananjayan Sriskandarajah Author-X-Name-First: Dhananjayan Author-X-Name-Last: Sriskandarajah Title: Liberation struggle or terrorism? The politics of naming the ltte Abstract: This article examines the politics of naming in one of the longest-running and most intractable conflicts in the world: that between the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (ltte) and the Sri Lankan state. While the narratives presented by the ltte and the state in support of their respective positions are complex and range across a number of issues, this paper is primarily concerned with the politics of the ‘terrorist’ label as applied to the ltte. In particular, it examines how the characterisation of the conflict as a form of terrorism has affected its evolutionary course. While the Sri Lankan state has deployed the language of terrorism to further its strategic aims in both the domestic and international spheres, the label has not necessarily impeded the growth of the ltte's military capability but has, by denying the ltte international legitimacy, undermined the organisation's stated political project—Tamil self-determination. The article also outlines the contradictions between prevailing international attitudes to terrorism and the conduct of key international actors with regard to the protagonists in Sri Lanka and demonstrates how the sustained rhetoric of terrorism has become a serious impediment to reaching a permanent resolution of the conflict. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 87-100 Issue: 1 Volume: 26 Year: 2005 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/0143659042000322928 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/0143659042000322928 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:26:y:2005:i:1:p:87-100 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Russell Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Russell Title: Terrorists, bandits, spooks and thieves: Russian demonisation of the Chechens before and since 9/11 Abstract: The Russo-Chechen conflict, arguably the bloodiest confrontation in Europe since World War II, only attracts the attention of the Western media when the Chechens stage terrorist ‘spectaculars’ such as the ‘Nord-Ost’ or Beslan school sieges. Putin's uncompromisingly tough line against the Chechens is popular among an ethnic Russian electorate traumatised since its own ‘Black September’ in 1999. Since 9/11 this conflict has been presented almost exclusively as Russia's frontline in the international ‘war on terrorism’. All Chechens who oppose Putin's policies in Chechnya are dismissed as ‘terrorists’ and ‘bandits’. Yet a satisfactory political resolution of the conflict seems far off; thousands of Chechen civilians continue to suffer and die. Russia's attempt at ‘Chechenisation’ of the conflict appears to have achieved its ‘Palestinisation’. How far has the policy of demonising the Chechens, which helped Yeltsin and Putin to launch their respective wars, become a major obstacle to peace in Chechnya? Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 101-116 Issue: 1 Volume: 26 Year: 2005 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/0143659042000322937 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/0143659042000322937 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:26:y:2005:i:1:p:101-116 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: James McDougall Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: McDougall Title: Savage wars? Codes of violence in Algeria, 1830s – 1990s Abstract: Political violence in Algeria has often been accounted for only by recourse to caricatures of a society supposedly ‘intensely violent’ by nature, or else rationalised as the product of a peculiar political culture and national historical experience. Departing from both approaches, this article suggests that different occurrences of both state and non-state violence must be understood as particular, distinct moments in both the recomposition and breakdown of inherently conflictual social relations. While Algerian history (including colonial history) provides many examples of the non-violent negotiation of social and political tensions, the social production and experience of violence have been written into dominant historiographies and public culture in complex ways. These complexities of the successive ways in which different moments of violence have been encoded belie both theories of the inescapable reproduction of cyclical violence as a pattern of political behaviour, and less sophisticated, but enduring, clichés of ‘Algerian savagery’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 117-131 Issue: 1 Volume: 26 Year: 2005 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/0143659042000322946 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/0143659042000322946 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:26:y:2005:i:1:p:117-131 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Neta Bar Author-X-Name-First: Neta Author-X-Name-Last: Bar Author-Name: Eyal Ben-Ari Author-X-Name-First: Eyal Author-X-Name-Last: Ben-Ari Title: Israeli snipers in the Al-Aqsa intifada: killing, humanity and lived experience Abstract: This article is an analysis of Israeli military snipers who served during the Al-Aqsa intifada. It takes issue with the scholarly consensus that, for such acts to take place, perpetrators have to somehow dehumanise their enemies. Based on interviews with 30 individuals, it shows that snipers do not always need to dehumanise their targets and that they experience killing in conflicting ways, both as pleasurable and as disturbing. The snipers simultaneously deploy distancing mechanisms aimed at dehumanising enemies and constantly recognise their basic humanity. The article ends on a cautionary note: violence should not be seen as only belonging to the realm of the pathological. Rather we must be aware of rules of legitimate violence, the culturally specific ideology of violence at work in specific cases. This kind of ideology may ‘humanse’ enemies but still classify them as opponents against which violence may be legitimately used. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 133-152 Issue: 1 Volume: 26 Year: 2005 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/0143659042000322955 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/0143659042000322955 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:26:y:2005:i:1:p:133-152 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julie Peteet Author-X-Name-First: Julie Author-X-Name-Last: Peteet Title: Words as interventions: naming in the Palestine – Israel conflict Abstract: This paper examines the practice of naming events, actions, places and people in the Palestine – Israel conflict. It explores the way colonialism and the national project deploy transformations in naming to construct places and identities and craft widespread imaginaries about these places. Names form part of cultural systems that structure and nuance the way we imagine and understand the world. They embody ideological significance and moral attributes and can be consciously mobilised for various projects of power. Words and names reference a moral grammar that underwrites and reproduces power. As such, our analytical approaches to lexicons must be embedded in historical, political and cultural frameworks. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 153-172 Issue: 1 Volume: 26 Year: 2005 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/0143659042000322964 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/0143659042000322964 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:26:y:2005:i:1:p:153-172 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mona Harb Author-X-Name-First: Mona Author-X-Name-Last: Harb Author-Name: Reinoud Leenders Author-X-Name-First: Reinoud Author-X-Name-Last: Leenders Title: Know thy enemy: Hizbullah, ‘terrorism’ and the politics of perception Abstract: The labelling career of the Lebanese armed group and political party Hizbullah is an interesting case with which to investigate the epistemological consequences of the politics of naming. Having found itself since its inception in the mid-1980s on the receiving end of mainly US and Israeli policy makers' and analysts' scorn for being an archetypical terrorist organisation, Hizbullah has been surprisingly successful in achieving its stated aims and in enduring the verbal and military onslaught against it. Although it is not the intention here to reduce explanations for Hizbullah's durability to discursive politics, this article suggests that both the labelling of Hizbullah as terrorist and, conversely, its identification as a ‘lebanonised’ political force that is about to make its conversion into an unarmed political party are misleading and incapable of grasping this organisation's complexities. In fact, both ‘terrorist’ and ‘lebanonised’ labels produce a quality of knowledge inferior to that produced by Hizbullah's own conceptualisation of its enemies. But most importantly, the debate on Hizbullah's alleged terrorist nature has obscured several of its traits that many should register before passing judgement on it. Our analysis shows that the variety of institutions Hizbullah has been carefully elaborating and readapting over the past two decades in Lebanon operate today as a holistic and integrated network which produce sets of values and meanings embedded in an interrelated religious and political framework—that of the wilayat al-faqih. These meanings are disseminated on a daily basis among Shi'a constituencies through the party's institutionalised networks and serve to mobilise them into ‘the society of the Resistance’ (mujtamaa’ al-muqawama), which is the foundation of the hala al-islamiyya (Islamic sphere) in Lebanon. Accordingly, any prospect of Hizbullah's transformation away from armed ‘resistance’ should be firmly placed in an analysis of its hegemony among the Shi'a of Lebanon and of the tools it uses to acquire and sustain this status. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 173-197 Issue: 1 Volume: 26 Year: 2005 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/0143659042000322973 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/0143659042000322973 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:26:y:2005:i:1:p:173-197 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stuart Horsman Author-X-Name-First: Stuart Author-X-Name-Last: Horsman Title: Themes in official discourses on terrorism in Central Asia Abstract: This article explores the manner in which the governments of Central Asia, in particular Uzbekistan, have analysed and portrayed the actual and perceived threat from Islamist terrorism. It examines and critiques the core themes in this discourse, including the theoretical and legal definitions of the term terrorism, the delegitimisation and depoliticisation of the terrorist and the continuation of Soviet rhetoric on terrorism. It seeks to place this discourse in the wider political culture and objectives of the regimes and the broader security considerations of these newly independent states seeking to consolidate state- and nationhood. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 199-213 Issue: 1 Volume: 26 Year: 2005 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/0143659042000322982 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/0143659042000322982 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:26:y:2005:i:1:p:199-213 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Harry Verhoeven Author-X-Name-First: Harry Author-X-Name-Last: Verhoeven Title: ‘What is to be done?’ Rethinking socialism(s) and socialist legacies in a postcolonial world Abstract: Throughout the twentieth century, the ideas of Marx and Lenin were fervently listened to, adopted, modified and confronted in Africa and Asia – an ideational and organisational reservoir still of foremost importance today, as this volume demonstrates. What socialism has meant, and still means, in theory and in practice has always been highly heterogeneous. African and Asian movements have not simply mimicked the blueprints and dogmas of Soviet or European Marxists, but have built and contextualised their own: the postcolonial metamorphosis of class and regional order; the appropriate role – if any – of religion, culture and nationalism in their societies; the organisation of political institutions and economic control mechanisms after 1989, etc. Above all, what has set socialists in African and Asian societies apart from their comrades in Europe have been three great challenges they have had to simultaneously contend with in their articulations of liberation: how to build up empirical and juridical statehood, how to forge a nation after colonial divide-and-rule, and how to position themselves in a world order not of their making. In a postcolonial world, this then begs a key question: what can African and Asian imaginaries, institutions and practices tell us about socialism as a global phenomenon? Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 449-464 Issue: 3 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1867528 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1867528 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:3:p:449-464 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kevin W. Fogg Author-X-Name-First: Kevin W. Author-X-Name-Last: Fogg Title: Indonesian socialism of the 1950s: from ideology to rhetoric Abstract: From 1945 until 1965, virtually all Indonesian political parties claimed to follow some version of socialism. What did ‘socialism’ mean in this context, though? In economics, party platforms promoted aspects of redistribution and collective ownership, but the application of such ideologies was limited. In international relations, Indonesia was dedicated to a third way between the capitalist and communist superpowers, meaning ‘socialism’ was not generally invoked for foreign policy. Where many Asian and African Marxist experiments have been characterised by utopian visions, in Indonesia the future was framed in more nativist than socialist terms. In the end, the fact that socialism had such a diverse spectrum of understandings in Indonesian politics allowed different political streams to claim the term for highly different purposes, and eventually President Sukarno claimed the mantle of ‘Indonesian Socialism’ for his personalistic regime from the late 1950s. After ‘socialism’ was rendered virtually meaningless, it was easy for the leaders of an army-backed coup in 1965–1966 to paint it as dangerous in the wake of their anti-Communist campaign. Thus, within a decade ‘socialism’ went from ubiquitous engagement with collectivist economic principles to meaningless rhetorical device to political pariah. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 465-482 Issue: 3 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1794805 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1794805 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:3:p:465-482 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gabriele Siracusano Author-X-Name-First: Gabriele Author-X-Name-Last: Siracusano Title: Trade union education in former French Africa (1959–1965): ideological transmission and the role of French and Italian communists Abstract: The socialist experiences that were born in West Africa during the decolonisation of the French empire (1958–1960) showed their most significant expressions in Guinea and Mali. The two new independent republics took an anti-imperialist stance and chose to pursue a ‘non-capitalist’ development, supported by the USSR. The sudden departure of the European rulers left an untrained bureaucratic apparatus: the leading parties needed a political training for their own leadership and their mass structures to pursue a strategy of political and economic control of the state. The role of African unions became necessary in the orientation of state strategies and in the ideological dissemination of Marxism among workers. The connections of the sub-Saharan unions with the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) – referring to the international communist movement – and with the French Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) and the Italian Confederazione Generale Italana del Lavoro (CGIL) show the permeability of the African workers’ movement to the Marxist ideas coming from European communism, that were integrated with anti-imperialism and pan-Africanist anti-colonialism. The Guinean and Malian trade unions took a vanguard vocation of socialism in their respective countries, also making use of the technical assistance of European trade unionists who had come on behalf of the WFTU in Africa to train Union Générale des Travailleurs d’Afrique Noire (UGTAN) cadres. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 483-502 Issue: 3 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1815185 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1815185 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:3:p:483-502 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mohammed Turki Alsudairi Author-X-Name-First: Mohammed Turki Author-X-Name-Last: Alsudairi Title: Arab encounters with Maoist China: transnational journeys, diasporic lives and intellectual discourses Abstract: This paper examines the appeal exerted by Maoist China upon a broad category of Arab onlookers from the mid-twentieth century onwards. It accomplishes this by focussing on the writings of two categories of observers: short-term visitors, who had experienced China through government-organised planned tours, and long-term residents, foreign experts, who had been recruited by the Chinese state as language instructors, translators and editors. Across the ideological spectrum and with a high-degree of consistency, these diverse onlookers articulated highly romanticised images of Maoist China as a model for post-colonial modernity. These sympathetic imaginaries, the paper argues, stemmed less from a systematic engagement with Chinese realities on-the-ground, and more from a sense of anxiety over the Arab world. Maoist China was in essence reconceptualized as a ‘homeland that could have been,’ offering lessons as well as hope for the future as filtered through the ideological biases of these observers. The paper discusses the writings of short-term visitors and long-term residents through a broader retelling of the history of the Arab diaspora in Maoist and early post-Maoist China. It also utilises previously neglected sources, most notably the China-centric works of Salamah ‘Ubayd (1921–1984) and Hadi al-’Alawi (1932–1998), in presenting its key arguments. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 503-524 Issue: 3 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1837616 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1837616 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:3:p:503-524 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ankita Pandey Author-X-Name-First: Ankita Author-X-Name-Last: Pandey Title: Left turn to legalism: fact-finding inquiries as political critique in 1970s India Abstract: A defining feature of governmental abuse of power is that it is rendered invisible; official records conceal the suffering of the victim. To claim justice, activists have to first establish and document those acts of abuse. This article looks at the practice of voluntary and independent fact-finding investigations undertaken by first-generation civil rights activists in India. Such fact-finding exercises multiplied in the aftermath of the Naxalite movement (1967–1972) and the imposition of the Internal Emergency (1975–1977). The article examines the practice of fact-finding in the 1970s as a mode of activism, and what it reveals about the variegated nature of left political praxis in India. It examines the narratives I collected by conducting interviews with activists and analysing some of the earliest fact-finding reports from the period. The most distinguishing characteristic, I argue, of the practice of fact-finding in this period was that it was a hybrid of liberal legalism and left politics. This practice was a unique strategy that was liberal legalist in its form while retaining an affinity with movements on the far left that denounced ‘bourgeois’ state and law. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 525-542 Issue: 3 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1851595 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1851595 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:3:p:525-542 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Radoslav Yordanov Author-X-Name-First: Radoslav Author-X-Name-Last: Yordanov Title: Free to decide their destiny? Indigenous resistance to external forms of socialist modernity in Siad Barre’s Somalia Abstract: Based on a wealth of original material from Russian and East European archives, in addition to Western primary sources, this paper focuses on the uneasy Soviet–Somali patron–client relationship in the 1970s. It traces the development of Moscow’s stake in Mogadishu since Mohamed Siad Barre’s coup d’état in 1969 and dissects largely futile Soviet attempts at embedding lasting presence in Somalia’s military ranks and security apparatus. As this paper shows, Somalia’s socialist experiment proved a challenging affair on multiple counts, not only for the Soviets but also for the African country’s leaders. Mogadishu’s turn to the left faced serious opposition from within Somalia’s own society, suffered from insufficient commitment and division within the state apparatus, and was confronted by local and international pressures coming from Arab and Western quarters. This cleavage strongly impeded the successful completion of the arduous tasks of socialism-building, resulting in short-lived and largely unsuccessful experiments at little understood social engineering. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 543-559 Issue: 3 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1722096 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1722096 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:3:p:543-559 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Harry Verhoeven Author-X-Name-First: Harry Author-X-Name-Last: Verhoeven Title: The party and the gun: African liberation, Asian comrades and socialist political technologies Abstract: In many African states, decolonisation brought neither prosperity nor meaningful independence. The discontent with weak political and economic sovereignty led African revolutionaries to seek support from Asia, a proximity that continues to endure long after 1989. This paper focuses on decades of diverse forms of political interaction – ideational inspiration, policy emulation, party-to-party cooperation – between several Asian states, such as China, Korea and Viet Nam, and African (neo)liberation movements turned governments, from Eritrea and Ethiopia to Mozambique and Tanzania. Socialist imaginaries, institutions and, above all, technologies of rule have been central in these processes and far more prominent – substantively and rhetorically – than any alternative ideology: the development of the vanguard Party, operated through democratic centralism; the popular defence force, an army loyal to the Party; and state capitalism to control the economy’s commanding heights. These enduring ties between African and Asian comrade state-builders, and the quest for heterodox political modernities they represent, have been largely overlooked, especially in the post-Cold War period. They not only shed light on alternative political geographies and transnational histories of Africa and Asia, but also alert us to present-day ideological projects that differ starkly from Western liberal hegemony and its emphasis on Washington Consensus-style economics and representational democracy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 560-581 Issue: 3 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1791069 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1791069 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:3:p:560-581 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jason Sumich Author-X-Name-First: Jason Author-X-Name-Last: Sumich Title: ‘Just another African country’: socialism, capitalism and temporality in Mozambique Abstract: Here, I examine the legacies of Marx and Lenin for the Indian Ocean nation of Mozambique by tracing nation-building projects from the late colonial period to the present. By combining Archambault’s insights concerning the ‘politics of pretense’ in Mozambique with McGovern’s arguments concerning the development of a durable set of national dispositions in socialist Guinea, I explore the legacies of transformative projects in Mozambique and their contradictions. Mozambican socialism was an ambitious attempt to escape previous colonial practices and build a new kind of durable and all-encompassing national belonging. I argue that this attempt was, paradoxically, both successful and something that soon became mired in new forms of political pretense. I then explore the ways in which the legacies of the socialist period have continued to uphold Frelimo’s rule. This is evident both symbolically, through the party’s influence over what it means to be a ‘modern’ Mozambican, and materially, through structures of democratic centralism and the interpellation of the party, state and security services. However, the gradual decoupling of utopian ambitions and revolutionary temporalities, based on an idea of a messianic future, have sapped the coherence of Frelimo’s political project, and the party’s hegemony now teeters on precarious foundations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 582-598 Issue: 3 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1788933 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1788933 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:3:p:582-598 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vedi R. Hadiz Author-X-Name-First: Vedi R. Author-X-Name-Last: Hadiz Title: Indonesia’s missing Left and the Islamisation of dissent Abstract: The demise of Leftist political traditions in Indonesia has come to facilitate newer Islamic expressions of socio-political discontent accompanying socio-economic modernisation in localities that used to be dominated by communist and radical nationalist organisations. Because social grievances related to endemic issues like social injustice are increasingly being framed through Islamic cultural references, there will be implications for the workings of Indonesian democracy, premised on secular state institutions. But this does not lead to the sort of post-Islamism associated by Bayat with Iran, where the imperatives of running a modern state and economy once purportedly enabled pluralist social inclinations, albeit within an Islamised polity. Nor does it lead to the generalised ‘Islamisation of radicalism’ envisaged by Roy. Rather, what is witnessed is the substantial, though by no means uncontested, mainstreaming of social grievances through the lexicon of Islamic politics within Indonesian democracy even if there has been no take-over of the state by Islamic forces. The adoption of such framings even in the former bastions of the Indonesian Communist Party, once the third largest in the world, provides important insights into how hegemonic contests have taken place in the Muslim world after the end of the Cold War. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 599-617 Issue: 3 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1768064 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1768064 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:3:p:599-617 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tuong Vu Author-X-Name-First: Tuong Author-X-Name-Last: Vu Title: The legacies of Marx and Lenin in Vietnam: a historical and regional perspective Abstract: In conversation with other essays in this collection but with a focus on Vietnam within a regional East Asian perspective, this essay explores the great significance of Marxist and Leninist legacies by reviewing the historical contexts in which Marxist and Leninist movements emerged as contenders in national politics, and the creation and evolution of socialist institutions where communists took power. Those institutions helped communist regimes dominate their societies for decades and remain important today. Yet how long these regimes can survive in the face of rapidly growing demands for political freedom is an open question. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 618-629 Issue: 3 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1860744 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1860744 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:3:p:618-629 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julia C. Strauss Author-X-Name-First: Julia C. Author-X-Name-Last: Strauss Title: Ambivalent successes, magnificent failures and historical afterlives: a postscript to Marx and Lenin in Africa and Asia Abstract: This article concludes a remarkable collection on the Left in Africa and Asia. Drawing on the contributions to this volume, it reasserts the importance of the Left’s sacred texts that, aligned to a takeover of the state, enabled the implementation of socialist programmes. It also cautions that in most places the Left was defeated, and posits that when it prevailed, it usually did so because of its ability, in joining unimpeachable leadership and organisation with an anti-colonial struggle to overcome pre-existing cleavages of religion and ethnicity, to create a new imaginary of modernity and development. It concludes by suggesting that the legacies of the socialism in Asia and Africa live on today with the rise of China and the ways in which the ruling socialist parties of Asia and Africa are now welcoming in a China that continues to confound neo-liberal expectations of development and modernity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 630-640 Issue: 3 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1886583 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1886583 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:3:p:630-640 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Temitope B. Oriola Author-X-Name-First: Temitope B. Author-X-Name-Last: Oriola Title: Framing and movement outcomes: the #BringBackOurGirls movement Abstract: This paper is concerned with two questions: What are the master frames of the #BringBackOurGirls (#BBOG) movement? Why did the #BBOG attract significant global attention but achieve only moderate success in its goal – the release of all the school girls kidnapped by Boko Haram in Chibok in April 2014? The paper draws on primary and secondary data to argue that the international attention generated by #BBOG framing had historically specific resonance with local contestations for political power. The reverberation of the framing led to the alienation of key political actors in Nigeria who could have helped achieve the movement’s objective. The involvement of elite women in the movement played a major role in its global popularity but their political activities and loyalties before and during movement activities influenced local perceptions of the movement. The #BBOG’s rhetorical over-reliance on international support for achieving the movement’s objective was a strategic error. The #BBOG experience suggests the need for activists, particularly in the developing world, to recognise the constraints of their political context, work with local actors to achieve objectives, and publicise what ‘international support’ means for movement objectives. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 641-660 Issue: 4 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1811663 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1811663 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:4:p:641-660 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tarela Juliet Ike Author-X-Name-First: Tarela Juliet Author-X-Name-Last: Ike Author-Name: Danny Singh Author-X-Name-First: Danny Author-X-Name-Last: Singh Author-Name: Dung Ezekiel Jidong Author-X-Name-First: Dung Ezekiel Author-X-Name-Last: Jidong Author-Name: Sean Murphy Author-X-Name-First: Sean Author-X-Name-Last: Murphy Author-Name: Evangelyn Ebi Ayobi Author-X-Name-First: Evangelyn Ebi Author-X-Name-Last: Ayobi Title: Rethinking reintegration in Nigeria: community perceptions of former Boko Haram combatants Abstract: Since the emergence of Boko Haram and its terrorist activities in Nigeria, policy initiatives have included deradicalisation and reintegration of former combatants to curtail extremism and bolster stability. Central to deradicalisation is the efficacy of reintegration programmes. While much emphasis is placed on recidivism as a basis for determining the efficacy of reintegration programmes, studies on how communities perceive the reintegration of deradicalised former combatants, and those labelled terrorists, are scarce. To address this issue of the quality of reintegration programmes, a qualitative method using semi-structured interviews was employed for this study. Twenty-four Christian and Muslim participants were recruited from Lagos and Plateau states in Nigeria. Thematic data analysis was deployed from a social identity theoretical framework. The study found perceived indifference and fear regarding the ability of former Boko Haram combatants to genuinely reform or repent from terrorist acts. The study therefore recommends the provision of context-specific counter-narratives that shift the perceived public fear of unrepentant former combatants to a more positive outlook. Such optimism can embrace reconciliation to aid the successful reintegration of former terrorist combatants into Nigerian communities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 661-678 Issue: 4 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1872376 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1872376 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:4:p:661-678 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anna Barford Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Barford Title: Challenging inequality in Kenya, Mexico and the UK Abstract: The structures that we use to think and talk about inequality influence how we make sense of disparities, and also contribute to political choices and calls for change. While local and national inequalities and perceptions thereof have been widely studied, studies at wider geographic scales are comparatively rare. Here I investigate how teachers in Kenya, Mexico and the UK critique inequality. From group discussions, three main arguments against inequality emerged in each of the three countries: (1) the framing of inequality as an inclusive and relational concept; (2) moral distaste for the coexistence of extreme wealth with poverty; and (3) attributing the causes of inequality to larger political and economic systems. The analysis reveals that when people describe themselves as being connected to, enmeshed within, responsible for, or morally outraged by inequality, their critiques of it tend to be stronger. In contrast, those who offer weaker critiques of inequality position themselves as separate from it, or as having no leverage to challenge it. The strong discourses already in the public sphere offer support for policy interventions aimed at reducing inequality. This identification of stronger and weaker discursive challenges to inequality may be mirrored in public discussions of other global challenges. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 679-698 Issue: 4 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1826299 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1826299 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:4:p:679-698 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shreya Sinha Author-X-Name-First: Shreya Author-X-Name-Last: Sinha Title: Revisiting agrarian questions of capital: examining diversification by capitalist farmers in Punjab, India Abstract: While economic diversification by capitalist farmers in India is a commonly accepted fact, it is rarely analysed through the lens of agrarian questions of capital. This paper argues that questions about the movement and transformation of agrarian capital continue to be significant in understanding contemporary processes of agrarian change and rural development. However, these need to be studied by looking beyond the agrarian transition debate in contexts where agrarian capitalism has consolidated itself and non-agricultural capitalist development is not fuelled by agrarian capital. Using the case of the state of Punjab and drawing on intensive field research, the paper examines a broad spectrum of non-farm investments and activities of large capitalist farmers, including agriculture-based business, non-agricultural business, education-based diversification and international migration. It shows that both industrial investments and mobility through education have been limited. International migration is a preferred, but also risky, channel for the utilisation of agrarian surplus. The analysis takes seriously experiences of failure of non-agricultural businesses, resulting in the circulation of agrarian capital across the agricultural and non-agricultural sectors. This both further strains accumulation within agriculture and reveals the limits to productive investment in the non-agricultural economy imposed by historically specific social, political and economic conditions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 699-716 Issue: 4 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1873762 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1873762 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:4:p:699-716 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Betul Dogan-Akkas Author-X-Name-First: Betul Author-X-Name-Last: Dogan-Akkas Title: The UAE’s foreign policymaking in Yemen: from bandwagoning to buck-passing Abstract: The military intervention in Yemen is analysed in this paper within a context dominated by the United Arab Emirates (UAE). There are several scholarly works regarding the Emirates’ involvement in Yemen, but there are only a few about the recent series of transformations that the policymaking has undergone. This research aims to fill this gap by arguing that the prioritisation of national interest has transformed the Emirati policy regarding Yemen from ‘bandwagoning’ to ‘buck-passing’. The main objective in this paper is to scrutinise the UAE’s motivations in engaging in a buck-passing strategy towards Qatar and Saudi Arabia. From this point of view, any proper examination of the UAE’s drivers in policy change must begin by investigating the relationship between internal and external motivations. The assessment combines levels of systemic and individual dimensions in order to examine two main motivations as to why the buck-passing is articulated to bandwagoning. A structural complexity is embedded in the UAE’s strategies. Prioritisation of economic gains over military interests and the consolidation of internal power are two reasons for such policy transformation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 717-735 Issue: 4 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1842730 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1842730 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:4:p:717-735 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: James Wilson Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Wilson Title: Losing currency? The shifting landscape of the CFA franc zones Abstract: In light of proposed reforms to the West African Communauté Financiere Africaine (CFA) franc, as jointly announced by the French and Ivorian Presidents in December 2019, this article considers the changing economic and political backdrop of this post-colonial arrangement. It describes the factors that led to its creation and the elements that have enabled it to endure for over half a century, in contrast to non-Francophone Africa, where monetary links to the former colonial power were quickly severed after independence. It is argued that some of the benefits of the CFA arrangement have receded over time, while the arguments against it have not, both from an economic and a political perspective. Despite these reforms, there is considerable uncertainty and a lack of consensus over possible alternatives to the current CFA franc arrangement, and as a consequence the future monetary geography of West and Central Africa remains unclear. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 736-754 Issue: 4 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1852078 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1852078 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:4:p:736-754 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vahram Ter-Matevosyan Author-X-Name-First: Vahram Author-X-Name-Last: Ter-Matevosyan Author-Name: Anna Drnoian Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Drnoian Title: Problems of foreign service and diplomacy in the post-Soviet context: the case of Armenia Abstract: The institutional development of many post-Communist countries remains a daunting task. Since the early 1990s, some of them have managed to achieve visible results in eradicating corruption and enhancing the effectiveness and accountability of public institutions, while others still struggle with several systemic problems. Since regaining its independence Armenia has managed to transform some of its public institutions by carrying out large-scale reforms; however, much remains to be done. The present research examines the institutional features of Armenia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) before the 2015 constitutional amendments, which changed the semi-presidential system of government to parliamentary democracy. It particularly looks at the MFA’s effectiveness in policy planning and formulation, its relation to the presidential administration, its recruitment strategies and the promotional prospects of the diplomatic staff. The study argues that for the past decade or so the impact of the MFA on foreign policy decisions has been limited, whereas the evaluation of recruitment and career promotion policies reveals several significant systemic deficiencies. Existing research on post-Soviet states concentrates mainly on diverse foreign policy and geopolitical problems and rarely pays attention to institutional considerations. The present research aims to address this gap. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 755-774 Issue: 4 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1866529 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1866529 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:4:p:755-774 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maxwell A. Cameron Author-X-Name-First: Maxwell A. Author-X-Name-Last: Cameron Title: The return of oligarchy? Threats to representative democracy in Latin America Abstract: Long regarded by students of comparative politics as an important if muddled concept, oligarchy, as I define it, denotes modes of rule in which public office holders govern with a view to the private interests of the wealthy. The enabling condition in a democratic regime is weak institutional mechanisms of citizen representation and participation. The persistence of oligarchic modes of rule under democracy helps account for the enduring appeal of populism in Latin America. This article outlines the classical theory of oligarchy, examines the use of the concept in contemporary theories of comparative politics, describes oligarchic modes of rule in Latin America’s hierarchical market economies, offers an account of the dynamics of populist mobilisation and oligarchic modes of rule in Peru, and draws lessons from the Odebrecht corruption scandal. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 775-792 Issue: 4 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1865794 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1865794 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:4:p:775-792 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Toygar Sinan Baykan Author-X-Name-First: Toygar Sinan Author-X-Name-Last: Baykan Author-Name: Yaprak Gürsoy Author-X-Name-First: Yaprak Author-X-Name-Last: Gürsoy Author-Name: Pierre Ostiguy Author-X-Name-First: Pierre Author-X-Name-Last: Ostiguy Title: Anti-populist coups d’état in the twenty-first century: reasons, dynamics and consequences Abstract: There is a burgeoning literature on how to deal with populism in advanced liberal democracies, which puts a strong emphasis on legalist and pluralist methods. There is also a new and expanding literature that looks at the consequences of coups d’état for democracies by employing large-N data sets. These two recent literatures, however, do not speak to one another, based on the underlying assumption that coups against populists were a distinctly twentieth-century Latin American phenomenon. Yet the cases of Venezuela in 2002, Thailand in 2006 and Turkey in 2016 show that anti-populist coups have also occurred in the twenty-first century. Focussing on these cases, the article enquires about the extent to which military coups succeed against populists. The main finding is that although anti-populist coups may initially take over the government, populism survives in the long run. Thus, anti-populist coups fail in their own terms and they do not succeed in eradicating populism. In fact, in the aftermath of a coup, populism gains further legitimacy against what it calls repressive elites, while possibilities for democratisation are further eroded. This is because populists tap into existing socio-cultural divides and politically mobilise the hitherto underrepresented sectors in their societies that endure military interventions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 793-811 Issue: 4 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1871329 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1871329 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:4:p:793-811 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Xu Wang Author-X-Name-First: Xu Author-X-Name-Last: Wang Author-Name: Chris King-Chi Chan Author-X-Name-First: Chris King-Chi Author-X-Name-Last: Chan Author-Name: Linchuan Yang Author-X-Name-First: Linchuan Author-X-Name-Last: Yang Title: Economic restructuring and migrant workers’ coping strategies in China’s Pearl River Delta Abstract: To tackle internal and external challenges, the Chinese government has made great efforts to promote economic upgrading, but little scholarly attention has been paid to its social consequences. Previous studies have found that economic restructuring is often associated with economic shock and industry shift, noting that social upgrading does not automatically follow economic upgrading, and workers can become economic victims. Given China’s individual rights-based labour regulatory framework, it is necessary to explore workers’ individual strategies to tackle economic restructuring. In light of this, this study analyses how migrant workers in the Pearl River Delta cope with economic restructuring. Interviews were conducted with 72 participants, including migrant workers, scholars, employers and officials. The interviews revealed that to deal with the pushing-out effect of economic restructuring, migrant workers often use strategies of individual resistance, re-employment, skill upgrading, reducing living costs, migrating to other cities, and returning to farming. Policy recommendations are proposed accordingly. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 812-830 Issue: 4 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1873763 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1873763 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:4:p:812-830 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Juan A. Bogliaccini Author-X-Name-First: Juan A. Author-X-Name-Last: Bogliaccini Title: The technocratic barrier to wage policy: theoretical insights from the Chilean Concertación Abstract: After Latin America’s transition to a market economy in the 1980s and 1990s, most left-wing governments in the region recognised the importance of committing to macroeconomic equilibria and successfully managed to combine this goal with a wide array of social policies. Wage policy, however, proved a conflictive arena in the wake of a period of harsh austerity measures. This article provides unique insights from the experience of the Chilean Concertación governments (1990–2010) about the important role intra-left conflicts played in the advancement of collective labour rights. My working hypothesis is that the conflict between technocrats and non-technocrat political cadres in conjunction with a perceived trade-off between growth and distribution was a major determinant of wage outcomes. My analysis relies on a mixed-methods approach combining regression analysis and process tracing. Chile’s attempts at labour reform during the Concertación governments help explain how the perceived trade-off mentioned above may have unfolded not only in Latin America but also in other regions of the developing world. The novelty of this analysis lies in highlighting intra-left conflict as an important and understudied driver of labour and wage policies and elucidating the political economy of distributive strategies during the period 1990–2010. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 831-854 Issue: 4 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1819784 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1819784 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:4:p:831-854 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kristine Eck Author-X-Name-First: Kristine Author-X-Name-Last: Eck Author-Name: Dara Kay Cohen Author-X-Name-First: Dara Kay Author-X-Name-Last: Cohen Title: Time for a change: the ethics of student-led human subjects research on political violence Abstract: Undergraduate and master’s students frequently conduct independent human subjects research on topics related to political violence and human rights – often, but not always, in the field. This work may involve the direct collection of data from vulnerable populations, in unstable contexts and about sensitive topics. However, despite the rich literature about research ethics, the ethics of advising, enabling and encouraging this type of student research on political violence has been largely overlooked. This article aims to (1) raise awareness about the proliferation of students engaging in human subject research on topics related to political violence and human rights; (2) discuss the risks inherent in this enterprise that are distinct from those that many faculty and doctoral students face; (3) provide suggestions about how to mitigate some of those risks, including a shift away from fieldwork-based research projects. We argue that it is a collective responsibility to require that students engage in ethical practices, including more thoughtful and creative selection of research questions, sites and populations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 855-866 Issue: 4 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1864215 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1864215 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:4:p:855-866 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lisa Åkesson Author-X-Name-First: Lisa Author-X-Name-Last: Åkesson Title: European migration to Africa and the coloniality of knowledge: the Portuguese in Maputo Abstract: This article is about people living in the Global South who in their daily interactions cross what Boaventura de Sousa Santos calls ‘the abyssal line’. It portrays encounters between Portuguese migrants and Mozambican locals in the capital city of Maputo. The article specifically focuses on their interactions at workplaces and highlights the narratives through which they talk about and practise the transfer of knowledge taking place between them. An absolute fundament in these processes is the coloniality of knowledge or the epistemic dimension of (post)colonial domination. As the author demonstrates, both parties have naturalised the coloniality of knowledge, which implies that Portuguese migrants tend to see it as their inherent and natural right and duty to lecture and train the Mozambicans they work with. The Portuguese’s epistemological approach is intimately tied to their understanding of Mozambicans as human beings – or, in other words, the coloniality of knowledge goes hand in hand with the coloniality of being, or the existential dimension of (post)colonial domination. The author’s analysis revolves around the attitudes of the Portuguese, as described by themselves, but the article ends with a representation of Mozambican discursive attempts to unsettle Portuguese dominant positions and thereby resist the coloniality of being. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 922-938 Issue: 5 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1768063 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1768063 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:5:p:922-938 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alpha Furbell Lisimba Author-X-Name-First: Alpha Furbell Author-X-Name-Last: Lisimba Author-Name: Swati Parashar Author-X-Name-First: Swati Author-X-Name-Last: Parashar Title: The ‘state’ of postcolonial development: China–Rwanda ‘dependency’ in perspective Abstract: This paper aims to investigate the impact of China’s aid, trade and investments on the development trajectories in postcolonial Africa, focussed on Rwanda. The analytical framework of this study is informed by Helen Milner’s observation that ‘International political economy is a growth industry’. Furthermore, the study deploys dependency theory and world systems theory to examine how the global economic configuration operates though the hierarchy of core, semi-periphery and periphery among the states. Our focus on Rwanda is based on our observation that this small, landlocked, natural resources-deficient, aid-dependent country is an atypical destination for Chinese patronage and investments. We argue that as a non-resource rich country, Rwanda presents an anomaly, thus, underlining the gap in the existing knowledge on China–Africa engagements. We discuss the inherent dependency in the neoliberal economic structure and present a case for using dependency theory to understand and explain the contemporary globalised economy and emerging South–South cooperation. We conclude with a call for more in-depth cross-comparative research on China–Africa relations to grasp the magnitude of dependencies and economic transformations within postcolonial African states. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1105-1123 Issue: 5 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1815527 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1815527 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:5:p:1105-1123 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Swati Parashar Author-X-Name-First: Swati Author-X-Name-Last: Parashar Author-Name: Michael Schulz Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Schulz Title: Colonial legacies, postcolonial ‘selfhood’ and the (un)doing of Africa Abstract: The debate triggered by recent publications and research justifying colonialism demands an intellectual engagement with the histories of colonialism, and their impact on postcolonial trajectories of development, peace and conflict. The argument that colonialism inspired development in societies that embraced its modernity project, enlightened governance and efficient administration – which in turn inspired national consciousness embedded in anti-colonial struggles – has been extensively critiqued. However, less attention has been paid to colonialism’s enduring everyday impact and visible continuities. We argue that the present political moment defined by right-wing, conservative and insular nationalisms and racisms – particularly in Western polities – requires deeper critique. It demands an intensive re-engagement with colonialism’s legacies, the politics of race and racism and the postcolonial (un)making of ‘selfhood’ and ‘nation-statehood’ evidenced in many parts of the world. This collection revisits the impact of colonialism on the postcolonial politics and decolonial developments in Africa; its focus is to reinvestigate the endurance and efficacy of the power relations devised and propagated by the European colonial projects and their continued presence in African states and societies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 867-881 Issue: 5 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1903313 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1903313 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:5:p:867-881 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Roland Ndille Author-X-Name-First: Roland Author-X-Name-Last: Ndille Title: Schools with invisible fences in the British Southern Cameroons, 1916–1961: colonial curriculum and the ‘other’ side of modernist thinking Abstract: In this paper, I revisit the popular position in British colonial education literature which suggests there is no evidence that Britain had any predetermined wish to dominate, subvert or control the minds of Africans with an official education policy emanating from Whitehall, the seat of the colonial office. I have used archival data and some critical testimonies from Cameroon to show that British colonial education was experienced and understood differently. Cameroon is relatively unrepresented in the colonial legacy discourse, especially in the context of education. I argue that the curriculum contents and the overall school culture at both the senior elementary and secondary school levels were essentially Eurocentric and therefore served purposes of cultural imperialism. This was not an unintended fallout of curriculum implementation, but a major goal of British colonial education policy initiated at the colonial office and sustained by various colonial administrations. I conclude that a discussion of British colonial education based on policy documents which advocated adaptation, without an emic perspective of their experience with implementation, is likely an unfinished appraisal of Britain’s goal in educating her colonial territories. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1033-1051 Issue: 5 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1744431 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1744431 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:5:p:1033-1051 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michael Schulz Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Schulz Author-Name: Ezechiel Sentama Author-X-Name-First: Ezechiel Author-X-Name-Last: Sentama Title: The relational legacies of colonialism: peace education and reconciliation in Rwanda Abstract: This article argues that decolonising educational undertakings is a difficult task, even when the ambitions to apply decolonising approaches are clearly articulated. Our case analysis of two contemporary master’s in peace education programmes in Rwanda, that explicitly focus on reconciliation, shows evidence of limited capacity by the educators to decolonise them. We draw from semi-structured interviews with students and teachers, as well as text analysis of syllabuses, course guides, etc, and demonstrate that access for all societal groups to the programmes is restricted: the extent of decolonisation of the education itself, including alternative narratives of the conflict history as well as the conceptualisation of ethnic ‘identity’ within peace education, is still limited. These master of arts programmes thus preserve colonial legacies and contribute to maintain historical hierarchical relations between the Hutu and Tutsi groups in the country. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1052-1068 Issue: 5 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1853521 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1853521 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:5:p:1052-1068 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Edem Adotey Author-X-Name-First: Edem Author-X-Name-Last: Adotey Title: An imaginary line? Decolonisation, bordering and borderscapes on the Ghana–Togo border Abstract: Africa’s inherited colonial borders have been central in debates on decolonisation for reasons that include challenges posed to African mobilities and identities, suggesting that there is a crisis of ideas about the border. This article draws on critical border studies (CBS) to examine the agency and negotiating capabilities of border residents using Leklebi and Wli, on the Ghana–Togo border, as case studies. How are discourses and practices of the border embedded in the contemporary everyday life of the borderland residents? What do their bordering practices reveal about their borderscapes? Are borderscapes being created or negotiated dependent on context? It argues that in these borderlands, borderscapes and bordering are conceived and expressed contextually not only through the lens of the postcolonial territorial border but also through the precolonial migration histories as well as precolonial concepts of political space. It contributes to border studies by highlighting the importance of historical and cultural factors in bordering and borderscapes. An understanding of such complexities may, in a significant way, help us to rethink or reconsider the arbitrariness of borders. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1069-1086 Issue: 5 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1813019 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1813019 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:5:p:1069-1086 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rirhandu Mageza-Barthel Author-X-Name-First: Rirhandu Author-X-Name-Last: Mageza-Barthel Title: Transnational choices and anti-apartheid resistance: African–Chinese movements Abstract: After more than 25 years South Africa’s democratisation in 1994, marks a point to re-interrogate the relations between South Africa and China. During the apartheid regime, colonial rule was perpetuated and unleashed its effects in a gendered manner. The dawn of South Africa’s democracy introduced a formal decolonisation, which guaranteed equal rights and the end of systematic discrimination for all its citizens; it also brought with it a change in the international relations the government maintained. To underline the gendered dynamics of such relations, I show how women within liberation movements, who overall have not received due attention in China–Africa engagements, have always been a part thereof. Whereas transregional ties bolstered anti-apartheid resistance in the country, the legacies of South Africa’s previous authoritarian system remain palpable today. Calls for substantive decolonisation geared towards addressing the multi-layered injustices of the past take place alongside longstanding, contested South African–Chinese relations. In this article, I thus provide an inclusive transregional political history of gendered liberation politics and refer to an era where transnational choices in anti-colonial resistance extended to include exchanges with China. By doing so, I complicate narratives of Chinese–African cooperation and reflect on the potential to democratise such politics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1087-1104 Issue: 5 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1859363 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1859363 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:5:p:1087-1104 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Paul Omach Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Omach Title: International peacebuilding and local contestations of notions of human rights in Acholi in Northern Uganda Abstract: This paper examines the contestation over human rights norms between Acholi traditional authorities and everyday realities on the one hand, and international peacebuilding actors on the other. Within this contestation, the focus is on women’s and children’s rights. When implementing human rights programmes, some international peacebuilding actors presented culture and rights as conflictual and attributed human rights violations to culture. This created tension between Acholi traditional authorities and everyday realities on the one hand, and international peacebuilding actors on the other. The paper argues that Acholi traditional authorities responded to the ‘assault’ on Acholi cultural values by presenting alternative narratives of human rights violations, to show that culture and rights overlap and are not conflictual. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 939-955 Issue: 5 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1817734 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1817734 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:5:p:939-955 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen Chan Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Chan Title: A multitude of decolonial metropoles – what navigation for commonality and unity? Abstract: This paper offers both a personal view of what decolonisation means, and the ingredients required to take the project forward. It cannot be a slogan without methodology and mindfulness of methodological nuances in different cultures and languages, that is, it cannot be a metropolitan discipline. It cannot be a hollow call against a generalised ­contamination. The paper then reviews other contributions to this ­volume and suggests their value in accomplishing progress towards the decolonial. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1124-1133 Issue: 5 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1900722 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1900722 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:5:p:1124-1133 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kassim Mwanika Author-X-Name-First: Kassim Author-X-Name-Last: Mwanika Author-Name: Andrew Ellias State Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Ellias Author-X-Name-Last: State Author-Name: Peter Atekyereza Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Atekyereza Author-Name: Torun Österberg Author-X-Name-First: Torun Author-X-Name-Last: Österberg Title: Colonial legacies and contemporary commercial farming outcomes: sugarcane in Eastern Uganda Abstract: This article explores the impact of nineteenth-century colonial activities of cash crop farming which altered existing forms of land use from subsistence to capitalist commercial farming. Such modifications had long-term implications for postcolonial development paths by producing and reproducing structures that skew the benefits of commercial farming towards the capitalist agenda at the expense of the welfare of the local population. The article builds on the debates over colonial legacies of agrarian transformation using commercial sugarcane farming in eastern Uganda. Using youth surveys, qualitative tools and document reviews, the authors argue that the detrimental effects of sugarcane farming are a recurrence of capitalism rooted in colonial imperialist policies in Uganda. Through its processes of accumulation by dispossession, colonial-era capitalist systems continue to operate through land seizure for sugarcane farming at the expense of food crops, precipitating food insecurity. It has also pushed the indigenous population into a very vulnerable situation, offering poorly remunerated and extremely exploitative jobs in sugarcane farming. The authors argue that the broader historical context of colonialism is relevant in explaining the contemporary dynamics associated with activities such as commercial farming in postcolonial societies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1014-1032 Issue: 5 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1783999 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1783999 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:5:p:1014-1032 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Yimovie Sakue-Collins Author-X-Name-First: Yimovie Author-X-Name-Last: Sakue-Collins Title: (Un)doing development: a postcolonial enquiry of the agenda and agency of NGOs in Africa Abstract: This paper seeks an alternative approach to the questions What ends do non-governmental organisations (NGOs) serve in Africa, and why does the proliferation of NGOs matter? The answers lie in exploring whether it is to develop Africa or to consolidate the western-dictated (under)development trajectory. Extending Shivji’s depiction of ‘Africa at the crossroads of the defeat of the national project and the rehabilitation of the imperial project’, this paper explores the ideological role of NGOs in perpetuating imperialism, reproducing alterity and entrenching dependency. Staged in Kenya with over 11,262 registered and 8893 active NGOs operating in various sectors of the economy, the problems necessitating the rise of NGOs remain obstinate, but the role and features of NGOs appear to situate them within the imperial project of disarticulation. The paper argues that NGOs are (un)witting allies in the neoliberal network/project of arrested development in Africa. The proliferation of and uncritical subscription to (neoliberal) orthodoxy while parading as neutral and apolitical enlists NGOs in servicing the structures of underdevelopment. Through a synthesis of secondary data and semi-structured interviews, it emerges that NGOs are implementing nodes of neoliberal orthodoxy feigning neutrality and only concerned with ‘problem-solving’, with no interest in fundamental changes aimed at challenges necessitating their emergence and proliferation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 976-995 Issue: 5 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1791698 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1791698 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:5:p:976-995 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni Author-X-Name-First: Sabelo J. Author-X-Name-Last: Ndlovu-Gatsheni Title: The cognitive empire, politics of knowledge and African intellectual productions: reflections on struggles for epistemic freedom and resurgence of decolonisation in the twenty-first century Abstract: What has been the contribution of African intellectuals to postcolonial and decolonial scholarship? This question arises because there is emphasis on privileging works of Diasporic scholars from the Middle East and South Asia for postcolonialism and Diasporic scholars from South America for decoloniality/decolonisation. This article contributes to the complex politics of knowledge in Africa through centring often-ignored contributions of African intellectuals to the decolonisation of knowledge and politics. Conceptually and theoretically, what is introduced are issues of how epistemology framed ontology, how the cognitive empire invaded the mental universe of Africans, and how the quest for epistemic freedom informs resurgent and insurgent decolonisation of the twenty-first century. Thus, the article performs four key tasks: (1) it explains how epistemology frames ontology as its entry into the topical politics of knowledge; (2) it introduces and defines the concepts of the cognitive empire and epistemic freedom as they enable a deeper understanding of the complex politics of knowledge; (3) it historicises African struggles for decolonisation as reflected in African decolonial scholarship and the quests for epistemic freedom; and (4) it makes sense of resurgent and insurgent decolonisation of the twenty-first century as embodied by the Rhodes Must Fall movements in South Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 882-901 Issue: 5 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1775487 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1775487 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:5:p:882-901 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Johannes Theodor Aalders Author-X-Name-First: Johannes Theodor Author-X-Name-Last: Aalders Title: Building on the ruins of empire: the Uganda Railway and the LAPSSET corridor in Kenya Abstract: This article explores colonial (dis-)continuities between the planned Lamu Port–South Sudan–Ethiopia Transport (LAPSSET) development corridor and the Uganda Railway (UR). The historical approach to infrastructure studies highlights the effects of large-scale infrastructures beyond their immediate material impact, and reveals their potential power to structure mobilities, historicities and politics of scale. With reference to relational theories, it is argued that the two projects gain their respective significance not only through their ability to connect distant places, but also by blocking and severing other competing ways of being mobile. Particularly, both infrastructure projects create technologies enabling easier and faster flow of capital and commodities but limit previously prevalent mobilities practised by caravans and semi-nomadic people in the region. Both projects, furthermore, produce particular ways of remembering the past and anticipating the future. The article identifies a major discontinuity in the politics of scale they respectively imply: while the UR aimed at producing a clear scalar hierarchy between empire and colony, the LAPSSET alleges to dissolve hard boundaries between scalar instances. This article is based on qualitative data collected during fieldwork along the proposed route of the LAPSSET corridor, as well as archive work regarding the UR. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 996-1013 Issue: 5 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1741345 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1741345 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:5:p:996-1013 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Akinbode Fasakin Author-X-Name-First: Akinbode Author-X-Name-Last: Fasakin Title: The coloniality of power in postcolonial Africa: experiences from Nigeria Abstract: While the coloniality of power underpins the continuity of colonial situations in postcolonial Africa, (neo)liberal thinking attempts to dismiss its place in Africa’s contemporary challenges, blaming instead anti-colonial struggles and the quest for complete decolonisation as the cause of these challenges. A focus on this neoliberal cum pro-colonial perspectives, at the expense of a corpus of post-, anti- and de-colonial writings that expose and challenge coloniality, however, inhibits our understanding of the consolidation, problematic place and impact of the coloniality of power in postcolonial Africa. Analysing the presence of colonial situations in policy choices and governance patterns, which link Africa’s postcolonial present to their colonial past, this paper claims that the coloniality of power retains its salience in postcolonial Africa. Illustrating with experiences from Nigeria, I show how this continues to structure the state of affairs in Africa even after formal colonialism has ended. This article contributes to the discourse on the legacies of colonialism in Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 902-921 Issue: 5 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1880318 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1880318 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:5:p:902-921 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mohamed Sesay Author-X-Name-First: Mohamed Author-X-Name-Last: Sesay Title: Promotion of the rule of law: reinforcing domination through the internationalisation of legal norms Abstract: Focussing on the relationship between legal colonisation and legal globalisation in the context of post-conflict peacebuilding and reconstruction, I argue that promotion of the rule of law as social domination over local economies, politics and societies has been, historically, core to international efforts. Legal and judicial reforms, which are designed to restore and strengthen the post-conflict state, not only serve to obfuscate historical conditions associated with settler-colonial rule but also reconstitute the relationship between dominant domestic actors and global capital. Moreover, whereas rule-of-law promotion has increasingly been professionalised and standardised, the underlying objectives to promote neoliberal economic growth, subordinate indigenous legal systems, and advancing ruling interests remain the enduring legacies of legal colonialism. In making this argument, I interrogate the underlying ideological and political drivers of the UK-supported justice sector development in Sierra Leone and the US-funded rule-of-law programmes in Liberia. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 956-975 Issue: 5 Volume: 42 Year: 2020 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1831379 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1831379 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2020:i:5:p:956-975 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Eve Warburton Author-X-Name-First: Eve Author-X-Name-Last: Warburton Author-Name: Burhanuddin Muhtadi Author-X-Name-First: Burhanuddin Author-X-Name-Last: Muhtadi Author-Name: Edward Aspinall Author-X-Name-First: Edward Author-X-Name-Last: Aspinall Author-Name: Diego Fossati Author-X-Name-First: Diego Author-X-Name-Last: Fossati Title: When does class matter? Unequal representation in Indonesian legislatures Abstract: Around the world, legislatures are dominated by politicians who are wealthier and more educated than their constituents. This is particularly so in developing democracies, where clientelist politics and wealth inequalities make it difficult for lower-class citizens to run for office. We contribute to scholarly debates about the substantive consequences of descriptive inequality by analysing a new and important case – Indonesia, the world’s third most populous democracy. Indonesian politicians have much higher levels of education and income than citizens, and they are more likely to have professional backgrounds. To explore the implications of these inequalities, we survey and compare politicians’ and voters’ positions on a range of economic policy issues. We find the views of Indonesian politicians are generally more congruent with those of upper-class voters. However, we also find variation across policy areas. There is much cross-class agreement on statist interventions like price controls – in part reflecting politicians’ dependence upon the state; however, the gap between voters and politicians widens substantially on the issue of economic redistribution. Upper-class biases within Indonesian legislatures thus obscure a large lower-class constituency in favour of a more redistributive economic regime, a consituency largely unrepresented by Indonesia’s parties. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1252-1275 Issue: 6 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1882297 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1882297 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:6:p:1252-1275 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Paul Emiljanowicz Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Emiljanowicz Author-Name: Bonny Ibhawoh Author-X-Name-First: Bonny Author-X-Name-Last: Ibhawoh Title: Democracy in postcolonial Ghana: tropes, state power and the defence committees Abstract: This article examines how the Jerry Rawlings military government, the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) in Ghana, framed its political agenda using liberal tropes about participatory democracy as a strategy to manufacture legitimacy and mediate political-economic crisis. The People’s Defence Committees (PDCs) and Workers’ Defence Committees (WDCs), created in 1981 and dissolved in 1984, were presented by the PNDC as innovative programmes aimed at nurturing citizen participation representative of the highest form of democracy. However, the introduction of these reforms came at a time when the ruling PNDC faced critical problems of legitimacy, administrative incapability and popular opposition to austerity measures associated with structural adjustment programs (SAPs). We utilise primary source material from the University of Ghana National Reconciliation Commission collection to argue that the discourses and practice of the PDCs/WDCs functioned simultaneously to violently consolidate state power, depoliticise alternatives, and manufacture legitimacy to mediate political-economic crisis while simultaneously being a vehicle for illegitimacy by providing constrained opportunities for individual nepotism, grassroots empowerment and claim-making against the state. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1213-1232 Issue: 6 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1878020 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1878020 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:6:p:1213-1232 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julia Gorricho Author-X-Name-First: Julia Author-X-Name-Last: Gorricho Author-Name: Markus Schultze-Kraft Author-X-Name-First: Markus Author-X-Name-Last: Schultze-Kraft Title: Wartime protected area governance: the case of Colombia’s Alto Fragua Indiwasi National Park Abstract: Despite its relevance for conservation in biodiversity hotspots, many of which are in the Global South and display a record of violent conflict, the relationship between protected area governance and armed conflict is underexplored. While a rich literature on protected area governance documents the existence of different governance types, ranging from state-led to community-organised conservation initiatives, thus far scholars have not examined in any depth what kinds of protected area governance arrangements and institutions emerge and operate under conditions of violent conflict. Working with a neo-institutionalist framework, the present article provides evidence regarding the impact of armed conflict on one protected area governance system in Colombia: Alto Fragua Indiwasi National Park in the southern department of Caquetá. The analysis is based on a review of the existing literature on protected area governance and armed conflict and in-depth fieldwork with key park and other stakeholders, carried out in Colombia in 2016. The research finds that despite the formidable challenges faced by the National Park Team amid armed conflict, certain conservation outcomes could still be achieved as a result of the adaptation of the park governance system. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1365-1383 Issue: 6 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1892482 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1892482 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:6:p:1365-1383 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Emmanuel Kumi Author-X-Name-First: Emmanuel Author-X-Name-Last: Kumi Author-Name: Palash Kamruzzaman Author-X-Name-First: Palash Author-X-Name-Last: Kamruzzaman Title: Understanding the motivations and roles of national development experts in Ghana: ‘We do all the donkey work and they take the glory’ Abstract: National development experts (NDEs) play unique roles as knowledge brokers, translators and gatekeepers between governments, intended beneficiaries and donors on various development policies and practices. Due to their local contextual knowledge, they influence development activities at national levels by engaging in formulation and implementation of development policies. However, discussion of their motivations and roles has been particularly limited in the existing development literature. Drawing on 25 semi-structured interviews with the local staff of donor agencies and non-governmental organisations, independent consultants, civil servants and academics in Ghana, this article presents findings on their motivations and roles within Ghana’s development landscape. We argue that while the motivations and roles of NDEs are similar in many ways to those of Western development experts, except their contextual understanding of national development issues, their contributions to development are so far excluded within the development literature. This article contributes to the emerging aid ethnography literature by providing a more comprehensive perspective on NDEs and deepens the scholarship by asking whether the exclusion of this group is a deliberate choice or unintended mistake. The article further highlights the perspectives of NDEs on their engagement with foreign experts and its implications for national development and future research. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1157-1175 Issue: 6 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1877127 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1877127 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:6:p:1157-1175 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Wouter Veenendaal Author-X-Name-First: Wouter Author-X-Name-Last: Veenendaal Title: How instability creates stability: the survival of democracy in Vanuatu Abstract: While political stability is one of the core concepts in political science, its precise meaning remains ambiguous. This paper draws a distinction between regime stability, signifying the endurance of regime types, and political stability, which refers to the life span of governments. Both of these concepts are positively associated with democratic rule, but this connection can be questioned as democracy can survive in the face of profound political instability. The paper develops these arguments on the basis of a case study of Vanuatu, a Melanesian small island state that is one of the most unlikely democracies in the world. In the face of tremendous socio-cultural fragmentation and political instability, Vanuatu’s democracy has remained intact, meaning that this country represents a perplexing combination of extreme political instability coupled with high regime stability. Based on fieldwork mainly consisting of interviews with ni-Vanuatu political elites, the analysis shows that political fragmentation and instability have likely contributed to regime stability in Vanuatu, as they have prevented the concentration of power in the hands of a single group. By highlighting the discrepancy between political and regime stability, this paper provides crucial insights for debates about democracy and stability in countries across the Global South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1330-1346 Issue: 6 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1890577 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1890577 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:6:p:1330-1346 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Oscar A. Gómez Author-X-Name-First: Oscar A. Author-X-Name-Last: Gómez Title: Localisation or deglobalisation? East Asia and the dismantling of liberal humanitarianism Abstract: Among the 2016 World Humanitarian Summit outcomes, localisation of humanitarian aid has received the greatest amount of attention. Localisation is described as giving more support to national first respondents, making humanitarian aid ‘as local as possible, as international as necessary’. Despite the good intentions, localisation presents a biased understanding of the local and its agency in transforming humanitarianism. Not only is localisation a failed attempt to reconfigure the international humanitarian system power relations, dominated by Western actors, but also it glosses over the crucial role of the South in moulding the humanitarian action norm. In order to address the latter, the paper reviews the history of humanitarian action in East Asia as a case of norm circulation, showing how the region’s agency was essential to accommodate the foundations of liberal humanitarianism during the Cold War and, in the last two decades, to contest them. I argue that instead of localisation, a process of deglobalisation is taking shape in the region, based on increased national ownership of crisis response, privileging reciprocal, bilateral support over multilateral action, and legitimating the rejection of unnecessary support. These changes are pushing traditional humanitarian actors to rethink their practices, bringing much-needed change but also challenges. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1347-1364 Issue: 6 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1890994 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1890994 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:6:p:1347-1364 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adwoa Yeboah Gyapong Author-X-Name-First: Adwoa Yeboah Author-X-Name-Last: Gyapong Title: Commodification of family lands and the changing dynamics of access in Ghana Abstract: The new scramble for land in Africa has revived debates on customary land tenure – a phenomenon that has become almost synonymous with the role of traditional chiefs in land politics. At the same time, investors continue to seek opportunities in complex customary land tenure systems, which may not necessarily be within the absolute domains of chiefs. This paper examines the politics of compensation and rent distribution following the process of a large-scale expropriation of family lands for an oil palm plantation in Ghana’s eastern corridor. It demonstrates how and why the sudden commodification of land and the accompanying individualisation of land holdings alter the power structure and entitlements within families, often concentrating authority in the hands of a few elderly male kin and exacerbating inequality. The resulting changes could be attributed to the state’s role in land and investment policies. However, family heads also used the ensuing process of compensation and rent distribution to increase their influence and income at the expense of some smallholder farmers, sharecroppers, migrants, women and the youth. Even as the state continues to promote such farmland investments, civil society and researchers can influence public policies to protect marginalised groups. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1233-1251 Issue: 6 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1880889 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1880889 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:6:p:1233-1251 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stacy-ann Robinson Author-X-Name-First: Stacy-ann Author-X-Name-Last: Robinson Author-Name: D’Arcy Carlson Author-X-Name-First: D’Arcy Author-X-Name-Last: Carlson Title: A just alternative to litigation: applying restorative justice to climate-related loss and damage Abstract: Climate litigation is increasingly a feature of international climate policy. However, loss and damage cases have mostly been unsuccessful due to tensions around uncertainty, attribution, and the relationship between climate change and extreme weather events. While there is consensus that Annex I Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) have contributed more to historical greenhouse gas emissions than non-Annex I Parties have, there is great reluctance on their part to take responsibility for loss and damage. Considering the shortcomings of climate litigation and the impasse in the UNFCCC, we propose an alternative, non-judicial approach to addressing loss and damage – restorative justice. Applying a four-stage framework, we draw on the experience of non-Annex I Parties in the Caribbean with Hurricanes Irma and Maria in 2017 to (1) argue that existing attribution models can help identify restorative justice cases; (2) scope a role for the Warsaw International Mechanism in process design and preparation; (3) make a case for truth and reconciliation conferences, and restitution, as part of the restorative dialogue; and (4) call for the integration of restorative justice norms into global climate governance as a pathway for progressing negotiations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1384-1395 Issue: 6 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1877128 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1877128 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:6:p:1384-1395 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Emile Badarin Author-X-Name-First: Emile Author-X-Name-Last: Badarin Title: Recognition of states and colonialism in the twenty-first century: Western Sahara and Palestine in Sweden’s recognition practice Abstract: This article recalls the recognition–colonialism conjuncture to examine how prior normative rights to self-determination, independence and decolonisation influence current recognition practice, and asks how they compete with contingent factors. The interrogation of this interpretive process provides insights into how recognition of states operates. This reveals how state recognition in current colonial conflicts is qualified based on an assessment of contingent factors such as the international consensus and level of involvement. For this purpose, Sweden’s recognition practice towards Palestine and Western Sahara present apposite empirical cases. This article argues that the practice of recognition is a hermeneutic and evolving process, which is contingent on the interpretation of different situational and political aspects. This has far-reaching implications for international recognition and order, as colonised/occupied peoples’ prior normative right to self-determination and independence ends up being qualified, contested and adjudicated in connection with contingent political factors. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1276-1294 Issue: 6 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1884064 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1884064 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:6:p:1276-1294 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pedro Perfeito da Silva Author-X-Name-First: Pedro Perfeito Author-X-Name-Last: da Silva Author-Name: Julia Veiga Vieira Mancio Bandeira Author-X-Name-First: Julia Author-X-Name-Last: Veiga Vieira Mancio Bandeira Title: The political economy of neoliberalism in Brazil: towards a Polanyian approach Abstract: This article relies on a Polanyian-inspired theoretical framework to compare political economy strategies adopted by Brazilian governments after democratisation. Responding to competing interests from the financial sector, the manufacturing industry, and the working class, these governments have chosen between disembedded neoliberal, embedded neoliberal and neocorporatist strategies, facing different challenges and crises. After the short-lived adoption of disembedded neoliberalism in the early 1990s, embedded neoliberal governments were able to conciliate economic liberalisation and orthodox macroeconomic policies with political stability and social cohesion, while compensating the manufacturing industry and the working class for some of their losses. In the late 2000s, however, discontentment within these social groups with regard to insufficient economic growth opened the way for the emergence of neocorporatism, which eased the commitment to liberalisation and macroeconomic orthodoxy in order to expand industrial policies, social protection and labour market regulation. The crisis of neocorporatism, which culminated in the 2016 impeachment, provided a new opportunity for disembedded neoliberalism, putting the interests of the financial sector at the centre of policy formulation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1176-1195 Issue: 6 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1877126 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1877126 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:6:p:1176-1195 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ghoncheh Tazmini Author-X-Name-First: Ghoncheh Author-X-Name-Last: Tazmini Title: ‘Westoxication’ and resistance: the politics of dance in Iran #dancingisnotacrime Abstract: This study proposes an alternative analytical framework for the interpretation of the arrest of an Iranian teenage female social media star by regime authorities in May 2018. I argue that the regime’s reaction to the youngster’s dancing was a product of a complicated historical dialectic with the West, rather than an objection to dance as a performative category. While the Iranian regime may have inherited the predominantly negative perceptions of the solo female dancing body from the Pahlavi era, dancing is not a crime in post-revolutionary Iran. However, dance is ‘meaning in motion’, and it can be inscribed and re-inscribed with political, cultural and social markers – depending on the motives of the spectator. This paper argues that it was the meaning ascribed to the teen’s dancing by hardline authorities that led to her arrest, and not the act of dancing itself. By historicising and framing the arrest within the discourse of ‘Westoxication’, this study interprets the arrest as a form of state-centric cultural resistance. The site of cultural contestation, the youngster’s dancing body, became the discursive and ideological terrain on which the regime repudiated Western cultural norms in defence of its own post-revolutionary standards of decency and cultural authenticity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1295-1313 Issue: 6 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1886582 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1886582 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:6:p:1295-1313 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Yingyan Xu Author-X-Name-First: Yingyan Author-X-Name-Last: Xu Author-Name: Bingqin Li Author-X-Name-First: Bingqin Author-X-Name-Last: Li Author-Name: Xiaoxing Huang Author-X-Name-First: Xiaoxing Author-X-Name-Last: Huang Title: Outsiders to urban-centric growth: the dual social exclusion of migrant tenant farmers in China Abstract: Urban-centric growth resulting from urban expansion and land redevelopment may result in rural–urban conflicts. Over time, in China, the affected social groups, such as urban residents in the poorer neighbourhoods, peri-urban farmers and urban population living in the peri-urban areas have found their voices in the academic literature, and some have even developed ways to negotiate compensation for the lost properties and livelihoods. This paper analyses the impact of urban-centric growth on the livelihoods of a much less studied group: tenant farmers. Using the cases of Beishan and Nanshan Villages of Guangzhou, with first-hand data collected in 2008, 2009 and 2017, this research found that tenant farmers had to face ‘dual social exclusion’. They were excluded by the urban authorities and the urban society, and by the rural authorities and rural communities. The dual social exclusion was imposed on tenant farmers through cultural and institutional settings that were systematically against ‘outsiders’. Incentivised by the institutional settings, local farmers were not just victims of predatory urbanisation; they could also be oppressors of tenant farmers. However, as important food suppliers to cities, the tenant farmers exercised agency to overcome the difficulties, which sowed the seeds of urban food insecurity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1314-1329 Issue: 6 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1890992 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1890992 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:6:p:1314-1329 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mariola Acosta Author-X-Name-First: Mariola Author-X-Name-Last: Acosta Author-Name: Margit van Wessel Author-X-Name-First: Margit Author-X-Name-Last: van Wessel Author-Name: Severine van Bommel Author-X-Name-First: Severine Author-X-Name-Last: van Bommel Author-Name: Peter H. Feindt Author-X-Name-First: Peter H. Author-X-Name-Last: Feindt Title: Examining the promise of ‘the local’ for improving gender equality in agriculture and climate change adaptation Abstract: Building on the conceptualisation of ‘the local’ in gender and development discourse, we explore how national and sub-national policy actors in Uganda perceive gender equality policy in the context of agriculture and climate change, to assess the potential of localised solutions to achieve gender equality. Using data from national and sub-national policy actors in Uganda (37 semi-structured interviews, 78 questionnaires), the study found that policy actors largely adhered to global gender discourses in proposing context-specific solutions to gender inequality. Our results show that although local actors identified local norms and culture as major barriers to gender equality, their proposed solutions did not address local gender norms, focussed on formal policy and did little to address underlying causes of gender inequalities. Based on the findings, we suggest that ‘the local’ should be reconstructed as a deliberative space where a wide variety of actors, including local feminist organisations, critically engage, assess and address local gender inequality patterns in agriculture and climate change adaptation processes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1135-1156 Issue: 6 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1882845 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1882845 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:6:p:1135-1156 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jaime Hoogesteger Author-X-Name-First: Jaime Author-X-Name-Last: Hoogesteger Author-Name: Gaya Massink Author-X-Name-First: Gaya Author-X-Name-Last: Massink Title: Corporate labour standards and work quality: insights from the agro-export sector of Guanajuato, Central Mexico Abstract: In this article we analyse how workers perceive corporate labour standards and the related work conditions in the agro-export sector of Northern Guanajuato, Central Mexico. We do so by first comparing labour standards on local farms to labour standards at an international fresh vegetable production, harvesting, processing and export company that has explicit corporate labour standards. Second, we present how workers from two rural communities of landless workers employed in the agro-export industry perceive the differences between work at local farms and work at the agro-export company. Our results show that better pay and secondary benefits resulting from corporate labour standards do not necessarily translate to perceptions of better work quality. This relates to the broader work conditions in which these labour standards are inserted. Many workers prefer work with lower labour standards but that has more convenient working hours and enables engagement in family and social activities alongside the job. Based on these results we argue that, from a sociological perspective, work quality is a situated and very context-specific notion. Therefore, higher labour standards and better pay even in contexts of cheap labour and widespread poverty are not necessarily associated by workers with higher work quality. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1196-1212 Issue: 6 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1874334 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1874334 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:6:p:1196-1212 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rafael Mesquita Author-X-Name-First: Rafael Author-X-Name-Last: Mesquita Author-Name: Jia Huei Chien Author-X-Name-First: Jia Huei Author-X-Name-Last: Chien Title: Do regional powers prioritise their regions? Comparing Brazil, South Africa and Turkey Abstract: Regional powers are often assumed to place diplomatic emphasis on their surrounding regions. Yet few systematic comparisons have been carried out to empirically verify this assumption. Do regional powers tend to devote more attention to their neighbours or to more influential global partners instead? This article attempts to bridge that gap by comparing the amount of diplomatic attention that Brazil, South Africa and Turkey have devoted to their regions, ie South America, Africa and the Middle East/North Africa region, respectively. Relying on data on presidential diplomacy and diplomatic presence from the Rising Powers Diplomatic Network (RPDN) data set, we verify which destinations were prioritised by these three countries from 1995 to 2018. Results indicate that South Africa is the most regionally committed regional power. Turkey shows the least significant regional engagement, while Brazil occupies an intermediate position. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1544-1565 Issue: 7 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1898280 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1898280 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:7:p:1544-1565 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rajiv Kumar Author-X-Name-First: Rajiv Author-X-Name-Last: Kumar Title: Bringing the developmental state back in: explaining South Korea’s successful management of COVID-19 Abstract: South Korea had the largest number of confirmed cases of COVID-19 after China by February 2020. This situation changed dramatically in less than two months as it effectively managed the pandemic without imposing a nationwide lockdown. Furthermore, Korean pharmaceutical companies quickly manufactured sufficient test-kits and other COVID-19 essential medical devices to meet domestic demand and exported them to more than one hundred countries, including developed countries, amid global shortages. What explains South Korea’s success story? Drawing on the developmental state concept, I argue that South Korea’s success story can be attributed to 1) the early creation of a health official-led pilot agency; 2) the government’s intervention for rapid production and export of medical equipment; 3) the distinct state-society relations. In doing so, contrary to the declinist literature, this study reveals that the Korean state’s institutional capacity has not declined. It also illustrates that the developmental state seems to be an effective system in dealing with a pandemic and promoting economic activities during the crisis. However, it is yet to be seen how Korea will deal with future challenges arising from the new wave. This study also suggests how the Global South can learn lessons from the South Korean experience. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1397-1416 Issue: 7 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1903311 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1903311 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:7:p:1397-1416 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Brendan Ciarán Browne Author-X-Name-First: Brendan Ciarán Author-X-Name-Last: Browne Author-Name: Elaine Bradley Author-X-Name-First: Elaine Author-X-Name-Last: Bradley Title: Promoting Northern Ireland’s peacebuilding experience in Palestine–Israel: normalising the status quo Abstract: Against the backdrop of enduring Israeli settler colonialist expansion in historic Palestine, the selective application of the Northern Ireland ‘Peace Process’ to the ‘Israel/Palestine Conflict’ ignores root causes and acts as a blunt instrument, one that sustains a deeply unjust status quo whilst eschewing decolonisation as the ultimate goal. We argue that the transposition of a Northern Irish peace model to Palestine/Israel serves to reinforce and embed the ‘conflict’ by promoting its own discourse of ‘peacebuilding’, one that is silent on the language of colonisation, which in turn marginalises the legitimacy of Palestinian anti-colonial resistance and prioritises westernised notions of ‘peace’ over international obligations to promote ‘justice’. Our argument is premised upon what is, in the main, a marginalised critique, namely that viewing the Northern Irish Peace Accord as ‘successful’ – an exemplary model suitable for application in other conflict/transitional spaces – depends on how one understands the agreement itself: as a tool to end ethnic conflict by fostering better cross-community relationships through a process of consociationalism that leads to reconciliation; or as a carefully constructed, bureaucratic means of providing a ruse of ‘peace’ whilst appeasing claims to self-determination and ignoring broader colonial history. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1625-1643 Issue: 7 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1903310 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1903310 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:7:p:1625-1643 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jacqueline Hicks Author-X-Name-First: Jacqueline Author-X-Name-Last: Hicks Title: A ‘data realm’ for the Global South? Evidence from Indonesia Abstract: This article examines the international and domestic pressures that shape the governance of personal data in the Global South. As developing countries become new terrain for the expansion of US Big Tech and develop their own digital economies, international policy discourses urge the adoption of data governance as self-evidently ‘good policy’ moving into existing regulatory vacuums. However, like any valuable resource, the competition to govern personal data is subject to existing power relations, political interests, institutional pathways and ideologies. With evidence from Indonesia, this article shows how the governance of personal data in the digital economy is influenced by international and national commercial interests, and instrumentalised by domestic state and political elite. In doing so, it adapts the North American ‘information-security complex’ for developing countries with their post-colonial economies, self-interested oligarchic elites and hybrid state-commercial data firms. The significance of this approach lies in its realistic understanding of the challenges and opportunities for supporting data governance reform around the world. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1417-1435 Issue: 7 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1901570 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1901570 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:7:p:1417-1435 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ihsan Yilmaz Author-X-Name-First: Ihsan Author-X-Name-Last: Yilmaz Author-Name: Omer F. Erturk Author-X-Name-First: Omer F. Author-X-Name-Last: Erturk Title: Populism, violence and authoritarian stability: necropolitics in Turkey Abstract: The literature on populism overwhelmingly deals with the factors behind the rise of populism: the supply factors, and the economic and political crises. However, there is a lack of engagement in the literature on the construction of populist narratives and especially on the relations between populist narratives and violence. This paper addresses these gaps. Based on an empirically rich case study of Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and its leader President Recep T. Erdoğan, it shows that the populist narrative of the party and its leader is necropolitical as it is based on narratives of martyrdom, blood and death. The paper also shows that to maintain authoritarian stability, the incumbents instrumentalise these populist necropolitical narratives for repression, legitimation and co-optation. We analyse this complex case by combining the literatures on populism, necropolitics, politics of martyrdom and authoritarianism, and contribute to all of them. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1524-1543 Issue: 7 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1896965 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1896965 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:7:p:1524-1543 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Waleed Serhan Author-X-Name-First: Waleed Author-X-Name-Last: Serhan Title: Qatari ethnopolitical entrepreneurs during the blockade: the further consolidation of national identity Abstract: The article examines the further consolidation of Qatari national identity during the blockade imposed on Qatar in 2017 by Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Egypt. It employs Rogers Brubaker’s conceptualisation of ‘ethnopolitical entrepreneurs’ to analyse how Qatari state and state-aligned actors evoked values defining the Qatari character and myths defining the Qatari nation state. The article argues that while these values mostly resonated among citizens and residents, there were also limits to the reach of Qatari ethnopolitical entrepreneurs. It thereby offers insights into the dynamics of ethnopolitical entrepreneurship within the context of a monarchical, non-democratic state. The findings are supported by 135 semi-structured interviews, six focus groups, and media content analysis of key events preceding and during the blockade. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1583-1600 Issue: 7 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1901569 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1901569 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:7:p:1583-1600 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Xi Li Author-X-Name-First: Xi Author-X-Name-Last: Li Author-Name: Chun-Yi Lee Author-X-Name-First: Chun-Yi Author-X-Name-Last: Lee Title: Uneven but not combined development: rural industrialisation on the East Coast of China Abstract: This article explains the uneven distribution of industrialised villages in China through the application of modernisation theory and the theory of uneven and combined development. It adds to our understanding of China’s unevenness by employing a ‘bottom-up’ approach, building on existing literature that focuses on national policies. We compare the economic and social consequences of industrialisation in 13 villages in eastern China; these have been divided into three categories based on their level of industrialisation. We demonstrate that the highest or lowest levels of industrialisation either replace, or weaken, rural social contexts. However, semi-industrialised villages do not suffer from this social reformatting. Instead, ‘guerrilla production’ provides work opportunities for unskilled and fragmented workforces. These villages modernise while combining modern and traditional modes of production and social forms. Rural China’s uneven development is therefore best described as a mosaic. In our opinion, this situation will persist for the foreseeable future. Villagers see the current social and economic circumstances as bringing benefits, meaning there is little reason to upgrade. Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.1903309. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1601-1624 Issue: 7 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1903309 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1903309 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:7:p:1601-1624 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Charles Alton Sills Author-X-Name-First: Charles Alton Author-X-Name-Last: Sills Title: Colonial capitalism, boundary demarcation and imperial placemaking in South Arabia Abstract: This study analyses the means through which indigenous stakeholders and British imperialists competed for influence in the shaping of Aden’s built environment, thus complementing a robust body of literature highlighting the importance of the port city within the framework of the world capitalist system. Yet in much of the historiography highlighting the colonial port city as an object of historical analysis, the coast of South Arabia – and the city of Aden in particular – remains overshadowed by the wealthy port cities of the Eastern Mediterranean. Crucially, the imperial politics of demarcation and development found in Aden grounds for experimental placemaking, a process consisting of military and civilian infrastructure projects and the securitisation of territory both within and beyond Aden’s walls. Attempts to territorialise space through the imposition of hard borders and infrastructure exemplify the colonial embrace of geo-spatial abstractions, a process that occurred alongside the consolidation of direct rule within Aden and the concurrent projection of capitalist market forces into the hinterland. British incapacity created room for local agents of change to contest the construction of colonial space; attempts to integrate Aden and neighbouring polities into the imperial orbit entailed negotiation, compromise and occasionally the use of violence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1644-1659 Issue: 7 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1903856 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1903856 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:7:p:1644-1659 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lisa Dorith Kool Author-X-Name-First: Lisa Dorith Author-X-Name-Last: Kool Author-Name: Jan Pospisil Author-X-Name-First: Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Pospisil Author-Name: Roanne van Voorst Author-X-Name-First: Roanne Author-X-Name-Last: van Voorst Title: Managing the humanitarian micro-space: the practices of relief access in Syria Abstract: The delivery of humanitarian aid remains one of the main challenges in contemporary armed conflict. The legal, political and physical construction of a sustained and respected humanitarian space, in which such aid delivery can occur, is a fragile operation. Humanitarian spaces increasingly appear fragmented and localised. They are re-negotiated continuously, either as part of subnational and local truces and peace or cooperation agreements or through ad hoc bargaining between humanitarians and armed actors. Based on a comparison of how relief efforts are negotiated in Syria, this article argues that humanitarian space is not shrinking, as is commonly assumed, but rather is being reconfigured into humanitarian micro-spaces. Such micro-spaces are fluid, dynamic and overlapping arenas of relief, constantly challenged, and morphed by different actors. Working in humanitarian micro-spaces requires continuous political involvement and decision-making, which presents a substantial challenge for humanitarian organisations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1489-1506 Issue: 7 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1896359 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1896359 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:7:p:1489-1506 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hasret Dikici Bilgin Author-X-Name-First: Hasret Author-X-Name-Last: Dikici Bilgin Title: Revisiting the moderation controversy with space and class: the Tunisian Ennahda Abstract: What shapes political parties’ direction of change on the political spectrum? Under what conditions do Islamist movements moderate or shift towards a more radical stance? Drawing on the case of the Ennahda Party in Tunisia, I argue that transformation of the Islamist parties should be analysed on par with that of the secular parties, by focussing on the parties’ popular base and the target electorate rather than through a moderation–radicalisation framework. I find that Ennahda’s shift to Muslim democracy, self-defined as specialisation, is owed to their need to be backed by the new urban middle class in order to rule while maintaining the support of the rural and urban poor to come to power. Through field interviews conducted with the members of Tunisian political parties as well as union leaders and activists, I show that the secular parties are going through a similar process under the pressure of the spatial and class-related dynamics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1507-1523 Issue: 7 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1896360 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1896360 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:7:p:1507-1523 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Aaron Augsburger Author-X-Name-First: Aaron Author-X-Name-Last: Augsburger Title: The plurinational state and Bolivia’s formación abigarrada Abstract: This paper examines how the concept of plurinationality relates to the notion of Bolivia as a formación abigarrada (motley, disjointed social formation), and how that social form corresponds with the political form of the state. René Zavaleta Mercado, one of Bolivia’s most influential intellectual figures, is best known for his conceptualisation of the country as a formación abigarrada, which underscores the coexistence of multiple modes of production and historical temporalities in the same geographic space. Zavaleta used this concept to examine Bolivian society as a set of historical structural articulations that develop over time in relation to different state forms. I argue that whereas the disjointedness of Bolivia’s social formation was always seen as a negative condition for Zavaleta, plurinationality has been enunciated as a positive possibility, a horizon beyond the socio-political formation of the liberal nation state. Thus, while we cannot properly theorise plurinationality without the analytic of lo abigarrado, as a condition of possibility plurinationality seeks to institutionalise in political form that which for Zavaleta was a negative social condition to be overcome. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1566-1582 Issue: 7 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1899803 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1899803 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:7:p:1566-1582 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shahram Akbarzadeh Author-X-Name-First: Shahram Author-X-Name-Last: Akbarzadeh Author-Name: Rebecca Barlow Author-X-Name-First: Rebecca Author-X-Name-Last: Barlow Author-Name: Sanaz Nasirpour Author-X-Name-First: Sanaz Author-X-Name-Last: Nasirpour Title: Registered NGOs and advocacy for women in Iran Abstract: Registered women’s non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the Islamic Republic of Iran occupy a critical space in the socio-political landscape. They are neither government insiders nor anti-regime activists, instead advocating for incremental change within the constraints of the system. Drawing on interviews with NGO leaders, this article sheds light on the objectives and activities of five registered women’s organisations as they work in the so-called ‘moderate’ political climate of the Rouhani government. The findings show that although the NGOs provide education and training, essential services, and recreational activities for women, they steer clear of seeking fundamental changes to laws on women’s rights. This approach is predicated on security considerations. NGO activists are keenly cognisant of state sensitivities and the risk to their work, registration and liberty. The NGOs’ reluctance to seek fundamental changes to laws concerning women’s status reflects palpable anxiety amongst activists over the possibility of political backlash. Rouhani’s ‘moderate’ politics do not appear to have relaxed tensions between the government and civil society, which were at their peak under his predecessor. The focus of contemporary NGOs on achieving behavioural, attitudinal and procedural change is significant, and has the potential to make a real difference in women’s lives. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1475-1488 Issue: 7 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1896964 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1896964 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:7:p:1475-1488 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Liam Swiss Author-X-Name-First: Liam Author-X-Name-Last: Swiss Author-Name: Princess C. Ilonze Author-X-Name-First: Princess C. Author-X-Name-Last: Ilonze Title: Taking foreign aid and decoupling seriously: a framework for research Abstract: This paper provides an overview of the institutionalist literature on decoupling. Based on that literature, it proposes an analytic framework to consider state characteristics that lead to decoupling: commitment, capacity and context, or ‘the 3Cs’. Then, using this framework, it assesses what sorts of aid initiatives we would expect to see to answer the question ‘How can aid reduce or increase decoupling gaps?’ Finally, it presents several possible combinations of the 3Cs and examples of how the presence or absence of one or all of these components have increased or reduced decoupling in ongoing or concluded aid interventions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1455-1474 Issue: 7 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1898279 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1898279 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:7:p:1455-1474 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Yongjin Zhang Author-X-Name-First: Yongjin Author-X-Name-Last: Zhang Title: ‘Barbarising’ China in American trade war discourse: the assault on Huawei Abstract: How is the legitimation of the American trade war with China discursively managed and conferred in recent American political discourse? This paper critically examines this under-explored question in the current literature. Taking cues from critical international theory and its insight on discourse and foreign policy, I start by historicising the discursive practices, which I call ‘barbarising China’, in the construction of civilisation vs barbarism as a hierarchical opposition. Mapping authoritarian China onto this historically contingent liberal civilisational edifice, I argue, has prepared the ground for American political action in the trade war. Through a critical analysis of how China has been constructed as a ‘barbarian’ economic aggressor in recent American political discourse, I further argue that the ‘political reality’ and ‘knowledge’ this discursive practice produces serves not only the political imperative of legitimising American trade war policy choices, but also a particular need of the ‘civilised’ hegemon to legitimise its power and practices beyond the trade war. Through a close examination of a coordinated assault on Huawei, I illustrate how ‘barbarising’ China has been discursively done as an integral part of the trade war and assert that ‘barbarising’ China has become indispensable in American strategy to sustain its precarious hegemony. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1436-1454 Issue: 7 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1894120 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1894120 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:7:p:1436-1454 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Iliana Olivié Author-X-Name-First: Iliana Author-X-Name-Last: Olivié Author-Name: Aitor Pérez Author-X-Name-First: Aitor Author-X-Name-Last: Pérez Title: Whose and what aid securitisation? An analysis of EU aid narratives and flows Abstract: There is a growing perception that arguments favouring security are gaining ground in the aid narrative and that aid allocation is changing accordingly. This work explores the extent and features of such shifts in the particular case of the EU. We observe the evolution of development paradigms (social development, sustainable development and security) and aid motives (solidarity, common interests and self-interest) in the aid discourse. This is done by means of content analysis of strategic aid documents of a selection of European donors (the EU institutions, the Netherlands, the UK, Germany, France, Sweden and Spain). We then explore the eventual shift in the aid budgets of those same donors. In line with previous work on EU aid securitisation, we find evidence of securitisation in both narratives and aid flows. However, this trend is far from homogeneous, showing the complexity and diversity within the Union. There is practically no evidence of securitisation in the EU institutions, Spain or Sweden. We find mixed evidence for the Netherlands, Germany and France (where narratives and flow changes towards securitisation do not necessarily match) and, finally, a significant shift in the UK, where aid narratives and aid flows have been significantly securitised. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1903-1922 Issue: 8 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1939006 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1939006 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:8:p:1903-1922 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kearrin Sims Author-X-Name-First: Kearrin Author-X-Name-Last: Sims Title: Infrastructure violence and retroliberal development: connectivity and dispossession in Laos Abstract: This article examines the centrality of infrastructure connectivity within the post-2008 ‘retroliberal’ global aid regime. Through the critical interrogation of connectivity and development discourse within Southeast Asia, as well as longitudinal field research examining repeated bouts of dispossession in Laos, I argue that all Southeast Asian states, regionally operating multilateral development banks and leading regional bilateral aid providers consider transnational infrastructure connectivity essential to development. Following this, I contend that large-scale infrastructure projects frequently increase disadvantaged communities’ exposure to intersectional forms of structural violence, epistemic violence, slow violence and infrastructural violence. Having made these arguments, I suggest that the normalisation of infrastructure connectivity as constitutive of development is producing increasingly violent development outcomes, and that intersectional interrogations of infrastructure violence are needed to better understand such outcomes. The argument presented is based on more than 20 months of in-country fieldwork in Laos and 40 interviews with 18 displaced residents. Fieldwork commenced in 2009 and remains ongoing. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1788-1808 Issue: 8 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1920831 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1920831 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:8:p:1788-1808 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Geoffrey Swenson Author-X-Name-First: Geoffrey Author-X-Name-Last: Swenson Author-Name: Johannes Kniess Author-X-Name-First: Johannes Author-X-Name-Last: Kniess Title: International assistance after conflict: health, transitional justice and opportunity costs Abstract: After violent conflicts, international actors face difficult choices about whether and how to provide assistance. These decisions can have immense consequences. As aid always occurs under conditions of scarcity, theoretical reflection is crucial to reveal the opportunity costs and potential tensions between alternative courses of action. Yet there has been relatively little scholarly reflection on what should constitute priorities for post-conflict assistance and why. This paper advances this debate by comparing two very different areas of assistance that both embody compelling values and goals: public health and transitional justice. It argues that aid for public health deserves greater attention based on powerful normative considerations and its impressive empirical record. It also suggests the need to examine not only clearly underperforming areas, but also tough cases. Transitional justice, despite its strong normative foundations, faces challenges and limitations that justify reform and a reconsideration of the emphasis commonly placed on it. Our intention is not to suggest that long-standing commitments ought to be abandoned or that all aid should be allocated to health. Rather, by scrutinising the priorities of international assistance, we hope to start a general discussion about how the international community can best help societies heal after conflict. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1696-1714 Issue: 8 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1928489 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1928489 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:8:p:1696-1714 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lerna K. Yanık Author-X-Name-First: Lerna K. Author-X-Name-Last: Yanık Author-Name: H. Emrah Karaoğuz Author-X-Name-First: H. Emrah Author-X-Name-Last: Karaoğuz Title: Science and flags: deconstructing Turkey’s Antarctic strategy Abstract: This article explores Turkey’s recent increased interest in the Antarctic by deconstructing how this interest contributes to the making of Antarctic nationalism(s). It makes two arguments. First, Turkey’s status-seeking by being present in the Antarctic contributes to Antarctic nationalism(s) by invoking three distinct yet overlapping strands of nationalisms – banal, pragmatic-techno and Kemalist nationalisms, or what we term assemblage nationalism. Second, we argue that it was this nationalist trope that became the mutual language between Turkey’s ruling elite and scientists, and one of the factors that prompted a change of strategy in Turkey’s Antarctic policy. Turkey’s status-seeking combined with this nationalist trope, which highlighted compatibility with the former’s broader discourse on technological upgrading and economic development, helped the Turkish ruling elite and scientists frame and make sense of the country’s presence in Antarctica. We conclude that when status-seeking involves collaboration with foreigners, a ‘more benign’ form of nationalism becomes possible. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1661-1678 Issue: 8 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1941847 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1941847 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:8:p:1661-1678 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Aasim Sajjad Akhtar Author-X-Name-First: Aasim Sajjad Author-X-Name-Last: Akhtar Author-Name: Ammar Rashid Author-X-Name-First: Ammar Author-X-Name-Last: Rashid Title: Dispossession and the militarised developer state: financialisation and class power on the agrarian–urban frontier of Islamabad, Pakistan Abstract: Pakistan’s capital Islamabad is one of the country’s fastest growing cities, the labouring poor comprising the majority of its residents. Many migrants from rural hinterlands and war-ravaged regions reside in informal squatter settlements on the city’s rapidly expanding agrarian–urban frontier. In recent years, violent demolitions of these settlements, known as katchi abadis, have increased in accordance with the growing demand for land as a financial asset in the form of gated housing schemes. Islamabad is a microcosm of contemporary processes of urbanisation across both Global North and South. Dispossession of both rural and urban working-class communities to make way for for-profit real estate development is an increasingly common practice in many countries, reflecting systemic transformation in the logic of global capitalism towards ‘financialisation’. Our case study engages the theoretical literature on financialisation and real estate along with recent empirical work on dialectical processes of development and dispossession in the Global South. In Islamabad, a ‘militarised developer state’ featuring civil and military bureaucracies, private contractors and city development authorities props up the dominant land-use paradigm, which deeply exacerbates urban land inequality and fuels both construction and destruction of katchi abadis which house a large segment of the city’s working-class population. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1866-1884 Issue: 8 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1939004 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1939004 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:8:p:1866-1884 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maximiliano Facundo Vila Seoane Author-X-Name-First: Maximiliano Facundo Author-X-Name-Last: Vila Seoane Title: Data securitisation: the challenges of data sovereignty in India Abstract: The rules employed to govern cross-border data flows are in dispute, the outcome of which will certainly affect digitalisation policies in the so-called Global South. Against this backdrop, data localisation has become one of the most prominent and disputed policy measures for states seeking to regulate cross-border data flows. This article argues that data localisation can be understood as the product of a new type of resource securitisation, namely data securitisation. This process is shaped by a range of state-specific political and economic issues, and by the outcome of the pressure exerted by national and foreign interest groups. Specifically, the article examines the case of India, where a set of policy measures and initiatives introduced in 2018 began a set of strict data securitisation moves; however, their results were ambivalent. On the one hand, economically driven data localisation requirements have been softened by the stark lobby of foreign governments and transnational corporations, in tandem with local actors, illustrating the structural limits faced by Global South states’ sovereign digitalisation policies. On the other hand, a geopolitically driven data securitisation move against Chinese firms has been successful. The article concludes by outlining what lessons Global South actors can draw from this case. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1733-1750 Issue: 8 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1915122 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1915122 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:8:p:1733-1750 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dagmar Milerová Prášková Author-X-Name-First: Dagmar Milerová Author-X-Name-Last: Prášková Author-Name: Josef Novotný Author-X-Name-First: Josef Author-X-Name-Last: Novotný Title: The rise and fall of the New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition: a tale of two discourses Abstract: The New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition (NAFSN) was launched in 2012 by the G7 countries as a major initiative to fight hunger in Africa. It promised to raise 50 million people out of poverty over the next 10 years by brokering pro-market reforms and flows of private capital to African agriculture. However, it failed to fulfil its promises and disappeared quietly from the public arena before the end of the 10-year period. This article applies critical discourse analysis to official US and French documents to examine the rise and fall of the initiative by confronting the discourses of the NAFSN and food security in the official US and French documents. The USA was the leading country, whereas France was a reluctant supporter and withdrew in 2018. The US discourse strongly promoted the neo-productivist food security paradigm embedded in techno-optimist and neoliberal solutions. By contrast, French framing leaned towards the agroecology paradigm, admittedly combined with the smallholder commercialisation perspective, which is itself remarkable for discourse at such a high policy level. We relate these divergences to the dialectical contradictions in the current global food system in terms of the tensions within the corporate/neoliberal food regime.Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.1917355 . Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1751-1769 Issue: 8 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1917355 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1917355 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:8:p:1751-1769 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Colin Hendrickx Author-X-Name-First: Colin Author-X-Name-Last: Hendrickx Title: Tshombe’s secessionist state of Katanga: agency against the odds Abstract: This article discusses the international dimension of the secessionist State of Katanga (1960–1963). It argues in favour of a reassessment of the agency of Katangese political elites. In this regard, it opposes arguments that privilege conceptions of the Katangese state as being constrained by outside forces. Contrary to the latter viewpoint, it is argued, the regime of Moïse Tshombe survived for a relatively long period of time, not least because it succeeded in establishing an international network that mobilised mercenaries to work for the state, and reached out to extensive lobby structures in France, Belgium and the United States. On a theoretical level, the article adds to the growing body of literature that emphasises African agency in international relations, and literature reconsidering the Katangese secession. Finally, it makes an empirical contribution by making use of the hitherto neglected Moïse Tshombe archival collection. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1809-1828 Issue: 8 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1920832 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1920832 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:8:p:1809-1828 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Arnab Roy Chowdhury Author-X-Name-First: Arnab Author-X-Name-Last: Roy Chowdhury Author-Name: Kuntala Lahiri-Dutt Author-X-Name-First: Kuntala Author-X-Name-Last: Lahiri-Dutt Title: Extractive capital and multi-scalar environmental politics: interpreting the exit of Rio Tinto from the diamond fields of Central India Abstract: Rio Tinto had been developing a diamond mining project in Madhya Pradesh for a decade when in 2017 it hastily abandoned the project. We analyse this counterintuitive exit through an ethnographic approach nested within a qualitative case study framework. We argue that the exit was caused by multi-scalar politics. Local protests over livelihood and labour issues –pre-emptively rearticulated by regional civil society groups through an ecological ‘framing’ – led to litigation. The national forest bureaucracy posed regulatory hurdles, and a change in the national political regime in 2014 brought to power a party that leveraged national capital of a certain variety, which weakened Rio Tinto’s political position. Lastly, a slump in the global diamond market created economic uncertainties, finally leading to its exit. It has not, however, deterred the government from facilitating investment by Indian mega-corporate houses in mining diamonds, once again ignoring local dissent. Under the current regime in India, the space for activism is increasingly restricted, and that restriction, we contend, can lead to the disarray in strategising alliances and goals between ecological and social justice concerns. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1770-1787 Issue: 8 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1917356 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1917356 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:8:p:1770-1787 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jaye de la Cruz Bekema Author-X-Name-First: Jaye de la Cruz Author-X-Name-Last: Bekema Title: Pandemics and the punitive regulation of the weak: experiences of COVID-19 survivors from urban poor communities in the Philippines Abstract: Using first-hand data collected from interviews with 21 coronavirus disease (COVID-19)-positive participants in a public quarantine facility in Quezon City, the largest city in the Philippines, this research aims to uncover the ways in which features of the neoliberal agenda shape experiences of resource-poor COVID-19 positive individuals, influence the decisions they make, and mediate their interactions with actors in relative positions of advantage and power. The first part and second part lay the foundation for neoliberalism as the main lens of analysis and situate this current conjuncture within the Philippine political economy. The third looks at COVID-19 testing, and how testing is accessed and experienced by the participants in public health settings. The fourth part examines quarantine arrangements and explores the experiences of COVID-19 patients in a public quarantine facility from the point of entry until they are allowed to go home. The last part – drawing on the data of the first and second parts – reflects on the aspects of neoliberalism that impede an inclusive, pro-poor and humane response to the pandemic. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1679-1695 Issue: 8 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1913407 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1913407 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:8:p:1679-1695 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Galib Bashirov Author-X-Name-First: Galib Author-X-Name-Last: Bashirov Title: New extractivism and failed development in Azerbaijan Abstract: This article examines the characteristics of the resource-led development project in Azerbaijan, including the policies of the Azerbaijani government and their consequences. It makes three contributions to the literature on critical development studies. First, it fills an empirical lacuna by discussing the case of Azerbaijan. Second, it expands upon the criticisms of statist-developmentalist models raised in the literature by demonstrating how the patrimonial rent distribution strategy of the Azerbaijani government plundered resource rents through state-owned enterprises and government-connected private companies, and crippled education and healthcare through underfunding and commodification. Third, as part of an examination of the recent attempts of the Azerbaijani government to diversify the economy and move to the post-oil era, it sheds light on some of the economic development challenges faced by a unique case of a resource-rich country with a closing window of energy resources. The arguments are illustrated and supported from sources pertaining to the political and economic situation in Azerbaijan, the activities of the transnational oil corporations, and US and UK foreign policies in the Caspian Sea. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1829-1848 Issue: 8 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1926968 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1926968 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:8:p:1829-1848 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lauren Collins Author-X-Name-First: Lauren Author-X-Name-Last: Collins Title: Offering space at the table: the work of hosting US study abroad students in Northern Thailand Abstract: This study illuminates important aspects of the complex power dynamics present when study abroad programmes take place between institutions based in the Global North and host communities based in the Global South. It explores the commercialisation and performance of home, showing how the provision of global education services has become a new form of work in the neoliberal economy that pervades lives in Thailand and other study abroad destinations. This paper does not argue that this labour is exploitative, but instead that study abroad programmes should be aware of the effort put forth by hosts to satisfy desires for a homestay experience and should engage in reciprocal relationships with host communities that reject contrived notions of authenticity. Given the recent disruption of international travel and study abroad programmes, the findings in this paper offer important considerations for higher education institutions as they rebuild exchanges with host communities like those profiled in this study. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1849-1865 Issue: 8 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1937097 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1937097 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:8:p:1849-1865 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tine Hanrieder Author-X-Name-First: Tine Author-X-Name-Last: Hanrieder Author-Name: Claire Galesne Author-X-Name-First: Claire Author-X-Name-Last: Galesne Title: Domestic humanitarianism: the Mission France of Médecins Sans Frontières and Médecins du Monde Abstract: What are the boundaries of humanitarianism? This question is controversially debated among humanitarian practitioners and scholars, given ever-changing spaces and temporalities of human suffering. This paper explores an understudied site of this controversy: the domestic humanitarian engagement of Médecins Sans Frontières and Médecins du Monde, two NGOs widely regarded as epitomes of liberal international humanitarianism. Their Mission France started in the 1980s to support vulnerable populations in France through medical aid, socio-legal support, and political activism. It has provoked fierce internal opposition ever since, in the name of an inherited vision of humanitarianism as impartial emergency aid. Drawing on organisational documents, archival sources and key informant interviews, we analyse how these conflicts gave rise to an unstable settlement around the diagnostic function of Mission France: Leaders aimed to make the assistance function of Mission France secondary to the advocacy function of drawing attention to health inequity, thus avoiding any long-term substitution for state services. However, the political strategizing demanded by this approach clashed with local volunteer preferences for immediate aid and claims to political neutrality. This conflict about the hierarchy of humanitarian values in the NGOs’ home country sheds new light on the contentious politics of humanitarian witnessing and assistance.Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.1916393 . Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1715-1732 Issue: 8 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1916393 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1916393 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:8:p:1715-1732 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nicola de Jager Author-X-Name-First: Nicola Author-X-Name-Last: de Jager Title: Sub-Saharan Africa’s desire for liberal democracy: civil society to the rescue? Abstract: In the context of the global recession of democracy, this article engages with sub-Saharan Africa’s so-called ‘democratic’ deficit. Three arguments are presented. First, sub-Saharan Africa’s challenge is less a democratic deficit than it is a liberal deficit. The political elite are content to use the electoral mechanism to gain access to power but are thereafter resistant to restraints on that power. Second, organised civil society can contribute to addressing this deficit by contending for civil liberties and holding political authority accountable. Third, sub-Saharan Africa’s deeply religious society can contribute towards the development of such a civil society. The study engages with secondary data analysis using survey data from Afrobarometer to determine sub-Saharan Africa’s ‘deficit’ and whether religion can contribute to the development of civil society in the region. From the survey data it was found that citizens of sub-Saharan African countries understand democracy in its liberal form – ensuring civil liberties and personal freedoms. Furthermore, it was noted that those who are religious are more likely to be civically engaged than those who are unaffiliated, and in time, this can contribute to addressing the liberal deficit. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1885-1902 Issue: 8 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1939005 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1939005 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:8:p:1885-1902 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maurizio Carbone Author-X-Name-First: Maurizio Author-X-Name-Last: Carbone Title: There is life beyond the European Union: revisiting the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States Abstract: The African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Group, established in June 1975 by the Georgetown Agreement, was generally seen as an emanation of the European Union (EU). This article presents a non-EU-centric perspective by discussing various initiatives aimed at fostering intra-ACP cooperation and promoting common ACP positions in international settings. Furthermore, it analyses various threats to the survival of the ACP Group, some linked to its allegedly ineffective performance as an organisation, others related to the rise of competitors, most notably the African Union. Importantly, it delves into the reform process that culminated in the adoption of the revised Georgetown Agreement in December 2019, which transformed the ACP Group into the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS), with the aim of establishing it as a relevant and influential global actor and reducing its dependence on the EU. In revisiting the evolution of the OACPS, this article identifies an intentions–capability gap, specifically between the often grandiose statements of official discourse and the institutional and financial resources devoted to implementing stated objectives. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2451-2468 Issue: 10 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1951608 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1951608 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:10:p:2451-2468 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nicola Degli Esposti Author-X-Name-First: Nicola Author-X-Name-Last: Degli Esposti Title: The 2017 independence referendum and the political economy of Kurdish nationalism in Iraq Abstract: In September 2017, the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq held a referendum for independence despite the high likelihood of heavy retaliation. In contrast to the narrative that presents that decision as the result of gross miscalculation, this article offers an alternative explanation highlighting the role played by Kurdish nationalism in upholding the structures of power of the region. The current class structure, institutional framework and rentier economy of Iraqi Kurdistan had their origins in the 1990s when Kurdish forces gained permanent control of the region. The new ruling class that developed in that decade had a profoundly extractive character and based its power on a strategy of appropriation of the public resources pursued through the control of the political institutions and security forces. The 2017 independence referendum must be understood as an attempt to thwart the threat to this social arrangement represented by a wave of popular protests. These events reveal the profound connection between Kurdish nationalism and the region’s class structure. They also allow us to appreciate the – often neglected – political agency of the subaltern classes in a rentier society. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2317-2333 Issue: 10 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1949978 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1949978 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:10:p:2317-2333 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kristin Ljungkvist Author-X-Name-First: Kristin Author-X-Name-Last: Ljungkvist Author-Name: Anna Jarstad Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Jarstad Title: Revisiting the local turn in peacebuilding – through the emerging urban approach Abstract: In this article, we revisit the ‘local turn’ debate in the peacebuilding literature, and explore its most recent and promising approach to ‘the local’, focussing on post-war cities and on urban dimensions of peacebuilding. There is still substantive contestation and frustration in the peacebuilding research field with regards to the conceptual fuzziness of ‘the local’, and with the continual failures of international interventions to actually take into account local perspectives, promote local agency and establish local ownership. In this article, we explore to what extent recent urban approaches to peacebuilding can help alleviate some of the conceptual problems that has persisted in the literature. We reflect on and raise questions about what a focus on cities and urban perspectives is contributing to the study of local peacebuilding more specifically. We suggest three facets of analytical added value: (1) an increased understanding of how the particularities of urban and rural space affects peacebuilding locally and potentially beyond; (2) how cities and urban space are interrelated with traditional territoriality; and (3) the methodological benefits of the city/urban as (local) analytical entry point. We also discuss potential pitfalls and limitations of urban approaches to peacebuilding, and identify prospective pathways for further research. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2209-2226 Issue: 10 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1929148 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1929148 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:10:p:2209-2226 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dylan O’Driscoll Author-X-Name-First: Dylan Author-X-Name-Last: O’Driscoll Title: Everyday peace and conflict: (un)privileged interactions in Kirkuk, Iraq Abstract: Taking as a starting point the conviction that everyday interactions carry the potential to be either conflictual or peaceful, this article examines people’s everyday behaviour in the deeply divided city of Kirkuk, Iraq. Using the historic bazaar in Kirkuk city as a site of analysis, and through a research survey of 511 people, it focuses on interactions between Kurds, Arabs and Turkmen. The article draws on Bourdieu’s theory of symbolic capital and takes an intersectional approach to analyse the everyday interactions in the bazaar to create a better understanding of the role of space and privilege. The results demonstrate that for the most part, at the everyday level people carry out acts of everyday peace rather than conflict. However, when everyday conflict does occur, those with the highest symbolic capital are the most likely actors. Additionally, although gender does influence people’s actions, ethnosectarian identity has greater influence in many areas related to everyday peace and conflict. On a practical level, the article argues that such an understanding can connect better to policymaking and peacebuilding as it can point to where and how peacebuilders should focus their attention in order to promote and enhance peace within people’s everyday lives. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2227-2246 Issue: 10 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1925104 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1925104 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:10:p:2227-2246 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Juana García Duque Author-X-Name-First: Juana Author-X-Name-Last: García Duque Author-Name: Juan Pablo Casadiego Author-X-Name-First: Juan Pablo Author-X-Name-Last: Casadiego Title: International cooperation in peacebuilding: stakeholder interaction in Colombia Abstract: The international community is a key actor in fostering, establishing and maintaining peace in conflict-affected regions through multiple forms of cooperation. Official development assistance (ODA), for example, is one of them. It encompasses peacebuilding initiatives and includes diverse actors and partnerships. This paper provides a better understanding of such stakeholders’ relationships by analysing 85 successful peacebuilding ODA projects that donors have implemented in Colombia. Together with international donors, we examined the projects’ databases to classify the modality of cooperation, based on whether it focussed on development assistance, humanitarian aid or transition and on the way in which the key actors’ involvement varied, depending on the projects and modalities. We bridge multidisciplinary findings from peacebuilding and international cooperation literature in light of the Colombian case. Using empirical and theoretical evidence, we found that non-governmental organisations and civil society are key actors in most of the projects; and that, with Colombia holding a middle-income country (MIC) status, donors do not avoid cooperating with the government, as they do with low-income countries (LIC), which lack governmental capacities. The private sector was not recognised as a key actor by the donors, who question its role in international peacebuilding-oriented assistance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2372-2392 Issue: 10 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1951200 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1951200 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:10:p:2372-2392 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Séverine Deneulin Author-X-Name-First: Séverine Author-X-Name-Last: Deneulin Title: Religion and development: integral ecology and the Catholic Church Amazon Synod Abstract: ‘Religion and development’ is now a well-established research area within development studies. However, reflections on development from within the standpoint of religions remain largely unexplored. Interrogating processes of social change from a certain moral standpoint – whether some are more desirable or worthwhile than others – has been a defining characteristic of development studies throughout its history. The paper argues that, given these normative underpinnings, greater dialogue is needed with ethical frameworks among which reflections on development are conducted within religions. It argues that extending the moral standpoint from which to interrogate processes of social change to include that of religious traditions could contribute to development studies’ ongoing reflections on the concept and meaning of development. The paper focuses on the reflections on development conducted from within the Catholic tradition, particularly Pope Francis’s encyclical Laudato Si’: On Care for Our Common Home, and its implementation in the Synod of Bishops for the Pan-Amazon Region. It argues that these reflections, which have moved the concept of development towards integral ecology, could contribute to broadening the normative basis of development studies more widely, and offer a more integrated approach for thinking about development and how societies should move into the future. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2282-2299 Issue: 10 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1948324 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1948324 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:10:p:2282-2299 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Giulia Piccolino Author-X-Name-First: Giulia Author-X-Name-Last: Piccolino Author-Name: Krisna Ruette-Orihuela Author-X-Name-First: Krisna Author-X-Name-Last: Ruette-Orihuela Title: The turn from peacebuilding to stabilisation: Colombia after the 2018 presidential election Abstract: Although stabilisation has been widely debated by the recent literature, there has been relatively little discussion about how the governments of countries affected by armed violence have themselves engaged with the concept. This article looks at Colombia where, since the election of president Iván Duque in 2018, the government has increasingly emphasised stabilisation. We argue that stabilisation is for the Duque administration a discursive device that allows them to navigate the contradiction between their critical position towards the peace process and the necessity to fulfil internal and international obligations. We also argue that, in spite of its apparent novelty, the concept of stabilisation has long roots in Colombia, going back to the policies of consolidation developed under the presidencies of Álvaro Uribe and Juan Manuel Santos. The analysis of the antecedents of consolidation raises doubts about the appropriateness of Duque’s stabilisation for tackling Colombia’s post-conflict challenges. The case of Colombia highlights the risk that stabilisation might displace more transformative approaches to peacebuilding and the continuity between contemporary stabilisation and previous interventions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2393-2412 Issue: 10 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1951201 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1951201 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:10:p:2393-2412 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Johannes Plagemann Author-X-Name-First: Johannes Author-X-Name-Last: Plagemann Author-Name: Sreeradha Datta Author-X-Name-First: Sreeradha Author-X-Name-Last: Datta Author-Name: Sinan Chu Author-X-Name-First: Sinan Author-X-Name-Last: Chu Title: The paradox of competing connectivity strategies in Asia Abstract: Competing connectivity strategies are a core component of geopolitics in the twenty-first century – from China’s Belt and Road Initiative to Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy. To demonstrate the multifaceted consequences of the new multiplicity of connectivity strategies, we propose a conceptual distinction between two forms of competition among connectivity projects: the commonly addressed horizontal competition between central state-driven connectivity strategies and the less explored vertical competition between existing or potential connectivity schemes below and above the level of the nation state. We contend that although typically targeting differing forms of connectivity, strategies across levels of governance are not necessarily complementary. To the contrary, the geopolitical nature of relatively new and nation-state-driven strategies can also severely undermine sustainable intra-state connectivity. By way of illustration, we examine competing connectivity investments in the Bay of Bengal, a subregion of South Asia between the two Asian rivals India and China. Driven at least partly by horizontal competition, centrally devised and executed connectivity strategies oftentimes crowd out pre-existing connectivity based on subnational initiatives or transnational societal linkages. To fully assess contemporary connectivity investments in Asia, future scholarship should take account of the challenges and complications along both dimensions of competing connectivity strategies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2265-2281 Issue: 10 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1941846 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1941846 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:10:p:2265-2281 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: JeongWon Bourdais Park Author-X-Name-First: JeongWon Author-X-Name-Last: Bourdais Park Author-Name: Brian Bridges Author-X-Name-First: Brian Author-X-Name-Last: Bridges Title: Ecology, security and international action: beyond sanctions on North Korea Abstract: This article explores the international measures that can resolve ecological problems in a highly securitised zone, taking North Korea (DPRK) as an example. The main question posed is how effective the available international policy measures for ecological risk mitigation are in a highly securitised country. Irreversible ecological conditions and aggravating humanitarian crises co-influence each other and threaten society as a whole. The main purpose of the article is to suggest ways of mainstreaming the environmental aspect of security in international actions that engage with problematised countries like North Korea. A cross-cutting analysis is provided on the possible approaches – including environmental aid, extended or integral humanitarian exemption, and proactive ecological intervention – for the international community to be engaged in the field of environmental security under three different circumstances: peace, security alert and conflict. The current international measures employed in North Korea demonstrate that available tools are either overused or underused, thereby failing to address the interconnectivity of the triple perils for the economy, human welfare and ecosystem, and further aggravating political tensions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2413-2433 Issue: 10 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1951202 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1951202 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:10:p:2413-2433 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Radoslav Yordanov Author-X-Name-First: Radoslav Author-X-Name-Last: Yordanov Title: An exit without strategy: learning from the Soviet Bloc’s retreat from the Horn of Africa and Central America Abstract: This article investigates the closing years of East–West Cold War rivalry by focussing on the inconsistent implementation of Mikhail Gorbachev’s policies of de-escalating decade-long regional conflicts across the globe. It closely examines Moscow and its Eastern European ally’s disengagement from two of the hottest war zones at the end of the Cold War, the Horn of Africa and Central America, consulting a wide range of Soviet and Eastern European party, diplomatic and security services archives. The paper argues that there was more to an economic interest that justified the Soviet Bloc’s continuing military deliveries as its leaders publicly pleaded for disarmament. As the military and intelligence services maintained their policy influence until late 1980, some of their analyses suggest that lingering security imperatives concerning the progressive regimes in the developing nations continued to play a notable role behind the scenes in motivating the Bloc’s contradictive withdrawal. This argument provides a plausible correlational explanation for the lingering inertia of ‘old thinking’ in the Kremlin’s relations with today’s Global South, precipitating a less orderly exit from regional hotbeds of conflict. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2300-2316 Issue: 10 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1948829 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1948829 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:10:p:2300-2316 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michelle Morais de Sá e Silva Author-X-Name-First: Michelle Author-X-Name-Last: Morais de Sá e Silva Title: South–South cooperation resilience in Brazil: presidential leadership, institutions and bureaucracies Abstract: The article seeks to contribute to the interdisciplinary literature on South–South cooperation (SSC) promoted by Brazil. By delving into both quantitative and qualitative data, the article presents an outlook on the last 20 years of Brazilian SSC projects and addresses the role of some domestic factors in this process. Data analysis reveals that presidential leadership and institutional-bureaucratic factors are important for a more comprehensive understanding of past and present trends. As indicated by the previous literature, Lula’s leadership was an important factor in the spike in SSC initiatives during the later years of his administration. Additionally, one should consider the role of federal institutions and their bureaucracies in sustaining momentum when the leadership driver is either absent or working against SSC, as is the case in the Bolsonaro administration. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2353-2371 Issue: 10 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1951199 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1951199 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:10:p:2353-2371 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Derya Ozkul Author-X-Name-First: Derya Author-X-Name-Last: Ozkul Author-Name: Rita Jarrous Author-X-Name-First: Rita Author-X-Name-Last: Jarrous Title: How do refugees navigate the UNHCR’s bureaucracy? The role of rumours in accessing humanitarian aid and resettlement Abstract: In conflict situations, rapid changes can occur in the conditions in both host and home countries. In the context of such uncertainty, how do refugees navigate the bureaucratic apparatus of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to obtain humanitarian aid and resettlement? We carried out fieldwork in 2019 in Lebanon and found the UNHCR’s bureaucracy to be a ‘black box’ for refugees in relation to the provision of information on humanitarian aid and resettlement. In this context of limited information, we found that rumours – widely considered to be uncertain truths – contributed to shaping participants’ understanding of the UNHCR’s decisions on the provision of aid and resettlement. In this article, we highlight the interpretive aspect of rumours and argue that refugees engage in interpretive labour as a result of the unequal relationship between themselves and the UNHCR’s opaque bureaucracy and provision of information. While refugees have to provide the UNHCR with detailed and highly personal information in interviews and household inspections, officers provide refugees with only generic responses, leading refugees to make their own interpretations of the bureaucratic decision-making processes. We conceptualise this interpretive labour as a collective process that contributes to generating rumours among refugee groups. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2247-2264 Issue: 10 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1928487 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1928487 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:10:p:2247-2264 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hanlie Booysen Author-X-Name-First: Hanlie Author-X-Name-Last: Booysen Title: Martyrs as a conduit for legitimacy – explaining Iran’s foreign policy towards Syria Abstract: What explains the Islamic Republic of Iran’s considerable financial, military and diplomatic support for the nominally secular Bashar al-Asad government in the wake of the 2011 Syrian uprising? Iranian foreign policy is subject to realist considerations (security and power). However, realism does not adequately explain Iran’s Syria policy since 2011, given the price Iranian citizens are paying in casualties on the Syrian battlefield. This paper uses a constructivist framework to examine the role of identity in Iran’s foreign policy towards Syria. Moreover, it sketches Eid al-Ghadir as an identity marker for Twelver Shia Muslims. The aim of this paper is to show that Iranian martyrs are not only a consequence of Iran’s foreign policy towards Syria, but that martyrdom serves as a conduit for legitimacy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2469-2485 Issue: 10 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1952067 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1952067 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:10:p:2469-2485 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Neil Loughlin Author-X-Name-First: Neil Author-X-Name-Last: Loughlin Author-Name: Mark Grimsditch Author-X-Name-First: Mark Author-X-Name-Last: Grimsditch Title: How local political economy dynamics are shaping the Belt and Road Initiative Abstract: The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)’s ambiguity has opened the door to varied interpretations. Developing a structural political economy analysis, we push back against overgeneralised one-directional accounts in favour of a more nuanced localised reading, to show how recipient state political economy dynamics mediate the BRI as it unfolds in participating countries. We demonstrate this through analysis of Cambodia’s industrial development, drawing from evidence of special economic zones (SEZs), and specifically the Sihanoukville SEZ, now touted as a ‘model’ of BRI cooperation by both China and Cambodia. We show this model to be a continuation of earlier neoliberal logics of uneven growth and precarity, perpetuating Cambodia’s conflictual authoritarian developmentalism. This investment, now increasingly framed under the BRI, supports infrastructure development and industrial expansion, feeding the ruling Cambodian People’s Party’s longstanding elite-patronage system, while generating jobs for ordinary Cambodians in manufacturing and other low-added-value industries. In our analysis, local political economy dynamics and contestation emerge as critical for explaining trajectories and outcomes associated with the BRI. In the process we unpick the discourses ascribed to the BRI in Cambodia and more broadly. Our findings have implications for policymaking in Cambodia and China, and for other development actors engaging with the BRI. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2334-2352 Issue: 10 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1950528 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1950528 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:10:p:2334-2352 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anthony Russell Jerry Author-X-Name-First: Anthony Russell Author-X-Name-Last: Jerry Title: From colonial subjects to post-colonial citizens? Considerations for a contemporary study of Black México Abstract: The Mexican government is currently attempting to incorporate Black Mexicans into the national cultural landscape. However, the centring of whiteness through mestizaje limits the possibilities of Black inclusion by continuing to imagine the archetypal Mexican citizen as non-Black. Therefore, a colonial inheritance of racial value continues to frame how blackness can be constituted as part of the contemporary nation. This article argues that while the War for Independence may have allowed for the imagination of a new ‘Mexican’, a colonial racial economy continues to endure. This racial economy continues to limit the possibility of citizenship for African descendants in México. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2434-2450 Issue: 10 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1951606 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1951606 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:10:p:2434-2450 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anna Grzywacz Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Grzywacz Author-Name: Marcin Florian Gawrycki Author-X-Name-First: Marcin Florian Author-X-Name-Last: Gawrycki Title: The authoritarian turn of middle powers: changes in narratives and engagement Abstract: Although middle powers are expected to behave as supporters of international organisations, cooperation, and as promoters of norms and ethics, as well as providers of international public goods, they are not immune to current global ‘de-democratisation’ processes. The authoritarian turn challenges the patterns of behaviour of middle powers. This article discusses the changes of middlepowermanship engagement by presenting an analysis of middle powers’ foreign policy and their narratives thereof. We analyse whether and how middle powers experiencing democracy backsliding have changed their language of political communication and contribution to international relations. We argue that the redefinitions of middle powers’ foreign policy remain in line with their broadly understood foreign policy culture, that is that a middle power embedded within consensus-oriented domestic political context is less likely to change its foreign policy than a middle power embedded within conflict-oriented domestic political context. The argument is substantiated by an analysis of political behaviour of Indonesia, representing the former, and Brazil, representing the latter. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2629-2650 Issue: 11 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1960159 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1960159 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:11:p:2629-2650 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Florent Bédécarrats Author-X-Name-First: Florent Author-X-Name-Last: Bédécarrats Author-Name: Isabelle Guérin Author-X-Name-First: Isabelle Author-X-Name-Last: Guérin Author-Name: Solène Morvant-Roux Author-X-Name-First: Solène Author-X-Name-Last: Morvant-Roux Author-Name: François Roubaud Author-X-Name-First: François Author-X-Name-Last: Roubaud Title: Behind the scenes of science in action: a ‘replication in context’ of a randomised control trial in Morocco Abstract: This article is a ‘replication in context’ of a flagship randomised control trial (RCT) conducted in Morocco on microcredit. ‘Replication in context’ consists in combining the quantitative replication of an RCT with a contextualised analysis of its implementation and its political economy, in the sense of the interplay between different stakeholders with divergent and potentially conflicting interests, constraints and powers. ‘Replication in context’ draws on quantitative and qualitative data and uses the tools of statistics, political economy and sociology of science. This method allows us to describe the entire RCT production chain, from sampling, data collection, data entry and recoding, estimates and interpretations to publication and dissemination of the results. We find that this particular RCT does not respect the key principles of randomisation (imbalanced sampling and contamination) nor those of statistics (coding and measurement problems, poor-quality data and arbitrary trimming procedures). The qualitative analysis highlights the difficulties of implementing a randomised protocol in the real world. Beyond this particular case study, our analyses call into question the supposed superiority of randomised methods, echoing the growing unease in an academic field increasingly struggling to enforce the basic rules of ethics and scientific deontology. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2669-2689 Issue: 11 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1977114 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1977114 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:11:p:2669-2689 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Albert Ayinpoya Akafari Author-X-Name-First: Albert Author-X-Name-Last: Ayinpoya Akafari Author-Name: Gumataw Kifle Abebe Author-X-Name-First: Gumataw Author-X-Name-Last: Kifle Abebe Author-Name: Giuliano Martiniello Author-X-Name-First: Giuliano Author-X-Name-Last: Martiniello Author-Name: Jad Chaaban Author-X-Name-First: Jad Author-X-Name-Last: Chaaban Author-Name: Ali Chalak Author-X-Name-First: Ali Author-X-Name-Last: Chalak Title: Land appropriation, customary tenure and rural livelihoods: gold mining in Ghana Abstract: Recent decades have witnessed unprecedented agrarian transformations and mining sector-led development projects in the countryside of the Global South. This study explores the impact of land appropriation for gold mining on customary land tenure systems and rural livelihoods in Ghana. Data were gathered through face-to-face semi-structured and structured interviews with 120 affected farmers, key informant interviews (seven participants), and three focus group discussions (28 participants). The findings show a growing tendency of customary authorities being coopted into the wider assemblages of economic and political actors who are benefiting from the land appropriation by the state and mining companies. As a result, customary authorities have become facilitators and the manu longa of the state. The study demonstrates how gold mining companies have exploited centuries-old traditional land allocation and governance practices to suppress reactions from below and how this has led to increased social differentiation and social tension in northern Ghana. In conclusion, land expropriation for gold mining has resulted in a transformation in the Ghanaian customary land tenure system, producing a marked shift from agrarian to non-agrarian livelihoods, increasing household food insecurity and societal tension, and creating a new class of (near-)landless farmers in the rural communities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2572-2592 Issue: 11 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1965871 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1965871 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:11:p:2572-2592 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Balazs Szent-Ivanyi Author-X-Name-First: Balazs Author-X-Name-Last: Szent-Ivanyi Title: Practising what they preach? Development NGOs and the EU’s Emergency Trust Fund for Africa Abstract: This article examines how non-governmental development organisations (NGDOs) balance their moral and organisational/financial incentives in the case of the European Union Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTF). The EUTF was created in 2015 to support the European Union’s (EU’s) migration policy by addressing the ‘root causes’ of migration in Africa. The article analyses how NGDOs have reacted to the EUTF using qualitative textual analysis of publications and press releases, and finds that NGDOs have been highly critical of the EUTF’s underlying narrative, goals and implementation. Their positions align closely with the stated moral vision of supporting and empowering the global poor. Despite this critical position, many NGDOs have benefitted financially from the EUTF as project implementers. Regression analysis on the determinants of NGDO participation in EUTF projects reveals that NGDOs have largely avoided the more controversial migration management projects of the EUTF, and have focused mostly on projects that build resilience in local communities and support improving the lives and the rights of the poor in Africa. The case of the EUTF shows that NGDOs mostly practise what they preach, and while they did not abstain from the EUTF, they did not allow their financial incentives to fully dictate their actions either. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2552-2571 Issue: 11 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1964358 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1964358 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:11:p:2552-2571 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter Olayiwola Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Olayiwola Title: Challenging stories about child domestic work: evidence from South-West Nigeria Abstract: This paper answers some salient questions about poverty and child domestic work (CDW) and discusses other reasons for working in domestic service beyond absolute deprivation. Drawing from findings from an ethnographic study, I argue that working in domestic service remains a viable option for many households in a society without a functioning social welfare system. While the focus on harm has dominated discussions on and campaigns against CDW, it has not significantly reduced its prevalence. From the standpoint of child domestic workers and/or their families, the consideration of certain benefits underlies their involvement in this type of work. I argue for the need to retell stories about child domestic work in ways that recognise the complexities involved in the arrangements without denying its exploitative tendencies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2690-2705 Issue: 11 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1956312 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1956312 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:11:p:2690-2705 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hannes Warnecke-Berger Author-X-Name-First: Hannes Author-X-Name-Last: Warnecke-Berger Title: Dynamics of global asymmetries: how migrant remittances (re-)shape North–South relations Abstract: This article analyses North–South relations through the lens of migrant remittances. Scrutinising remittances, this article argues that remittances need to be understood as a moral claim on the migrant’s propensity to remit. Migrants and their remittance-receiving families are bound together in translocal moral economies. These relations are described as a form of negotiated dependency. Due to the logic of remittances, net remittance-receiving economies within the Global South increasingly merge with the Global North. However, this process is conflict-ridden and (re)shapes and (re)produces global asymmetries, with remittances contributing to the individualisation of development. This emerging scenario is characterised by a fundamental micro–macro dilemma: On the micro level, migrants provide for the well-being of their relatives. On the macro level, migrant remittances increase in ‘value’ as currency hierarchies are deepened. In this scenario, protectionist labour market policies that are intended to reduce levels of migration within the Global North are likely to incentivise migration and thus reproduce the asymmetrical nature of North–South relations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2767-2784 Issue: 11 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1954501 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1954501 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:11:p:2767-2784 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Luisa F. Freier Author-X-Name-First: Luisa F. Author-X-Name-Last: Freier Author-Name: Nicholas R. Micinski Author-X-Name-First: Nicholas R. Author-X-Name-Last: Micinski Author-Name: Gerasimos Tsourapas Author-X-Name-First: Gerasimos Author-X-Name-Last: Tsourapas Title: Refugee commodification: the diffusion of refugee rent-seeking in the Global South Abstract: Do states in the Global South learn from each other regarding the management of forced migration? Although research has shown that refugees have recently been recast as an economic benefit for non-Western host states, little scholarly work exists on whether and how such a normative change is adopted across regions. In this article, we identify the diffusion of refugee rent-seeking behaviour, namely the use of host states’ geopolitical position as leverage to extract revenue from other states in exchange for maintaining refugees within their borders. We identify three types of diffusion – learning, cooperation and emulation – occurring at state, regional and international levels across the Global South. Drawing on a range of primary sources, we demonstrate the working of these three types across a range of empirical examples drawn from the Middle East, sub-Saharan Africa and South America. Overall, we identify a rising trend in the commodification of forced migration across refugee rentier states, while highlighting the need for further interregional research on policy diffusion outside the Global North. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2747-2766 Issue: 11 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1956891 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1956891 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:11:p:2747-2766 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Renaud Egreteau Author-X-Name-First: Renaud Author-X-Name-Last: Egreteau Title: Why veterans lose: the decline of retired military officers in Myanmar’s post-junta elections Abstract: Retired military officers often continue to wield significant influence in regimes built after the end of junta rule, sometimes helping to bridge enduring civil–military divides. Myanmar’s recent legislative elections offers a counterintuitive case. There has been a rapidly decreasing influence of military retirees in the electoral landscape shaped in the 2010s. I reveal this decline using data on the sociological background of candidates for the 2015 and 2020 elections. Then, building on field interviews with retired officers who ran for office, I offer five explanatory propositions: (1) the depletion of moral capital held by soldiers; (2) military socialisation and the difficulties for veterans to transition to political life, with rivals from other sectors emerging as better equipped; (3) the existence of worthier avenues for power, influence and wealth acquisition; (4) the failure of the authoritarian successor party to manipulate votes and be voted back into office; and (5) the lingering authority and political sway of serving officers. The findings illuminate the persistent insulation from Myanmar society of its active military – even before the 2021 coup – and challenge the claim that veterans can help close the widening gap in Myanmar’s civil–military relations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2611-2628 Issue: 11 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1976060 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1976060 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:11:p:2611-2628 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ahmad H. Sa’di Author-X-Name-First: Ahmad H. Author-X-Name-Last: Sa’di Title: Orientalism in a globalised world: Said in the twenty-first century Abstract: From its publication in 1978, Edward Said’s magnum opus Orientalism has generated fierce and unrelenting debates regarding its epistemology and scope, and the interpretive validity of its Western cultural representations of the self and other. Since then, however, the world has become increasingly governed by different sets of assumptions, ideologies, relations of production and reproduction, and matrixes of power relations. This article considers whether orientalism has kept its hold on Western public opinion, media presentations, political elites, and sections of the scholarly community’s mode of thinking in the current neo-liberal, globalised, digitalised and securitised world. It also considers whether its mutation has shifted to engender a paradigmatic change and argues that alongside the old-style orientalism, a more sophisticated, subtle, and up-to-date perspective has appeared. Although its emphases, concerns and methodologies might represent a certain departure from old orientalist dogmas, its objective seems to remain largely intact. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2505-2520 Issue: 11 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1788935 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1788935 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:11:p:2505-2520 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lucia Rabello de Castro Author-X-Name-First: Lucia Author-X-Name-Last: Rabello de Castro Title: Decolonising child studies: development and globalism as orientalist perspectives Abstract: This paper examines the production of scientific knowledge on children from a decolonial perspective, with two major concerns. The first relates to the interrogation of developmentalism and globalism as part of the hegemonic project of modernisation originated in Northern countries and projected onto the world as an inevitable and to-be-desired future. I argue that these major paradigms about children and nations attempt to legitimate a scientific framework which universalises the way in which all childhoods, their generational value and the future orientation of societies should be envisaged. They can be considered orientalist perspectives framing childhoods all over the world in normative ideals produced by and articulated with specific Western/Northern social and political conditions. The second interrogation, by relying on the insights provided by the orientalist critique, deploys the North–South divide as a strategic perspective from which to look at present geopolitical structures of world domination that condition forms of knowledge production about nations, collectivities, individuals and children. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2487-2504 Issue: 11 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1788934 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1788934 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:11:p:2487-2504 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Nugent Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Nugent Title: Orientalism in war and peace: the politics of academic scholarship during the long twentieth century Abstract: In this paper I explore the relationship between Orientalism, empire-building and the development of the social sciences in the US during the long twentieth century. I focus on the construction of a series of academic infrastructures that the sponsors of the social sciences have underwritten to produce knowledge about the Others of empire. I am especially concerned with the role of these academic infrastructures in concealing imperial domination and in Orientalising imperial subjects. I trace the historical development of the infrastructures and explore the dilemmas they create for scholars who seek to critique processes in which they are unavoidably involved. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2521-2537 Issue: 11 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1913405 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1913405 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:11:p:2521-2537 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ruji Auethavornpipat Author-X-Name-First: Ruji Author-X-Name-Last: Auethavornpipat Title: Translating sustainable fishing norms: the EU’s external relations with Ghana Abstract: This article solves the puzzle of why developing countries such as Ghana are responsive to the European Union’s (EU) promotion of sustainable fishing despite the fragmentation and contestation of environmental norms. Analysing the EU–Ghana interaction with rationalist and constructivist perspectives on norm diffusion, this article reveals EU counterparts’ motivations for domestic fisheries reforms. It argues that although the EU exercises both ‘normative power’ and ‘market power’ to encourage sustainable fishing, EU partners are more reactive to the manipulation of material benefits associated with the European market access. By highlighting such motivations, and thus the relational aspect of EU power, this article also contributes to the EU-as-a-power debate from the often-overlooked perspective of EU partners. The findings capture the characteristics of EU influence and further illuminate the fisheries policymaking and collective action mobilisation needed for broader environmental protection. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2593-2610 Issue: 11 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1958673 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1958673 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:11:p:2593-2610 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Harald Fuhr Author-X-Name-First: Harald Author-X-Name-Last: Fuhr Title: The rise of the Global South and the rise in carbon emissions Abstract: Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63% of today’s total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South’s emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60% and the top 10 countries for some 78% of the group’s emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term ‘Global South’. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2724-2746 Issue: 11 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1954901 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1954901 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:11:p:2724-2746 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Abdil Mughis Mudhoffir Author-X-Name-First: Abdil Mughis Author-X-Name-Last: Mudhoffir Author-Name: Rafiqa Qurrata A’yun Author-X-Name-First: Rafiqa Qurrata Author-X-Name-Last: A’yun Title: Doing business under the framework of disorder: illiberal legalism in Indonesia Abstract: The rule of law has been widely perceived as an important prerequisite for economic development. However, many cases in postcolonial countries have shown that the two may not always be strongly related. Drawing from the case of Indonesia, we found that economic development can also be accompanied by a distinctly illiberal legal framework. Instead of being obstacles, legal uncertainty and lawlessness are in some ways instrumental in facilitating particular experiences of economic development, constituting the failure of legal reform. This means that illiberal legalism is not an exclusive characteristic of transitional states nor necessarily the result of a cultural feature of developing societies where multiple legal systems coexist. Rather, illiberal legalism is an outcome of a particular development of capitalism in some countries in the Global South where legal institutions work as an instrument of rule. While there is no single model of illiberal legalism, the Indonesian case represents an example where an illiberal politico-legal system coexists with a predominantly rent-seeking economy. The Indonesian case was analysed based on fieldwork conducted in Jakarta from December 2019 to January 2020 and secondary data collected until the time of writing. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2651-2668 Issue: 11 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1967738 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1967738 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:11:p:2651-2668 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alena Sander Author-X-Name-First: Alena Author-X-Name-Last: Sander Title: Reclaiming partnership – ‘rightful resistance’ in a Norths/Souths cooperation Abstract: Over the past few decades, the development discourse has been subject to various criticisms. Instead of rejecting these criticisms, however, the discourse absorbed at least parts of them. This led to discursive incoherencies. These appear as new concepts that seem incompatible with the initial development discourse and the power relations on which it relies. The notion of partnership, which refers to mutual trust and respect, is one of the discourse’s most prominent incoherent features. In the everyday cooperation between Jordanian women’s organisations and their North-based donors, however, partnership is an ideal, rather than an actual practice, and is frequently arbitrarily misinterpreted and misused by the donors. Through a case study grounded in a two-month participant observation of one Jordanian women’s organisation and a series of qualitative interviews with their staff members and donor representatives conducted in Jordan in 2017 and 2018, the paper explores how the organisation and their staff members intentionally resist their donors’ behaviour by performing acts of rightful resistance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2538-2551 Issue: 11 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1957672 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1957672 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:11:p:2538-2551 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Naomi Hossain Author-X-Name-First: Naomi Author-X-Name-Last: Hossain Title: The geopolitics of bare life in 1970s Bangladesh Abstract: This article explores how the people and landscape of the Bay of Bengal came to be cast in terms of what Giorgio Agamben called ‘bare life’ – a people without the protection or mandate of sovereign law – in the international discourse of the early 1970s. This was a period marked in the emerging nation of Bangladesh by cyclone, war and famine. International actors were influenced by Malthusian notions of the need for ‘triage’ in relation to international food security, but also by counter-currents marked by a humanitarian impulse to aid this disaster-prone and populous poor country. This article discusses prominent examples of the framing of the Bangladesh development challenge as a Herculean effort of uncertain outcome, arguing that this framing licensed a kind of humanitarian experimentalism that has pervaded Bangladesh’s national development project, and shaped international development more broadly. Geopolitics exert biopower over the Bangladeshi population in new and different ways, but the nation state now exercises greater control over the conditions of bare life than in the 1970s, and is better able to protect its people. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2706-2723 Issue: 11 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1954902 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1954902 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:11:p:2706-2723 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jugdep S. Chima Author-X-Name-First: Jugdep S. Author-X-Name-Last: Chima Title: India as a ‘crypto-ethnic democracy’: the dynamics of ‘control’ in relation to peripheral ethnic minorities Abstract: What type of democracy is multi-ethnic India, and how has it maintained territorial unity since Independence? I argue that India is best coded as a ‘crypto-ethnic democracy’, in contrast to traditional ‘consensual’ and ‘consociational’ interpretations, specifically in relation to its peripheral religious/ethnic minority groups. This argument is demonstrated through three interrelated themes: (1) nation/state-building, legitimating ideology and nationality construction; (2) ethnofederalism, regional political parties and ethnic peace accords; and (3) national security legislation, human rights and state-sponsored pogroms. The new conceptual formulation of ‘crypto-ethnic democracy’ integrates ‘control’ with both ‘consensus’ and ‘consociationalism’ within democracy. ‘Crypto-ethnic democracy’ also adds to existing typologies of multi-ethnic democracies, including differentiating the de facto dynamics of ‘control’ from the de jure institutions identified in traditional models of ‘ethnic democracy’. It is argued that the concept of ‘crypto-ethnic democracy’ has significant conceptual and comparative value for scholars. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2822-2840 Issue: 12 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1976632 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1976632 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:12:p:2822-2840 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Daniela Calmon Author-X-Name-First: Daniela Author-X-Name-Last: Calmon Author-Name: Chantal Jacovetti Author-X-Name-First: Chantal Author-X-Name-Last: Jacovetti Author-Name: Massa Koné Author-X-Name-First: Massa Author-X-Name-Last: Koné Title: Agrarian climate justice as a progressive alternative to climate security: Mali at the intersection of natural resource conflicts Abstract: Natural resource conflicts in Mali in the last decade represent an important case to visualise the interconnection between land and climate issues. The country has received significant international attention in recent years both due to the announcement of large-scale land deals and due to its perceived vulnerability to climate stress. At the same time, Malian peasant movements have formed important networks of resistance and have been leading the pilot implementation of village land commissions to recognise and manage community resources, based on a new Agricultural Land Law. This paper explores emerging trends in natural resource politics through the lens of interactions between land and climate policies and discourses. We analyse the growing use of the frame of ‘climate security’ to associate climate change, conflict and migration in relation to countries such as Mali, by looking into the possibilities that this frame could shift focus and blame towards conflicts between marginalised groups and further close space for bottom-up participation. As an alternative, we explore the relevance of a platform of agrarian climate justice and the possibilities and challenges of enacting some of its principles through the implementation of the village land commissions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2785-2803 Issue: 12 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1965870 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1965870 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:12:p:2785-2803 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Samreen Mushtaq Author-X-Name-First: Samreen Author-X-Name-Last: Mushtaq Author-Name: Mudasir Amin Author-X-Name-First: Mudasir Author-X-Name-Last: Amin Title: ‘We will memorise our home’: exploring settler colonialism as an interpretive framework for Kashmir Abstract: In this article, we examine the practices of India’s military occupation of Kashmir in the framework of settler colonialism to map its entrenched nature in sustaining control and countering the struggle for Azaadi (freedom). Post 5 August 2019, when the Indian state proceeded with a reading down of the laws that enabled Kashmir’s permanent residents exclusive rights over land and jobs, scholars and activists noted it to be an advancement of India’s settler logic of elimination. In this essay, we complicate its trajectory and trace these recent practices as part of long drawn processes including spatial, demographic and ecological manifestations that are now further deepening and expanding a matrix of control characteristic of such a project. The paper argues that while settler colonialism could be used as a crucial interpretive framework for Kashmir and make it legible for an international audience, the reliance on a future Indian-citizen-settler runs the risk of invisibilising the Indian armed forces already permanently stationed in Kashmir and occupying vast tracts of land. The settler colonial framework can be a useful concept for Kashmir when its shrewd combination of assimilationist and eliminationist tactics is placed within the framework of military occupation, rather than as a distinct alternative. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 3012-3029 Issue: 12 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1984877 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1984877 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:12:p:3012-3029 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ghazi-Walid Falah Author-X-Name-First: Ghazi-Walid Author-X-Name-Last: Falah Title: How should one read Trump’s map of the ‘deal of the century’? Abstract: The article provides a critical analysis of the two maps that were included in the ‘Deal of the Century’ (DoC) which delineates the territory of the so-called ‘State of Palestine’. It examines in detail the proposed new partitioning of historic Palestine among Israelis and Palestinians and defines rules and constraints over who will be living where and aspects of mobility in the area between the River Jordan and the Mediterranean Sea. The paper argues that territorial injustice has been done to the local Palestinian residents and the West Bank. Should the DoC be implemented, the so-called ‘State of Palestine’ as envisioned will be fragmented into three main enclaves and smaller ones and turned into a landlocked state. These enclaves will be connected with each other via bridges and tunnels. The entire area of historic Palestine west of the Jordan River will be placed under Israeli control, leaving the ‘State of Palestine’ without any type of basic sovereignty. It is argued that this will not end the Israeli–Palestinian conflict but will escalate it for many years to come. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 3030-3050 Issue: 12 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1992270 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1992270 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:12:p:3030-3050 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Wadzanai Faith Mkwananzi Author-X-Name-First: Wadzanai Faith Author-X-Name-Last: Mkwananzi Author-Name: Firdevs Melis Cin Author-X-Name-First: Firdevs Melis Author-X-Name-Last: Cin Author-Name: Tendayi Marovah Author-X-Name-First: Tendayi Author-X-Name-Last: Marovah Title: Participatory art for navigating political capabilities and aspirations among rural youth in Zimbabwe Abstract: While exploring the everyday experiences of Tonga youth, this paper draws on a participatory graffiti-on-board project in Binga, a rural community in Zimbabwe. Focus is placed on what shapes and drives youth aspirations in precarious contexts marked by unemployment and poverty. Using graffiti to create participatory and artistic engagements, the research aims to stretch the limited boundaries of social and political space available to the youth for discussing issues that concern their development pathways and livelihoods. The article presents everyday narratives that impact on Tonga youths’ aspirations, endeavouring to create a space where they can visualise their prospective futures. Additionally, exhibition spaces are seen as sites for the construction of a collective voice and political capabilities for the youth. We argue that aspirations among disadvantaged youth evidence the broader geopolitical conflict that exists in marginalised communities in Southern Africa. A lack of spaces to construct political voice among the youth curtails their capabilities and agency to choose from existing development opportunities in an uncertain future. We discuss the potential role of participatory art in relation to this in providing spaces for political voice, unsettling established power dynamics and developing a collective, unified voice that might influence governance processes in fragile contexts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2863-2882 Issue: 12 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1977620 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1977620 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:12:p:2863-2882 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mustafa Kutlay Author-X-Name-First: Mustafa Author-X-Name-Last: Kutlay Author-Name: Ziya Öniş Author-X-Name-First: Ziya Author-X-Name-Last: Öniş Title: Understanding oscillations in Turkish foreign policy: pathways to unusual middle power activism Abstract: The conventional literature on the role of middle powers emphasises the importance of soft power, niche diplomacy and coalition building. This article explores a case of unusual middle power activism with a focus on recent Turkish foreign policy behaviour. It demonstrates how the interaction of domestic politics and external dynamics produced an unusual degree of foreign policy activism, going well beyond conventional middle power behaviour, with the government increasingly employing coercive diplomacy and militaristic methods. We demonstrate that unusual middle power activism in a shifting international order yielded ‘populist dividends’ to the ruling elite in the short run but led to a ‘triple governance crisis’ in the economy, politics and foreign policy, with each element feeding into the others in a path-dependent fashion. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 3051-3069 Issue: 12 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1985449 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1985449 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:12:p:3051-3069 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mariam† Mohsin Author-X-Name-First: Mariam† Author-X-Name-Last: Mohsin Author-Name: Jawad Syed Author-X-Name-First: Jawad Author-X-Name-Last: Syed Title: Female embodiment and patriarchal bargains: a context-specific perspective on female politicians in Pakistan Abstract: The significance of the human body and the embodiment of gender identity is an important discussion that requires more attention within gender and organisation studies literatures. In this paper, we draw on high-profile interviews with female parliamentarians in Pakistan to examine how embodiment affects women in power. Our data suggests that embodiment affects social exchanges that involve power and that the physical performances of socially constructed gendered behaviours affect performances as political leaders. Women leaders use different bargains to access and exercise power while also fitting into a socially acceptable version of a woman. We expand the notion of patriarchal bargains and demonstrate that women negotiate for power with patriarchy in physical, discursive and ideological ways. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2920-2938 Issue: 12 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1981132 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1981132 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:12:p:2920-2938 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ileana Daniela Serban Author-X-Name-First: Ileana Daniela Author-X-Name-Last: Serban Title: Agency and governance in European Union international development Abstract: The European Union’s actorness in international development has been mainly approached from the perspective of EU foreign policy studies, by accounting for the type of power that the EU institutions have aimed to project around the world. Turning this theoretical puzzle upside down and starting from an analysis of indirect governance in EU aid policies, the current article unveils additional instances of EU agency, such as the EU as a policy facilitator and as a policy interpreter. The theoretical argument builds on indirect governance theories, a novel theoretical tool that has not been previously used for analysing EU international development actorness. Empirical examples include regional programmes in Latin America and show how delegation and orchestration as mechanisms of indirect governance have been used by the European Commission in order to continue playing a relevant role in a complex and changing international development context. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2902-2919 Issue: 12 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1979955 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1979955 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:12:p:2902-2919 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Susan Appe Author-X-Name-First: Susan Author-X-Name-Last: Appe Author-Name: Ayelet Oreg Author-X-Name-First: Ayelet Author-X-Name-Last: Oreg Title: Does effective altruism drive private cross-border aid? A qualitative study of American donors to grassroots INGOs Abstract: Given the multitude of outlets to which individuals can give their time and money, why do Americans donate to international causes? This research ties into larger discussions about the changes in the aid architecture and the role of private aid in particular. The contributions of the article are twofold. First, we seek to better understand how certain individual donors come to give to international development aid. Second, we discern altruistic motivations and behaviours attached to this giving and to what extent elements of effective altruism might explain them. Effective altruism emphasises rational and moral decision-making prior to donating in order to judge a donation’s cost-effectiveness – that is, to ensure that the effect of a donation is maximised. We use qualitative data from over 50 interviews with individual donors who give overseas across dozens of grassroots international nongovernmental organisations, participant observation, organisational archival documents and social media content. We find that donors who give to international causes give in response to needs overseas, as effective altruism would suggest. However, the ways in which they experience and calculate needs overseas are distinct from the cause prioritisation proposed by effective altruists. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2841-2862 Issue: 12 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1969910 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1969910 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:12:p:2841-2862 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kaleb Demerew Author-X-Name-First: Kaleb Author-X-Name-Last: Demerew Title: From Red Sea to the Nile: water, power, and politics in Northeast Africa Abstract: How do ideational and material constraints explain changes in foreign policy orientation towards shared water resources? Beyond brute materialist explanations or idealist cooperative frameworks, water politics in Northeast Africa is best analysed through an accounting of material and ideational constraints on statecraft. Ethiopia’s contrary foreign policy orientations regarding two key water resources present an exemplary comparative case study in this regard. In the case of access to the Red Sea, Ethiopia adopted a passive foreign policy orientation; in the case of utilising the Nile, Ethiopia exercised an assertive foreign policy against a stronger power, Egypt. In effect, Ethiopia’s decisions to cede Assab Port to Eritrea in 2000, but then to defy Egypt in building the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) on the Nile in 2011, illustrate dynamic constraints on statecraft in Northeast Africa. These dynamics are analysed through a constructivist realism framework that accounts for both material and ideational constraints. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2883-2901 Issue: 12 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1977622 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1977622 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:12:p:2883-2901 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mustafa Menshawy Author-X-Name-First: Mustafa Author-X-Name-Last: Menshawy Title: Sovereignty alignment process: strategies of regime survival in Egypt, Libya and Syria Abstract: Sovereignty is an ambiguous concept. It is always saturated with multiple meanings, especially as other concepts are either defined in terms of it or depend on it for their own meanings. It gets more ambiguous as scholars, especially those adopting constructivism as a theory of politics and international relations, move onto divergent paths, creating a gap between theory and practice. The article proposes the sovereignty alignment process as a two-level approach that can clarify sovereignty and its components, including territoriality. The internal level of the alignment process includes disaggregating meanings into frames before aggregating them into master frames that can identify, group and organise different – even contradictory – facets of sovereignty. The external level traces how these sets of meanings interact with the outside world, having its own meaning and discursive opportunity, which can consolidate the actor’s repertoire of meanings on sovereignty. The outside world can also be material, helping to enact or operationalise the articulated meanings by other means, including the use of force or diplomacy. The approach has been devised to analyse the developments of the Arab uprisings, examining how state leaders redefined their identities and interests to survive the sweeping waves of protests against their regimes in 2011 and afterwards. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2804-2821 Issue: 12 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1965872 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1965872 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:12:p:2804-2821 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrew Mumford Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Mumford Title: Disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) after proxy wars: reconceptualising the consequences of external support Abstract: The phenomenon of war by proxy has received inadequate academic analysis. At the same time, an understanding of how ex-combatants are demobilised, disarmed and reintegrated into society after conflicts that have seen large-scale third-party intervention has been systematically overlooked. In seeking to rectify this gap and transform understanding of peacebuilding after proxy wars, this article will enhance the conceptualisation of the effect of proxy wars on post-conflict development. In order to achieve this, the article is split into five main parts. The first section assesses disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) and proxy wars in theory and practice to establish some conceptual fundamentals. The second section analyses the nature of proxy war and highlights the problems it poses for the commencement of DDR policies. The third section analyses how the implementation of DDR policies has historically accounted for the role played by external actors. The fourth section utilises a case study approach to look at the DDR consequences of the recent proxy war against Islamic State (ISIS) in Syria and Iraq. The fifth section ties the policy and scholarly issues together by exploring some important lessons for DDR policy design and implementation after proxy wars. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2956-2973 Issue: 12 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1981762 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1981762 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:12:p:2956-2973 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hans-Jürgen Burchardt Author-X-Name-First: Hans-Jürgen Author-X-Name-Last: Burchardt Author-Name: Jan Ickler Author-X-Name-First: Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Ickler Title: Time to live well: well-being and time affluence for sustainable development Abstract: In the face of challenges presented by climate change and rising social inequality on a global scale, scholars have criticised prevalent individualistic, economistic and materialistic definitions of well-being. In this context, Buen Vivir emerged as an alternative concept from Latin America, critically engaging with growth-centred development and current definitions of well-being. Buen Vivir promotes an alternative vision of well-being that relies on social practices, inter-personal relationships and an intact natural environment. The article argues to take up this inspiration and stresses the importance of a new conceptualisation of well-being. Thus, it presents the Index of Good Living (IGL) as an eudaimonic approach to measure well-being, resting on the concept of relational goods. The index uses time spent by individuals for certain activities as its main indicator, proposing a nuanced toolset to compare time-based inequalities in relation to well-being in different contexts. The paper discusses the theoretical and methodological aspects behind this approach and contextualises them with first empirical evidence from Ecuador and Germany. It illuminates strengths and potential openings for further refinement and indicates areas for transformative change – both in politics and in everyday life. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2939-2955 Issue: 12 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1981761 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1981761 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:12:p:2939-2955 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jenna Russo Author-X-Name-First: Jenna Author-X-Name-Last: Russo Title: Militarised peacekeeping: lessons from the Democratic Republic of the Congo Abstract: The United Nations (UN) Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) has undertaken a predominantly militarised approach to peacekeeping, in particular in its stabilisation and protection activities. While military operations have achieved some short-term gains there have been a number of drawbacks, including that they have closed the door on political solutions to the conflict, while undermining the perception of the UN’s impartiality, increasing risk to civilians, and drawing resources from non-military activities. Further, in spite of resources invested in military solutions, they have not been effective overall in consolidating peace. The purpose of this research is to examine the benefits and drawbacks of pursuing a predominantly militarised approach to peacekeeping, based on lessons learned in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 3070-3086 Issue: 12 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1992272 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1992272 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:12:p:3070-3086 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrea Pollio Author-X-Name-First: Andrea Author-X-Name-Last: Pollio Title: Reading development failure: experts and experiments at the bottom of the pyramid in Cape Town Abstract: Many have argued that the technocratic apparatus of development is sustained – and not undermined – by its fallacies. Building on previous failures, development experts envision new plans, new analytical tools and new modes of governance. One recent example is the bottom-of-the-pyramid approach (BOP), a development doctrine predicated on the failure of previous anti-poverty approaches and based on the creation of products, services and entrepreneurial opportunities for the poor. Critically bracketed as a hallmark of millennial neoliberalism in the Global South, BOP projects, like previous development schemes, fail too. Through the narration of two experiments that, in 2015, had failed to create profit at the bottom of the pyramid in Cape Town (South Africa), this paper focuses on how development expertise makes sense of and engages the lack of profitability at the BOP, showing that failure is an important entry point into the actually existing forms of neoliberal anti-poverty enterprises in the Global South. Using J. K. Gibson-Graham’s feminist economic geography framing, this article argues that neoliberal doctrines themselves sank these market experiments, whilst opening possibilities for development experts to engage alternative economic forms that stemmed from their failures. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2974-2992 Issue: 12 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1983425 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1983425 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:12:p:2974-2992 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sokphea Young Author-X-Name-First: Sokphea Author-X-Name-Last: Young Author-Name: Sophal Ear Author-X-Name-First: Sophal Author-X-Name-Last: Ear Title: Transnational political economic structures: explaining transnational environmental movements against dams in the lower Mekong region Abstract: Influenced by regional economic integration and politics, the transboundary common water resources in the lower Mekong River are being exploited by the riparian states for hydroelectric dam development at the expense of local livelihoods and the environment. Affected communities and non-governmental organisations – formed into ‘transnational environmental movements’ (TEMs) in the framework of transnational activism – have challenged these riparian states to abandon dam construction on the main stream of the Mekong River. This paper explores the conditions that undermine TEMs’ ability to cancel dam projects in the region. This paper argues that, among several other factors, TEMs were unable to halt construction of the dam primarily due to the transnational political economic structures (TPES) of the riparian states that possess hydroelectric dams on the Mekong mainstream. TPES shape the sovereign power of the riparian states in making decisions regarding extracting economic value from the common water resource of the Mekong at the expense of the environment rather than complying with the demands of TEMs. By factoring TPES into understanding the outcomes of TEMs, this paper contributes to the understanding of political opportunity structures and transnational networks of transboundary movements, and of the political economy of the Mekong transboundary resources. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2993-3011 Issue: 12 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1984224 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1984224 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:12:p:2993-3011 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Laura Trajber Waisbich Author-X-Name-First: Laura Trajber Author-X-Name-Last: Waisbich Author-Name: Supriya Roychoudhury Author-X-Name-First: Supriya Author-X-Name-Last: Roychoudhury Author-Name: Sebastian Haug Author-X-Name-First: Sebastian Author-X-Name-Last: Haug Title: Beyond the single story: ‘Global South’ polyphonies Abstract: With reference to Chimamanda Ngozie Adichie’s plea to move beyond the single story, we take the complexities of the ‘Global South’ meta category as a starting point to explore what abandoning the quest for neatness can look like. Building on the main arguments put forward across this volume, our contribution centres around questions of position(alitie)s and self-reflexivity to engage with the persistent ambivalences of the ‘Global South’. We reflect on the unease stemming from explicit and implicit claims connected to the ‘Global South’ category and discuss its fluidity and plurality across space and time. Ultimately, we suggest embracing the notion of polyphony for approaching the ‘Global South’. A focus on polyphonies allows us to connect specific meanings and their implications with a broader take on the inherent complexities of macro categories. Working with and through polyphonies also helps us to recognise and engage with the evolving agency behind different uses of the ‘Global South’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2086-2095 Issue: 9 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1948832 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1948832 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:9:p:2086-2095 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Paul Joscha Kohlenberg Author-X-Name-First: Paul Joscha Author-X-Name-Last: Kohlenberg Author-Name: Nadine Godehardt Author-X-Name-First: Nadine Author-X-Name-Last: Godehardt Title: Locating the ‘South’ in China’s connectivity politics Abstract: Chinese geographic imaginaries such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are increasingly treated as taken-for-granted political concepts. The political language pertaining to BRI now overlaps, and interacts with, established narratives of geographic space. In this analysis, we focus on Beijing’s diplomacy, as well as scholarly and official discourse, with the aim to locate Chinese representations of the ‘South’ or understanding(s) of ‘developing’ regions within what we describe as China’s global connectivity politics. In this context, we show that instead of developing a fixed perspective on the ‘South’, the idea of the ‘Global South’ or ‘South–South’ cooperation, Chinese discourse increasingly defines the ‘South’ based on countries’ responses to, or role within, Beijing’s political initiatives and regional dialogue platforms. The Chinese reconfiguration of the geographic scope of the South therefore extends to Central and Eastern Europe and, possibly, beyond. Beijing exerts discourse power by categorising countries of the ‘South’ as being located relationally to China. This reframing, or broadening, of the idea of the ‘South’ also produces a less dichotomous differentiation between developed and developing states (a dichotomy which Beijing tries to avoid). Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1963-1981 Issue: 9 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1780909 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1780909 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:9:p:1963-1981 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jess MacArthur Author-X-Name-First: Jess Author-X-Name-Last: MacArthur Author-Name: Naomi Carrard Author-X-Name-First: Naomi Author-X-Name-Last: Carrard Author-Name: Juliet Willetts Author-X-Name-First: Juliet Author-X-Name-Last: Willetts Title: Exploring gendered change: concepts and trends in gender equality assessments Abstract: More than a quarter century after the Beijing Platform for Action solidified the importance of gender equality in international development, it is timely to review the conceptual approaches used to assess the gendered impacts of interventions. This paper presents a systematic review of recent investigations of gender equality from development-related academic literature (2009–2019) using two analytical approaches. First, we visualise trends based on bibliographic, methodological, contextual and conceptual aspects (n = 150). Second, we explore the theoretical approaches used to conceptualise gendered change through co-citation analysis (n = 61). Our trend analysis shows a breadth of relevant disciplinary perspectives but limited geographic and content foci. Additionally, very few studies explore gender equality dynamics that involve men and boys. Our exploration of theoretical foundations identifies four conceptualisations of gendered change, each reflecting the divergent disciplines, actors and interests that operate in the gender and development space. These conceptualisations each rely on and expand the concept of empowerment. By critically reflecting on feminist principles, future studies can transcend narrower empowerment framings and contribute more meaningfully to the aim of gender transformative development.Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.1911636 . Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2189-2208 Issue: 9 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1911636 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1911636 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:9:p:2189-2208 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tobias Berger Author-X-Name-First: Tobias Author-X-Name-Last: Berger Title: The ‘Global South’ as a relational category – global hierarchies in the production of law and legal pluralism Abstract: The ‘Global South’ often functions as a shorthand for countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America that differ significantly in terms of economic trajectories, institutional arrangements, and everyday political life. The significant diversity notwithstanding, I argue that the Global South constitutes a useful macro-category of high epistemological value. Rather than identifying a neat set of clearly demarcated properties that could be found everywhere in the Global South but nowhere else, I argue that ‘the Global South’ is a relational category that sensitises us for the historically grown marginalisations within international hierarchies and their epistemological implications. In this article, I focus on the role of law within global relationships of subjugation to show how legal developments in the Global North and South have historically been entangled in highly uneven ways. In the Global South, these entanglements have strongly affected the development of state and non-state law, giving rise to a particular kind of legal pluralism in which the state is only one among many possible sources of legal reasoning. Unequal entanglements notwithstanding, there is a persistent (though often unacknowledged) legal agency of actors in the Global South, as I illustrate with reference to one manifestation of such agency in Bangladesh. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2001-2017 Issue: 9 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1827948 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1827948 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:9:p:2001-2017 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Manuela Boatcă Author-X-Name-First: Manuela Author-X-Name-Last: Boatcă Title: Unequal institutions in the longue durée: citizenship through a Southern lens Abstract: This article argues that focussing on issues of citizenship highlights the relationality of North/South dynamics and that doing so through a ‘Southern lens’ reveals two complementary and otherwise neglected aspects of North/South relationality: the coloniality of the institution of citizenship, and the lasting impact that (de)colonial contestations and reinterpretations of citizenship rights have had on this institution from its emergence in the context of colonial empires until its most recent global reconfigurations. In order to show how the coloniality of citizenship has played out in a particular region of the Global South, the article focuses on the Caribbean as the region with the longest history of colonial entanglements with Europe and one that captures the very dialectics of modernity/coloniality today. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1982-2000 Issue: 9 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1923398 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1923398 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:9:p:1982-2000 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adriana Erthal Abdenur Author-X-Name-First: Adriana Erthal Author-X-Name-Last: Abdenur Title: Climate and security: UN agenda-setting and the ‘Global South’ Abstract: At the United Nations (UN), frequent references are made to the ‘North–South’ divide, which presupposes a certain degree of coherence among two broad groups of states: developing countries – often referred to collectively as the ‘Global South’ – and advanced economies, the so-called ‘North’. Whether motivations and preferences among policy elites in UN agenda-setting processes turn out to be homogeneous or coordinated along the lines of this binary divide, however, is an empirical question. This paper hones in on the case of the climate and security agenda to examine the changing interests and positions of so-called ‘Global South’ actors. Drawing on official documents from UN bodies and member states, as well as interviews with diplomats, I argue that, despite a somewhat united front voiced through the Group of 77 when the topic of climate and security first arose at the UN, over the last 15 years a diversification of interests – resulting in part due to differences in experiences with and perceptions of climate change – has rendered ‘North–South’ framings rather unproductive in analysing multilateral positions on climate and security. At the same time, however, references to the ‘Global North’ and the ‘Global South’ that acknowledge this heterogeneity still help to highlight underlying structural features that condition the engagement of both state and non-state actors with UN agenda-setting processes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2074-2085 Issue: 9 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1951609 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1951609 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:9:p:2074-2085 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas McNamara Author-X-Name-First: Thomas Author-X-Name-Last: McNamara Title: The union has reoriented towards entrepreneurship: neoliberal solidarities on Zambia’s Copperbelt Abstract: Extensive labour subcontracting has decimated workers’ incomes and unions’ power on Zambia’s Copperbelt. In response, miners and workers with permanent contracts provide each other daily material support, and unions sell credit-based services to members, enabling their daily lives and subsidising subcontractors’ unionisation. These interactions make Zambia’s low-wage resource extraction viable. They can therefore be understood as ‘neoliberal solidarities’: struggles to refashion material and social relations in a more equitable way, which structurally support neoliberal political economies and projects of self-making. These solidarities entrench union–company interdependence, empowering unions to make more radical demands, yet making the realisation of these demands more difficult to imagine. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2152-2171 Issue: 9 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1908827 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1908827 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:9:p:2152-2171 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nadje Al-Ali Author-X-Name-First: Nadje Author-X-Name-Last: Al-Ali Author-Name: Latif Tas Author-X-Name-First: Latif Author-X-Name-Last: Tas Title: Kurdish women’s struggles with gender equality: from ideology to practice Abstract: The article explores the relationship between theory and practice in terms of gender-based equality and justice within both the armed units and the political–legal movement linked to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in Turkey and transnationally. An analysis of the historical developments of both political ideology and mobilisation reveals the radical shift towards a stated commitment to gender-based equality that has taken place within a wider political transformation from a nationalist independence movement to a movement pursuing radical democracy. The article focuses on the dialectical relationship between the writings of the founder of the PKK, Abdullah Öcalan, and the struggle of Kurdish female militants and political activists to challenge male hegemony and patriarchal gender norms. We recognise the centrality of Öcalan’s writings in the shift away from the emphasis on national liberation to the idea of radical democracy with gender equality at is centre. However, our main argument developed in the article is to recognise the importance of women’s resistance and struggle to implement gender-based equality while we also highlight gaps between ideological pronouncements and everyday practices. Throughout the article we refer to Kurdish women fighters’ and activists’ personal experiences within the movement. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2133-2151 Issue: 9 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1906642 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1906642 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:9:p:2133-2151 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Florian Koch Author-X-Name-First: Florian Author-X-Name-Last: Koch Title: Cities as transnational climate change actors: applying a Global South perspective Abstract: The term ‘cities of the Global South’ has become an increasingly popular reference in urban studies and urban development practice. Notwithstanding, the term remains underexplored and the majority of research does not address whether the Global North/Global South dichotomy is a useful theoretical framework for urban studies. This article provides a more detailed analysis of the term Global South in urban research and presents benefits and pitfalls of applying a Southern perspective. Using the research field ‘cities as transnational climate change actors’ as an example, I highlight both advantages and problems of categorising urban areas as ‘cities of the Global South’. Structural differences between Northern and Southern cities regarding climate change action do exist, and theory building on cities as transnational actors is well advised to consider those differences in order to avoid a Global North bias. However, the categories Global North/Global South are only one possibility to analyse cities as transnational climate change actors and – depending on the research question – should be accompanied by analytical attention to additional factors such as geographical location, city size or political regimes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2055-2073 Issue: 9 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1789964 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1789964 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:9:p:2055-2073 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Siddharth Tripathi* Author-X-Name-First: Siddharth Author-X-Name-Last: Tripathi* Title: International relations and the ‘Global South’: from epistemic hierarchies to dialogic encounters Abstract: Asymmetries of power are not only a characteristic feature of today’s world order but also manifest in knowledge production in the discipline of international relations (IR). Even the use of the ‘Global South’ concept, which highlights one set of hierarchies in international politics, sometimes perpetuates them latently, instead of offering solutions to overcome them. From a critical pedagogy perspective, I explore whether engaging in a dialogue on the ‘Global South’ can facilitate an understanding of the structures and processes of knowledge production and the perpetuation of hierarchies in the discipline. The paper argues that such knowledge can be created with reference to Paolo Freire’s concept of dialogic encounters by using research designs deriving from participatory action research. The goal of this article is to contribute to making IR as a discipline more inclusive through the co-production of knowledge that incorporates marginalised voices across the Global North and the Global South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2039-2054 Issue: 9 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1924666 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1924666 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:9:p:2039-2054 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sebastian Haug Author-X-Name-First: Sebastian Author-X-Name-Last: Haug Title: A Thirdspace approach to the ‘Global South’: insights from the margins of a popular category Abstract: The increasing popularity of cursory references to the ‘Global South’ across disciplines and issue areas asks for an in-depth engagement with ‘South’-related terminology. I employ Edward Soja’s Thirdspace as a heuristic for investigating different meanings of the ‘Global South’ with reference to concrete empirical realities in international development. To examine and illustrate what Soja’s trialectics of material, imagined and lived spatialities has to offer, I focus on evidence from Mexico and Turkey. Located somewhere at the boundaries – or the conceptual margins – of the ‘Global South’, Mexico and Turkey sit right where an investigation promises to be particularly fruitful. With a Firstspace perspective, I focus on the mappings of development indices and the material boundaries of the ‘Global South’. With a Secondspace perspective, I analyse the imagined geographies of alliances in multilateral negotiations and the arena of South–South cooperation. With a Thirdspace perspective, I engage with the lifeworlds of public officials and unpack the ways in which the ‘Global South’ appears via individual strategies and practices. Insights from Mexico and Turkey provide evidence for the diversity of meanings attached to the ‘Global South’ and illustrate how Soja’s three-legged heuristic offers a framework for critical engagement with popular taken-for-granted categories. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2018-2038 Issue: 9 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1712999 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1712999 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:9:p:2018-2038 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Steven Ratuva Author-X-Name-First: Steven Author-X-Name-Last: Ratuva Title: Social indexology, neoliberalism and racialised metrics: legitimising the ‘inferiority’ of Global South countries Abstract: The article critically examines how the neoliberal ethos has influenced the racialised ranking of countries using indexes, or what I propose to call social indexology (SI). SI refers to the use of quantitative metrics to measure the performance of countries based on selected indicators, often drawn from a pool of Western and neoliberal variables associated with governance, corruption, development and other value-loaded concepts. The article critically examines the methodological, ideological and cultural shortcomings of SI and how it reinforces existing racial stereotypes about the presumed natural differences between ‘advanced’ European societies and ‘backward’ Global South countries. These racialised imageries have continued since the time of Enlightenment, colonialism and slavery and persist even under global neoliberal hegemony today. The use of SI metrics for the purpose of quantified measurement and ranking gives it the appearance of being ‘scientific’ and as such has the implicit ideological power of making the racialised inequality of peoples and countries much more acceptable and natural. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2096-2114 Issue: 9 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1913406 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1913406 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:9:p:2096-2114 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Chiraag Roy Author-X-Name-First: Chiraag Author-X-Name-Last: Roy Author-Name: Anthony Ware Author-X-Name-First: Anthony Author-X-Name-Last: Ware Author-Name: Costas Laoutides Author-X-Name-First: Costas Author-X-Name-Last: Laoutides Title: The political economy of Norwegian peacemaking in Myanmar’s peace process Abstract: Norway is widely accepted as a global leader in peacemaking, due to its lengthy track record of involvement in complex peace processes. Its predilection for peacemaking is usually interpreted as a form of ‘status-seeking’ by a smaller state, aimed at enhancing Norway’s influence and reputation in the international system. However, this perception offers a limited view and obscures other motivations that drive Norway to peacemaking. Aimed at addressing this gap, this paper dissects Norwegian peacemaking efforts in Myanmar between 2011 and 2019. The paper utilises a critical political economy lens to uncover the deeper motivations underpinning Norwegian peacemaking, drawing on new interview fieldwork with diverse stakeholders in Myanmar’s peace process. The paper finds that material interests, including the desire to access new markets in the Global South, have played a significant role in influencing Norwegian peacemaking, highlighting the instrumental potential of ‘status-seeking’ in foreign policy. Concerningly, this strategy has served the interests of dominant power groups in Myanmar, contributing to the subordination of minority actors, thus compromising their engagement and revealing an image of Norway that belies constructivist perceptions of its status as a moral or humanitarian ‘great power’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2172-2188 Issue: 9 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1909467 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1909467 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:9:p:2172-2188 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Robert Weatherley Author-X-Name-First: Robert Author-X-Name-Last: Weatherley Author-Name: Vanessa Bauer Author-X-Name-First: Vanessa Author-X-Name-Last: Bauer Title: A new Chinese modernity? The discourse of Eco-civilisation applied to the belt and road initiative Abstract: This article assesses the extent to which the official Chinese discourse of Ecological Civilisation (shengtai wenming) is adhered to in practise. Ecological Civilisation (or Eco-Civilisation) is presented as a Chinese vision of human progress which purports to de-couple economic development from environmental degradation. Underpinning the idea are five overlapping pillars (environment, economy, society, culture and governance) which, it is claimed, provide a theoretical framework to promote harmony between humanity and nature. Advocates see the concept as an example of a new Chinese modernity based on socialist values and President Xi Jinping has declared China a torchbearer of the global endeavour for Eco-Civilisation. However, our paper casts doubt over this assertion when applied specifically to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Although there is some evidence of a commitment to the principles of Eco-Civilisation, we identify a number of substantial and interlinking practical shortfalls relating to three core themes: inclusion, enforcement and transparency. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2115-2132 Issue: 9 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1905511 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1905511 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:9:p:2115-2132 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrew F. Cooper Author-X-Name-First: Andrew F. Author-X-Name-Last: Cooper Title: China, India and the pattern of G20/BRICS engagement: differentiated ambivalence between ‘rising’ power status and solidarity with the Global South Abstract: This article examines the pattern of engagement by China and India in terms of the G20 and BRICS. Both countries are torn between a self-identity as status-seeking ‘rising’ powers and as champions of solidarity with other countries of the Global South. In conceptual terms, primary reference is made to the notion of ambivalence inherent in the fundamental co-existence of the privileging of these two different identities. That these contrasting mindsets are held in tandem is highly salient for an examination of foreign policy in comparative perspective. Privileging ambivalence is different from ambiguity. Ambiguity conveys a lack of clarity, rather than the persistence of a dualistic mindset central to ambivalence. Although highlighting generalised commonalities, the means of managing ambivalence adopted by China and India are markedly differentiated. As illustrated by the pattern of engagement with the G20 and BRICS, what separates China from India is China’s ability make up its mind in an instrumental manner if and when needed. By way of contrast, the projection of Indian foreign policy on the G20 and the BRICS highlights a more fundamental contradiction between the exceptionalistic and universalistic sides of self-identity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1945-1962 Issue: 9 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2020.1829464 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2020.1829464 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:9:p:1945-1962 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sebastian Haug Author-X-Name-First: Sebastian Author-X-Name-Last: Haug Author-Name: Jacqueline Braveboy-Wagner Author-X-Name-First: Jacqueline Author-X-Name-Last: Braveboy-Wagner Author-Name: Günther Maihold Author-X-Name-First: Günther Author-X-Name-Last: Maihold Title: The ‘Global South’ in the study of world politics: examining a meta category Abstract: This introductory contribution examines the ‘Global South’ as a meta category in the study of world politics. Against the backdrop of a steep rise in references to the ‘Global South’ across academic publications, we ask whether and how the North–South binary in general, and the ‘(Global) South’ in particular, can be put to use analytically. Building on meta categories as tools for the classification of global space, we discuss the increasing prominence of the ‘Global South’ and then outline different understandings attached to it, notably socio-economic marginality, multilateral alliance-building and resistance against global hegemonic power. Following an overview of individual contributions to this volume, we reflect on the analytical implications for using the ‘Global South’ category in academic research. Insights from China, the Caribbean, international negotiations or academic knowledge production itself not only point to patterns of shared experiences but also highlight the heterogeneity of ‘Southern’ realities and increasing levels of complexity that cut across the North–South divide. Overall, we argue for an issue-based and field-specific use of the ‘Global South’ as part of a broader commitment to a more deliberate, explicit and differentiated engagement with taken-for-granted categories. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1923-1944 Issue: 9 Volume: 42 Year: 2021 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1948831 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1948831 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:42:y:2021:i:9:p:1923-1944 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Eglantine Staunton Author-X-Name-First: Eglantine Author-X-Name-Last: Staunton Title: ‘France is back’: Macron’s European policy to rescue ‘European civilisation’ and the liberal international order Abstract: French President Emmanuel Macron has put forward extensive proposals to strengthen the European Union. In order to better understand their nature and rationale, this article argues that it is essential to take into account a core – yet overlooked – aspect of Macron’s foreign policy: his unique use of a civilisational lens to frame and structure his approach to world politics. Based on a discourse analysis of 211 foreign policy speeches, press statements and interviews given by Macron between May 2017 and May 2021, this article shows that he has urged for a strengthening of the EU by arguing that it was necessary to protect both the international liberal order and what he refers to as ‘European civilisation’, and has insisted that France has a responsibility to facilitate this process. Through this analysis, the article provides a stronger understanding of France’s foreign policy, whilst shedding light on how middle powers like France claim to influence the future of the liberal order, and how civilisational debates are still being used. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 18-34 Issue: 1 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1994384 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1994384 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:1:p:18-34 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julian Friesinger Author-X-Name-First: Julian Author-X-Name-Last: Friesinger Author-Name: Jannis Saalfeld Author-X-Name-First: Jannis Author-X-Name-Last: Saalfeld Title: The prospects of cross-class alliances in former bureaucratic development societies: comparing Taiwan and Burkina Faso Abstract: This article examines cross-class alliances in former ‘bureaucratic development societies’. We look at middle-class mobilisational efforts aimed at the lower classes in Taiwan and Burkina Faso. In particular, we analyse their capacity for challenging the socio-political dominance of the remnants of post-colonial state classes and hypothesise that the transformative potential of such class alliances depends on the development of the productive forces. Specifically, we argue that the formation of competitive middle-class-led political parties with a mass base independent of the clientelist networks of post-colonial state classes hinges on an early empowerment of labour. We test the validity of our argument using a ‘diverse selection’ comparison of Taiwan and Burkina Faso. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 187-205 Issue: 1 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1999225 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1999225 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:1:p:187-205 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Benjamin M. Hunter Author-X-Name-First: Benjamin M. Author-X-Name-Last: Hunter Author-Name: Jonathan D. Shaffer Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan D. Author-X-Name-Last: Shaffer Title: Human capital, risk and the World Bank’s reintermediation in global development Abstract: This article examines an attempt to reconstitute global development governance in a context of growing influence for private finance. We focus on the World Bank’s Human Capital Project (HCP) and Human Capital Index (HCI), which have stated aims of promoting economic growth and accelerating progress towards achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. Informed by a review of publicly available World Bank materials, we argue that, through its HCP and HCI, the World Bank is responding to its own institutional sidelining in development financing and governance with a strategy of reintermediation. Its leaders have pursued a system of governance in which the World Bank creates and instrumentalises knowledge on human capital – an asset to be accumulated through judicious investments in markets for self-betterment. Through its HCI the World Bank has expanded its global benchmarking practices, encompassing new domains and quantified predictions of future productivity, in the hope of shaping domestic policy processes. Its leaders propose to use HCI scores to signal risk to investors and political leaders, triggering political shocks that will spur policy reform. Crucially, these efforts seek to reassert the World Bank’s epistemic authority and financing clout as the influence of its own lending wanes.Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.1953980 . Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 35-54 Issue: 1 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1953980 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1953980 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:1:p:35-54 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hakan Övünç Ongur Author-X-Name-First: Hakan Övünç Author-X-Name-Last: Ongur Author-Name: Tevfik Orkun Develi Author-X-Name-First: Tevfik Orkun Author-X-Name-Last: Develi Title: Rereading Turkey’s recent history through the lens of rock music: how rock has lost its socio-political edge in neoliberal times Abstract: In presenting the historical development of rock music in Turkey from the early 1960s to the present within a socio-political framework, this study provides (1) a rereading of Turkish politico-economic changes and (2) a correlative cultural critique of rock musicianship and songwriting in the neoliberal age. Two related hypotheses are tested through a content analysis of 67 rock acts, 426 releases and 3452 songs from 1963 to 2019. First, it is argued that as Turkey moved from import substitution industrialisation between 1960 and 1980 to 1980s neoliberalism, the content of rock music lyrics changed from being overtly socio-political to having no relation to such matters or to adopting implicit and indirect language in mentioning them. Second, it is proposed that this lyrical unresponsiveness to social matters grew so powerfully as part of the neoliberal economic rationale that it put individuation, self-realisation and market demands ahead of other forms of social relations. So, today’s rock artists are unequipped to respond through their lyrics to grand events, such as the Gezi Park protests of 2013, the failed coup attempt of 2016, or a two-year state of emergency, terrorism and femicide, in contrast to the rock music of the 1960s and 1970s. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 114-130 Issue: 1 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1994385 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1994385 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:1:p:114-130 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nicolás Acosta García Author-X-Name-First: Nicolás Author-X-Name-Last: Acosta García Author-Name: Niels Fold Author-X-Name-First: Niels Author-X-Name-Last: Fold Title: Take back your fish: questioning NGO-mediated development in Caquetá, Colombia Abstract: Could aquaculture lift farmers out of poverty and provide stability and an alternative livelihood to coca farming? Currently, aquaculture is pursued on a moderate scale, with the involvement of around 1500 small-scale farmers, in Caquetá, a department located in the Amazonian bioregion of Colombia. Some 400 farmers are organised in a grassroots non-governmental organisation (NGO) called Acuica. Cultivation and sale of fish provide a means for local fish farmers to move away from coca production and diversify their economic activities beyond cattle ranching and dairy production. In this article, we analyse the relationships among fish farmers, the state and Acuica. We argue that NGO success in securing donor funding can be underpinned by an NGO developmentalist gaze that homogenises its constituencies, which in the case of Acuica obscures different logics of fish production. This not only helps explain the mixed results in achieving development objectives but also suggests that initiatives that are intended to help farmers can imperil those who are already vulnerable. On the other hand, we argue that farmers’ strategic dependency on development initiatives displays their complex agency, as they are active consumers both engaging with and resisting the state’s NGO-mediated project of development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 148-165 Issue: 1 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1996225 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1996225 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:1:p:148-165 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Özlem Altan-Olcay Author-X-Name-First: Özlem Author-X-Name-Last: Altan-Olcay Title: Expertise at the intersection of technicality and ambiguity: international governance of gender and development Abstract: This paper studies processes of expert authorisation in international institutions of governance. Based on interviews with gender experts, it focuses on discourses of women’s empowerment to reveal two strategies that experts deploy: the production of technical frames and indicators for capturing empowerment while also generating ambiguity about its meaning. I argue that technicalisation and mystification are expert strategies used to navigate organisational priorities and diverse political convictions. I propose that we need to analyse expert knowledge production not just as the cause of depoliticisation of policy problems, but also as part of other institutional processes within which expertise has to be authorised. The ongoing nature of such contestations and negotiations bears on who is acknowledged as an expert and the extent of their authority. The problem is not always expert authority but rather its dependence on political processes devised by actors who retain power by remaining behind the scenes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 206-224 Issue: 1 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2000856 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2000856 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:1:p:206-224 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andy Sumner Author-X-Name-First: Andy Author-X-Name-Last: Sumner Author-Name: Eduardo Ortiz-Juarez Author-X-Name-First: Eduardo Author-X-Name-Last: Ortiz-Juarez Author-Name: Christopher Hoy Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Author-X-Name-Last: Hoy Title: Measuring global poverty before and during the pandemic: a political economy of overoptimism Abstract: The contribution of this paper is to question the ‘official’ estimates of global monetary poverty up to and during the COVID-19 pandemic. We argue there is a political economy of overoptimism in the measurement of global poverty. Specifically, we show that the methodological and presentational choices can lead to an over optimistic view of the levels of, and trends in, global poverty. We provide an up-to-date critique of the global poverty estimates and demonstrate how patterns of poverty would differ if small changes in methodology were implemented. We conclude with a theoretical discussion of why such methodological choices that lead to an optimistic view of global poverty levels and trends are made. Subsequently, we propose an alternative approach to global poverty measurement. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-17 Issue: 1 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1995712 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1995712 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:1:p:1-17 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Barnaby Joseph Dye Author-X-Name-First: Barnaby Joseph Author-X-Name-Last: Dye Title: Uneven convergence in India’s development cooperation: the case of concessional finance to Africa Abstract: The year 2015 witnessed an important shift in India’s development cooperation, resulting in uneven convergence towards practices associated with ‘mainstream’ aid donors. This is demonstrative of a wider evolution in Southern development actors. Using the case of Indian governmental concessional lines of credit (LoCs), this article demonstrates how diplomatic, strategic and party-political interests drove the Indian state to adopt policies from the World Bank and UK on project selection, design, tendering and monitoring. These were intended to increase technical proficiency, timeliness and development outcomes but also to change the companies undertaking these projects. Such policies depart from the non-interventionist, non-hierarchical norms of South– South cooperation espoused by Southern countries emerging as major development actors. However, whilst converging in these aspects of technical planning and implementation, the political and strategic interests driving the LoC changes did not extend to examining developmental or environmental outcomes; state-to-state relations continue to have primacy in approving projects. Uneven convergence has therefore occurred, with a change in technical policies but greater persistence of South–South cooperation norms. This reflects the wider multi-directional evolution of development, with ‘Southern’ powers increasingly adopting policies from Development Assistance Committee (DAC) donors and the World Bank whilst they redefine aid and increase blended finance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 166-186 Issue: 1 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1997583 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1997583 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:1:p:166-186 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Irene Costantini Author-X-Name-First: Irene Author-X-Name-Last: Costantini Author-Name: Ruth Hanau Santini Author-X-Name-First: Ruth Author-X-Name-Last: Hanau Santini Title: Power mediators and the ‘illiberal peace’ momentum: ending wars in Libya and Syria Abstract: The civil conflicts that erupted in the Middle East and North Africa as a consequence of the failure of the 2011 Arab uprisings show the limits of mediation as a tool for conflict resolution and of negotiated settlement based on power-sharing as a solution to conflict. The article examines mediation processes in Libya and Syria, problematising the role played by the nature of mediators as well as the broader ideational framework in which they have been operating. We show that in both contexts there has been a declining influence of pure mediators, exemplified by the sidelining of the United Nations, in parallel to a gradual but steady dispersion of mediation efforts in favour of ‘power’ and biased mediators. This trend reflects a broader rise in arguments in favour of stability, often interpreted in authoritarian shapes at both the local and the international level, a development that normatively and politically undermines the existing international regime dealing with civil wars. Taken together, mediation attempts in Libya and Syria point to the hollowing out of the liberal peace consensus and the consolidation of an alternative framework for conflict resolution based on authoritarian settlement. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 131-147 Issue: 1 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1995711 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1995711 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:1:p:131-147 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thabani Mutambasere Author-X-Name-First: Thabani Author-X-Name-Last: Mutambasere Title: Connecting religious transnationalism and development: charitable giving amongst Zimbabwean Catholics in London Abstract: This article argues that religious transnationalism amongst diaspora members shapes engagements with their homelands through charitable giving. Religious networks connect migrants to their homeland through constant interactions with the mother church and its members. Using the case of a Zimbabwean Catholic Christian community in London, the article takes forward debates about religious transnationalism, charity and development, arguing that religious networks infuse and underpin a transnational sense of diasporic belonging amongst migrants. They underpin not only in situ support within hostlands but also a plethora of engagements in the homelands, involving significant flows of material resources into church and community development projects and humanitarian relief. This demonstrates the important role religious formations play in aid and development, challenging assumptions of development’s secularism. While the literature illustrates the importance of religion within development, it has yet to fully engage with what ordinary people seek to do when confronted with the global disparities of the modern world. Additionally, these transnational charitable engagements sit in between individual remittances and organised charities and can sometimes be motivated by the differences between the so-called Global North and South. The article therefore contributes to the growing literature demonstrating the complex interactions between religion, religious practice, charity and development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 259-277 Issue: 1 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2005463 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2005463 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:1:p:259-277 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shafiq Ahmad Kamboh Author-X-Name-First: Shafiq Author-X-Name-Last: Ahmad Kamboh Author-Name: Muhammad Ittefaq Author-X-Name-First: Muhammad Author-X-Name-Last: Ittefaq Author-Name: Aoun Abbas Sahi Author-X-Name-First: Aoun Abbas Author-X-Name-Last: Sahi Title: Journalistic routines as factors promoting COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy in Pakistan Abstract: COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy has reportedly been rising in polio-stricken Pakistan. Prior research reports a variety of contributing factors including information sources, particularly the newspapers readers generally consult to stay abreast of vaccine roll-out developments. This viewpoint article argues that three commonly practised journalistic routines – as explicated by Tandoc and Duffy – are promoting COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy among Urdu-language newspaper readers in Pakistan. The first is a distinctive news sourcing routine, in which extracts of news items reporting COVID-19 vaccine campaigns from across the globe are combined in one news story, which is useful to keep readers updated but compromises the journalistic principle of completeness. Second, news values, which may determine the newsworthiness of a vaccine-related event, might reduce public trust in ongoing vaccine roll-outs. Third, an innovative news structure with striking headlines is used to make a newspaper visually appealing but may also support generalised impressions of the adverse effects associated with COVID-19 vaccinations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 278-287 Issue: 1 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1995713 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1995713 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:1:p:278-287 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Clara Weinhardt Author-X-Name-First: Clara Author-X-Name-Last: Weinhardt Author-Name: Till Schöfer Author-X-Name-First: Till Author-X-Name-Last: Schöfer Title: Differential treatment for developing countries in the WTO: the unmaking of the North–South distinction in a multipolar world Abstract: This article examines the implications of the rise of new powers in the Global South for a central principle of global order: the distinction between the ‘North’ and the ‘South’, or ‘developed’ and ‘developing countries’, that emerged in the second half of the twentieth century. In doing so, we assess whether, and if so, how, the increasing tension between the binary ‘North–South’ distinction and growing heterogeneity within the Global South – as evidenced by the rise of emerging economies – has been reflected in the rules of multilateral trade policymaking. In the case of the World Trade Organization (WTO), the ‘North–South’ categorisation forms the basis of the legal principle of Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) that grants special rights to developing countries. To trace the evolution of SDT, we analyse legal developments and processes of contestation based on our conceptualisation of possible options for adaptation: graduation, individualisation and fragmentation. Drawing on a dataset of WTO decisions and agreements from 1995 to 2019, we find that the group of developing countries increasingly competes with other groups of disadvantaged countries for equity-based differential treatment. The resulting fragmentation contributes to the unmaking of the North–South distinction as a central ordering principle in global trade politics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 74-93 Issue: 1 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1992271 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1992271 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:1:p:74-93 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ian Taylor Author-X-Name-First: Ian Author-X-Name-Last: Taylor Author-Name: Zhangxi Cheng Author-X-Name-First: Zhangxi Author-X-Name-Last: Cheng Title: China as a ‘rising power’: why the status quo matters Abstract: China’s material interests are in a stable global order, given the immense benefits that Beijing has enjoyed under extant conditions. Although some accounts seek to portray China as a revisionist power, this is not consistent with the interests of China’s growing economy or its transnational elites. Rather, Beijing requires that the status quo remains, at least when it comes to the basic economic underpinnings of the global system. Given some of the contradictions within the Chinese economy, a calm global order whereby China seeks to resolve its problems is critical for Beijing. Thus China can be expected to continue to support and contribute to the global capitalist system, rather than seek to change it in any meaningful fashion. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 244-258 Issue: 1 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2005462 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2005462 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:1:p:244-258 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Steve Tsang Author-X-Name-First: Steve Author-X-Name-Last: Tsang Author-Name: Olivia Cheung Author-X-Name-First: Olivia Author-X-Name-Last: Cheung Title: Has Xi Jinping made China’s political system more resilient and enduring? Abstract: This article offers a contextualised examination of whether Xi Jinping Thought, the latest rendition of Marxism-Leninism that functions as China’s ideology, has made China’s political system more sustainable. By scrutinising Xi’s speeches and writings since he came to power in 2012, we demonstrate that his vision is premised on modifying consultative Leninism, China’s post-Deng Xiaoping political framework, with strongman rule. This is intended to revitalise the Chinese Communist Party as a Leninist instrument to deliver comprehensive leadership, upgrade China’s economy, Sinicise Marxism, nurture a party-centric nationalism, enhance legitimacy and claim global leadership on the world stage. In the process, he has revived the Maoist mass line to induce people to embrace national goals set by the Party, ultimately to persuade them that China’s Leninist party-state is more ‘democratic’ and better at serving them than any other political system. We found that Xi’s measures have enhanced the capacity of China’s consultative Leninist state and thus the resilience of the regime in the short term. However, the substitution of collective leadership by strongman rule, and the end of predictable power transition by abolishing a term limit for himself, have undermined institutionalisation and reduced the endurance of the system in the long term. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 225-243 Issue: 1 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2000857 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2000857 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:1:p:225-243 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kristof Titeca Author-X-Name-First: Kristof Author-X-Name-Last: Titeca Title: Who depends on whom? Uganda’s refugee ‘success story’, corruption and the international community Abstract: The progressive refugee policy of the Ugandan government has been widely applauded as a success story, and Uganda has been depicted as a role model. This article argues how the perceived success created a situation of mutual dependency between the Ugandan government and the international community. While the Ugandan government relied on aid from the international community, the international community had interests in the success story as proof that their policies work (for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), and in response to the European migration crisis (for bilateral donor governments). Nevertheless, in 2018, it emerged that the Ugandan refugee policy suffered from large-scale corruption. The article argues that the mutual dependency provided a fertile breeding ground for corruption, and negatively impacted accountability. Similarly to how the Museveni regime has been able to benefit from an image of success to deflect accountability on governance transgressions in the past, it has now largely managed to evade accountability for corruption in its refugee policy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 55-73 Issue: 1 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1989301 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1989301 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:1:p:55-73 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ariel González Levaggi Author-X-Name-First: Ariel Author-X-Name-Last: González Levaggi Author-Name: Daniel Blinder Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Blinder Title: High in the sky: Turkish–Argentine South–South space cooperation Abstract: In September 2019, the partly state-owned Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI) and Argentine provincial state-owned INVAP officially agreed to co-develop a geostationary satellite. Despite both being developing countries, they have extensive satellite space programmes with different stimuli. In the last two decades, Ankara has pushed for the development of a strategic industry in line with its military needs, while Argentina developed its satellite sector as part of broader initiatives to boost innovation and profits. This article examines the intersection of Argentina’s and Turkey’s space programmes by focussing on the goals, scope and dimensions of the geostationary joint project. The central argument is that despite their dissimilar motivations and policy paradigms, bilateral space cooperation in the Global South could be an alternative route to technological growth, bypassing the dependence on traditional geopolitical partners and technological providers. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 94-113 Issue: 1 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1993811 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1993811 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:1:p:94-113 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christian Haddad Author-X-Name-First: Christian Author-X-Name-Last: Haddad Author-Name: Cengiz Günay Author-X-Name-First: Cengiz Author-X-Name-Last: Günay Author-Name: Sherin Gharib Author-X-Name-First: Sherin Author-X-Name-Last: Gharib Author-Name: Nadejda Komendantova Author-X-Name-First: Nadejda Author-X-Name-Last: Komendantova Title: Imagined inclusions into a ‘green modernisation’: local politics and global visions of Morocco’s renewable energy transition Abstract: Energy transitions in the Global South are typically said to sit somewhere between autocratic mega-projects with considerable fallout for local communities on the one hand, and promissory projects to foster a better, sustainable and more inclusive future on the other. Morocco’s ambitious energy strategy entails the construction of 20 concentrated solar power (CSP) plants across the country and aims to provide energy security and position Morocco as an exporter of green energy. While energy transitions usually reflect existing power hierarchies, this article focuses on the dynamics Morocco’s energy transition plan has set in motion at the local level in affected communities. Based on fieldwork in the province of Tata, where two CSP plants are planned, the article argues that the promising yet elusive vision of solar energy has created a space for political articulation and agency at the grassroots level. Morocco’s energy transition is conceptualised in terms of an imaginary of ‘green modernisation’ that operates in two diverging dimensions: as an ideological glue legitimising and reproducing the regime’s existing power by ‘greening’ its political-economic system; and as a site for novel forms of activism to problematise power structures and articulate demands for political participation, inclusion and public infrastructural investments. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 393-413 Issue: 2 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2014315 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2014315 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:2:p:393-413 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Myfanwy James Author-X-Name-First: Myfanwy Author-X-Name-Last: James Title: Humanitarian fables: morals, meanings and consequences for humanitarian practice Abstract: This article describes how events are turned into fables in humanitarian organisations. It explores how these fables circulate, the lessons they come to embody and their influence in maintaining an organisational status quo. The article argues that such stories teach new humanitarian employees certain ‘facts’ about ‘the field’ and help form and consolidate consensus about why things are the way they are in an organisation. By describing three such fables circulating amongst Médecins Sans Frontières ‘international’ employees in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, each of which suggested a need for foreign humanitarians to maintain a certain distance from local citizens (including their nationally hired colleagues) as a means of personal and organisational security, the article illustrates how such fables can ‘justify’ certain organisational decisions that ultimately reinforce structures of unequal power relations between different humanitarian employees. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 475-493 Issue: 2 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2023318 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2023318 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:2:p:475-493 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julieta Zelicovich Author-X-Name-First: Julieta Author-X-Name-Last: Zelicovich Title: Are there still shared values to sustain multilateralism? Discourse in World Trade Organization reform debates Abstract: What is the role of values and principles in sustaining and reforming trade multilateralism? After several years of crisis and gridlock, by the end of 2018 the reform process became a central issue at World Trade Organization (WTO) discussions. Whereas members agreed on the idea that WTO reform was a necessary condition for the preservation of trade multilateralism, whether and how that reform is still possible is uncertain. While the discrepancies in the positions among the proposals have been considered in several papers, the role of the values and principles behind them has been overlooked. In this paper, recalling Ruggie’s theory on multilateralism, I propose to identify whether in the reform debates countries still share a core of principles and values that could sustain trade multilateralism and move the WTO beyond its current paralysis. To do so, I use evidence based on a data set of coded statements of WTO members at the General Council meetings in the period 2019–2020. The paper shows that, although sharing a willingness to support multilateralism, members diverge in the values and principles that give meaning and shape to this type of international cooperation, challenging the capacity of the WTO to find its way through the reform. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 332-351 Issue: 2 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2008796 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2008796 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:2:p:332-351 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Martin Fredriksson Author-X-Name-First: Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Fredriksson Title: Balancing community rights and national interests in international protection of traditional knowledge: a study of India’s Traditional Knowledge Digital Library Abstract: This article analyses how local, national and international interests are reflected in India’s attempts to protect traditional knowledge through the formation of a Traditional Knowledge Digital Library (TKDL). It compares how the digital library is contextualised within India’s domestic policy with how it is presented to the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO). The article argues that WIPO has endorsed the Indian initiative and embraced the promotion of protective databases as an uncontroversial tool that diverts attention from more contested forms of traditional knowledge protection. Consequently, India has been able to use WIPO as a platform to promote itself and the TKDL to the global community. Domestically, however, the library serves other purposes. Since it systematically documents a vast body of traditional medical knowledge, Indian authorities can use the library to claim that knowedge as part of a national cultural heritage, and as a source of scientific innovations to the economic and social benefit of the country. In that regard, the TKDL reflects an interplay among local, national and international interests, where the goal of protecting the traditional knowledge of indigenous and local communities against misappropriation risks being co-opted to serve national purposes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 352-370 Issue: 2 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2019009 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2019009 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:2:p:352-370 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Agaptus Nwozor Author-X-Name-First: Agaptus Author-X-Name-Last: Nwozor Author-Name: Segun Oshewolo Author-X-Name-First: Segun Author-X-Name-Last: Oshewolo Author-Name: John S. Olanrewaju Author-X-Name-First: John S. Author-X-Name-Last: Olanrewaju Author-Name: Modupe Bosede Ake Author-X-Name-First: Modupe Author-X-Name-Last: Bosede Ake Author-Name: Onjefu Okidu Author-X-Name-First: Onjefu Author-X-Name-Last: Okidu Title: Return migration and the challenges of diasporic reintegration in Nigeria Abstract: Nigeria is among the countries in Africa with the largest emigrant population as well as an impressive pool of annual remittances. Despite the importance of remittances in the matrix of national development, they are no substitute for the expertise and skills needed to drive the various sectors of the economy. Thus, since 1999, successive Nigerian governments have emphasised return migration as an important strategy to mainstream its diaspora into national development. In this vein, diverse policy efforts have been initiated to ensure its actualisation. The paper interrogates the continued currency and feasibility of return migration in the face of transnationalism and diasporic integration dilemmas. The paper uses qualitative data generated from primary and secondary sources to critically examine Nigeria’s migration architecture. It finds that return migration is fraught with several integration dilemmas for returnees as they are confronted with adjustment crises on return. The paper contends that the transnational character of the Nigerian diaspora necessitates the adoption of policy options that recognise the universality of their contributions and thus do not require their relocation to the country. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 432-451 Issue: 2 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2026216 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2026216 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:2:p:432-451 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kristi Heather Kenyon Author-X-Name-First: Kristi Heather Author-X-Name-Last: Kenyon Author-Name: Tshepo Madlingozi Author-X-Name-First: Tshepo Author-X-Name-Last: Madlingozi Title: ‘Rainbow is not the new black’: #FeesMustFall and the demythication of South Africa’s liberation narrative Abstract: In the 1990s, South Africa transitioned from apartheid to liberal democracy. Heroes, place names, holidays and symbols were revisited and replaced to reflect a ‘new’ nation and delineate a clear break from the ‘bad old days’. Central to this nation-building narrative is the figure of Nelson Mandela as a unifying hero exemplifying the ideals of this new nation. South Africa is now experiencing another transition. The so-called ‘born free’ generation mobilised for the first time on a mass scale in the 2015–2016 #FeesMustFall (#FMF) student protests at universities nationwide. Initially focussed on financial accessibility of higher education, these massive protests also questioned the rhetoric, narrative and heroes of the ‘new’ nation, reprising counter-hegemonic and hidden scripts to deconstruct the post-1994 hegemonic discourse and expose enduring inequality. Centring our analysis on interviews with Pretoria-based protesters, we position the students as experts on themselves distilling theoretical insights that emerge from their articulated experiences. We show that students engaged in a powerful project of dismantling a national narrative, questioning Nelson Mandela as ‘father’ of the nation, rejecting the unifying and temporal terminology that rhetorically placed apartheid’s inequalities in the past, and calling for the deconstituting of South Africa, the settler-created polity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 494-512 Issue: 2 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2014314 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2014314 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:2:p:494-512 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nir Kshetri Author-X-Name-First: Nir Author-X-Name-Last: Kshetri Title: Blockchain as a tool to facilitate property rights protection in the Global South: lessons from India’s Andhra Pradesh state Abstract: The lack of a comprehensive property rights system is an issue of pressing concern in most economies in the Global South. Property rights-related issues have important social, economic and environmental consequences. This paper argues that one of the most impactful uses of blockchain in the Global South could be in the creation, implementation and enforcement of property rights. The article provides an in‐depth analysis of a blockchain-based land registry project in the Andhra Pradesh state of India. It also delves into facilitators for and barriers to a large-scale adoption and deployment of blockchain for this purpose. The paper shows that with blockchain, the benefits of digitisation of land records can be amplified and some of the major drawbacks of digitisation can be avoided. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 371-392 Issue: 2 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2013116 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2013116 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:2:p:371-392 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lyndsay M. C. Hayhurst Author-X-Name-First: Lyndsay M. C. Author-X-Name-Last: Hayhurst Author-Name: Mitchell McSweeney Author-X-Name-First: Mitchell Author-X-Name-Last: McSweeney Author-Name: Janet Otte Author-X-Name-First: Janet Author-X-Name-Last: Otte Author-Name: Emerald Bandoles Author-X-Name-First: Emerald Author-X-Name-Last: Bandoles Author-Name: Lidieth del Socorro Cruz Centeno Author-X-Name-First: Lidieth del Socorro Author-X-Name-Last: Cruz Centeno Author-Name: Brian Wilson Author-X-Name-First: Brian Author-X-Name-Last: Wilson Title: ‘Bicycles are really important for women!’ Exploring bicycles, gender and development in Nicaragua and Uganda Abstract: This article explores ‘bicycles for development’ (BFD) – a ‘movement’ that positions the bicycle as a tool to promote key development goals, especially those related to the achievement of gender equality. Despite the increasing growth and prominence of BFD, there remains limited empirical research that investigates the intersections among gender, development, mobility and technologies such as the bicycle. Using visual participatory action research – informed by postcolonial feminist theory and new materialisms – this study explored how bicycles shaped the lives of women and girls in both structured BFD programmes (Uganda) and recreational cycling environments (Nicaragua). Three interrelated themes are discussed: (1) within communities there are conflicting views of the women and girls who participate in BFD and broader cycling related activities; (2) women in this study, through their involvement in BFD programmes or their engagement in cycling, challenge gender norms and resist traditional gender stereotypes related to cycling; and (3) access to a bicycle is associated with a focus on domestic and income-generating work – (re-)producing the burden on women to be primary caregivers. We conclude by reflecting on the duality of the bicycle as a promising and intricate technology used to contribute to gender and development objectives. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 452-474 Issue: 2 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2020634 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2020634 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:2:p:452-474 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Adrià Rivera-Escartin Author-X-Name-First: Adrià Author-X-Name-Last: Rivera-Escartin Title: Tunisia’s democratisation process: when ‘consensus democracy’ undermines democratic consolidation Abstract: Consensus between moderate Islamists and moderate secularists is usually judged as the touchstone of democracy in Tunisia. However, after a decade, the ‘Tunisian model’ is being questioned, as institutional and economic crises have become the norm in the country. The aim of the article is to look at how consensus adopted in the transition affected long-term democratic consolidation. To answer this question the article unpacks the concept of consensus, considering, on the one hand, the institutional architecture of consensus democracy and, on the other hand, the practice of consensus politics. The case study is used to identify the patterns generated by the interaction of these two dimensions of consensus through time. Two reforms prescribed in the 2014 constitution, the creation of the Constitutional Court and decentralisation, are taken as heuristic tools to examine democratic consolidation. In both reforms the mismatch between institutions and politics of consensus produced deadlock and non-consolidation. It is in this context that, in July 2021, President Saied dismissed the government and suspended the parliament with the intention to put an end to consensus democracy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 414-431 Issue: 2 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2015315 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2015315 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:2:p:414-431 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julia Leininger Author-X-Name-First: Julia Author-X-Name-Last: Leininger Author-Name: Daniel Nowack Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Nowack Title: Protection against autocratisation: how international democracy promotion helped preserve presidential term limits in Malawi and Senegal Abstract: This article analyses the conditions under which international democracy support contributes to protecting presidential term limits. As autocratisation has become an unwelcome global trend, researchers turned to the study of the toolboxes of would-be autocrats, including their attempts to circumvent term limits. Through a paired comparison of failed attempts in Malawi (2002) and Senegal (2012), we find that external democracy support can assist domestic actors and institutions in deflecting challenges to term limits. We offer a novel qualitative analysis that posits that international democracy support can only be effective if sustained by popular democratic attitudes and behaviours of actors in the recipient state. On the one hand, a mix of conditioning relations with the incumbent government while capacitating pro-democratic opposition is a successful strategy in aid-dependent political regimes with a minimum democratic quality. On the other, societal attitudes factor into decision-making at domestic and international levels. Our results suggest that popular pro-democratic attitudes encouraged international democracy support during critical junctures in the two countries, ie when incumbents attempted to circumvent term limitation. Donor investments had positive results when donors had directed resources towards building up civil society organisations long before any attempts at circumventing term limits were made.Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.2000855 . Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 309-331 Issue: 2 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2000855 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2000855 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:2:p:309-331 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anthony Ware Author-X-Name-First: Anthony Author-X-Name-Last: Ware Author-Name: Vicki-Ann Ware Author-X-Name-First: Vicki-Ann Author-X-Name-Last: Ware Author-Name: Leanne M. Kelly Author-X-Name-First: Leanne M. Author-X-Name-Last: Kelly Title: Strengthening everyday peace formation after ethnic cleansing: operationalising a framework in Myanmar’s Rohingya conflict Abstract: The concept of everyday peace largely draws on research that, to date, has sought more to explain observed social practices than inform peace interventions. This paper presents a case study of an attempt to operationalise the concept into local non-governmental organisation (NGO) programming, seeking to strengthen the formation of everyday peace between Rohingya and Rakhine communities in Myanmar after recent ethnic cleansing. This is believed to be the first attempt to operationalise everyday peace into NGO practice. The programme incorporates everyday peace components into an existing bottom-up development programme based around Freirian conscientisation, seeking to raise critical awareness of eight social practices seen to constitute everyday peace practice: avoidance, watching/reading, ambiguity, shielding, civility, reciprocity, solidarity and compromise. The paper presents and analyses new field data collected two years into implementation, comprising interviews with 15 local NGO staff/facilitators, and 12 focus groups (gender-segregated) with 84 participants from both Rohingya and Rakhine villages. The paper finds evidence of increased utilisation of these social practices and improved inter-village relations, even in the absence of macro-level peace efforts. While no panacea, and not as yet addressing the deep inequalities, injustices and vulnerabilities between Rohingya and Rakhine communities, this paper finds the approach has contributed to peace formation in this context. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 289-308 Issue: 2 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2022469 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2022469 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:2:p:289-308 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Joyce Wu Author-X-Name-First: Joyce Author-X-Name-Last: Wu Title: ‘Doing good and feeling good’: how narratives in development stymie gender equality in organisations Abstract: This paper examines the challenges of working on gender equality in international development research projects and institutes, and how a code of appropriate emotions and behaviours is used to silence and stifle institutional change. Using my own experience at a science research institute, I argue that while senior leaders have acknowledged the importance of equity and diversity, internal institutional dynamics, workplace culture and hierarchies make change difficult. Furthermore, due to the nature of international development work, there is an affective norm (‘doing good and feeling good’) that surrounds the notion of working in ‘developing’ countries. This affect is gendered because a masculine camaraderie is generated. However, the affect shuts out self-reflexivity, because it would disrupt the narrative of selflessness and heroism of aid. The inside activists within the institute navigate between challenging the norms and having an unspoken code of civility imposed upon them, which is used to police and discipline how inside activists should behave. When inside activists criticise discriminatory practices and values, they are dismissed as being ‘angry’ and ‘uncivil’. The result is the depoliticisation of gender and feminist theories and practice, where people go through the motions of equity and mainstreaming without achieving meaningful change. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 634-650 Issue: 3 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2030214 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2030214 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:3:p:634-650 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Suhad Daher-Nashif Author-X-Name-First: Suhad Author-X-Name-Last: Daher-Nashif Title: Vulnerability and precarity of Palestinian women in the Naqab Abstract: Many studies have broadly addressed the status of the Naqab/Negev Bedouins in Israel, particularly the status of women. However, women from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip who are married to male Bedouin citizens of Israel in the Naqab face a particular experience of vulnerability that has not been sufficiently explored. Based on 26 semi-structured interviews with women from the West Bank and Gaza who are married and living in the Naqab, as well as additional interviews with six psychosocial and legal professionals working with these women, this article describes the vulnerability and precarity of these women within the precarious context of the Naqab. Drawing on Judith Butler’s concept of precarity as a heightened risk of disease, poverty, starvation, displacement and exposure to violence without protection, this study examines layers of precarity in these women’s lives. These layers are described through an examination of the intersections between Israel’s settler colonial management of Palestinians’ lives and the Palestinian patriarchal management of women’s lives, thereby uncovering how both these controlling structures intensify women’s precariousness and make them the precariat of the Naqab. Further, the study addresses women’s performativity through their self-erasure and creation of invisible communities as a way to survive. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 703-720 Issue: 3 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2015313 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2015313 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:3:p:703-720 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tanya Jakimow Author-X-Name-First: Tanya Author-X-Name-Last: Jakimow Title: Vulnerability as ethical practice: dismantling affective privilege and resilience to transform development hierarchies Abstract: This paper introduces new analytical concepts to reveal overlooked dimensions of power inequalities between elite development agents (EDAs), local development agents and the targets of aid. Affective privilege captures the positioning of EDAs within affective patterning that sustains their dominant position. They enjoy a greater capacity to affect others in ways that reproduce structural power. Affective resilience captures their reduced capacity to be affected in ways that challenge their prior understandings, including understanding of self and their relations with others. Both affective privilege and affective resilience act as barriers to mutual understandings, limit reflexivity and, crucially, sustain hierarchies that are intimately felt by the power-deficient, but that pass unnoticed and therefore unaddressed by EDAs. I propose vulnerability as an ethical practice by the powerful as a means to both be attentive to these hierarchies, and to meaningfully transform relationships in development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 617-633 Issue: 3 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1903312 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1903312 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:3:p:617-633 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kaira Zoe Alburo-Cañete Author-X-Name-First: Kaira Zoe Author-X-Name-Last: Alburo-Cañete Title: Benevolent discipline: governing affect in post-Yolanda disaster reconstruction in the Philippines Abstract: This paper analyses how affect and emotions are activated and embodied by the state in post-disaster rebuilding. It focuses on the reconstruction of Tacloban City, Philippines, which was devastated by typhoon Yolanda in 2013. I introduce the concept of benevolent discipline to characterise a mode of governing that is animated by the state’s narratives and performances of ‘benevolence’ as a way of regulating the conduct of constituents towards its aspirations for recovery. I show how the discourse of safety – used to justify the relocation of informal settlers from the city’s danger zones – coalesces with disciplinary techniques targeting the affective life of the urban poor to produce ‘governable’ subjects for the reconstructed city. I show that the state’s altruistic performances in this regard and the mobilisation of affect and emotions constitute mechanisms of power that serve to dispossess and marginalise displaced communities. I argue that affect and emotions play a critical role in the everyday experiences of recovery. A focus on affective dimensions of post-disaster governance helps expose the potentialities of power previously obscured in studies of disaster reconstruction. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 651-672 Issue: 3 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2019008 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2019008 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:3:p:651-672 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mahardhika Sjamsoe’oed Sadjad Author-X-Name-First: Mahardhika Sjamsoe’oed Author-X-Name-Last: Sadjad Title: Solidarity and ‘social jealousy’: emotions and affect in Indonesian host society’s situated encounters with refugees Abstract: This article approaches the reception of refugees in Indonesia as an assemblage (agencement) that places a multiplicity of relations among bodies, things, ideas, social institutions and emotions at the locus of the study. Refugees’ indefinite ‘transit’ in Indonesia triggers situated encounters with local residents and institutions that contribute to the flow of affect within the assemblage. This article highlights situated encounters that elicit many emotions, expressed using common themes of solidarity and ‘social jealousy’. These themes came up in observations, conversations and interviews with host societies in Indonesia during a multi-sited study in 2018–2019. I argue that emotions of solidarity and ‘social jealousy’ act to enable and motivate host societies to help refugees, while simultaneously limiting how much help refugees are allowed to expect or feel entitled to, thus contributing to the ordering of territories within the assemblage. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 543-560 Issue: 3 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1969228 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1969228 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:3:p:543-560 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sochanny Hak Author-X-Name-First: Sochanny Author-X-Name-Last: Hak Author-Name: Yvonne Underhill-Sem Author-X-Name-First: Yvonne Author-X-Name-Last: Underhill-Sem Author-Name: Chanrith Ngin Author-X-Name-First: Chanrith Author-X-Name-Last: Ngin Title: Indigenous peoples’ responses to land exclusions: emotions, affective links and power relations Abstract: Drawing on ethnographic research, this paper discusses indigenous peoples’ emotional responses to land exclusions in two Bunong villages, Mondulkiri Province, Cambodia. We examine how villagers responded to land exclusions brought about by both state-sponsored conservation and economic land concessions. To understand their responses, we work with the concept of emotions as an embodiment of both personal and collective experiences, to draw attention to the range of feelings, thoughts and expressions that emerge during environmental conflicts. Where local responses to land exclusions appear successful in changing the impact of land exclusions in favour of indigenous peoples, we find that both positive and negative emotions, especially those of local leaders, are important. Further, collective emotional responses to prevent continued land encroachments can shift the power of state actors by subjecting them to the embodied demonstrative strength of community demands. The power dynamics shows how attention to emotions provides a deeper understanding of seemingly contradictory responses by indigenous peoples to land exclusions. We conclude by returning to the importance of local leadership because while collective emotions can be positive catalysts for initiating, empowering and keeping the momentum of a movement, individual leaders need to be comfortable with embodying their own, often contradictory, emotions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 525-542 Issue: 3 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1956892 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1956892 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:3:p:525-542 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kaira Zoe Alburo-Cañete Author-X-Name-First: Kaira Zoe Author-X-Name-Last: Alburo-Cañete Author-Name: Shonali Ayesha Banerjee Author-X-Name-First: Shonali Ayesha Author-X-Name-Last: Banerjee Author-Name: Sochanny Hak Author-X-Name-First: Sochanny Author-X-Name-Last: Hak Author-Name: Tanya Jakimow Author-X-Name-First: Tanya Author-X-Name-Last: Jakimow Author-Name: Chanrith Ngin Author-X-Name-First: Chanrith Author-X-Name-Last: Ngin Author-Name: Mahardhika Sjamsoe’oed Sadjad Author-X-Name-First: Mahardhika Sjamsoe’oed Author-X-Name-Last: Sadjad Author-Name: Susanne Schech Author-X-Name-First: Susanne Author-X-Name-Last: Schech Author-Name: Yvonne Underhill-Sem Author-X-Name-First: Yvonne Author-X-Name-Last: Underhill-Sem Author-Name: Joyce Wu Author-X-Name-First: Joyce Author-X-Name-Last: Wu Title: (Dis)comfort, judgement and solidarity: affective politics of academic publishing in development studies Abstract: The publication of a controversial article in Third World Quarterly and the consequent unveiling and critical questioning of journal practices continue to engender strong negative feelings for many scholars. At a critical juncture within the publication process of this collection, we faced an ethical dilemma regarding how to maintain political and ethical commitments while manoeuvring within a sometimes hostile academic environment. Here we examine the dilemma and its resolutions to reflect on configurations of power in academia. Through the lenses of (dis)comfort, judgement and solidarity, we examine the affective intensities that shaped our individual and collective decisions. Reflections on the process reveal the need to attend to how affects shape the resolution of shared ethical dilemmas in ways that reinforce structural (dis)advantages. We argue that ‘comfort’, achieved through solidarities, allows for the navigation of the ethical-political in ways open to multiple possibilities. Decolonial practice should attend to affective practices that privilege some claims over others and limit the capacity of future scholars to shape the ethical terrain of development studies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 673-683 Issue: 3 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2039064 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2039064 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:3:p:673-683 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tanya Jakimow Author-X-Name-First: Tanya Author-X-Name-Last: Jakimow Title: Understanding power in development studies through emotion and affect: promising lines of enquiry Abstract: In this volume, the contributors take affect and emotions as a means to cast ‘development’ in fresh light. Recognising that the affective dimensions of life are a critical part of social, political and economic organisation, each contribution draws upon theories of affect and emotion to enrich understandings of power within development studies. This introductory essay critically reflects on dominant understandings of power in the field, outlining how these can be augmented, or rethought, through attention to affect and emotions. It proposes new lines of enquiry that bring a necessary dynamism to the analysis of power in three ways, revealing how emotion and affect: (a) sustain or potentially challenge broader social and economic conditions; (b) influence processes of self-formation; and (c) reinforce or potentially disrupt social hierarchies. We aim to advance a research agenda that draws upon affect theory to enhance understandings of development with a focus on power’s sedimentation and disruption. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 513-524 Issue: 3 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2039065 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2039065 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:3:p:513-524 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sarah Wright Author-X-Name-First: Sarah Author-X-Name-Last: Wright Author-Name: Jagjit Plahe Author-X-Name-First: Jagjit Author-X-Name-Last: Plahe Author-Name: Gavin Jack Author-X-Name-First: Gavin Author-X-Name-Last: Jack Title: Feeling climate change to the bone: emotional topologies of climate Abstract: This paper addresses climate change through collaborative work with social movement organisations in the Philippines. We contend that the tendency of work on climate change, social resilience and climate justice to ignore epistemological questions and proceed through technocentric dominant frames can lead to partial responses that support the status quo, contribute to slow (or fast) violence, and enhance ongoing processes of marginalisation. Instead, we argue, there is a need to co-develop analyses with those most affected. The experiences shared in this paper speak to complex knowings of climate and the intimate hurts of disaster, and provide rich scope for resistance and change. We find knowledges to be affective, emotional and relational, and deeply imbued with power relations. These insights lead us to theorise a topological angle on the knowings and beings of climate: to turn to emotional topologies. In seeking to elaborate on emotional topologies of climate, we draw on the concept of knowledge spaces to better understand meanings and practices of climate as emergent motleys of linked people, sites, affective process, activities and technologies. In the emergent nature of these spaces, there is scope for disruption, re-ordering and resistance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 561-579 Issue: 3 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1987210 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1987210 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:3:p:561-579 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Susanne Schech Author-X-Name-First: Susanne Author-X-Name-Last: Schech Title: Affective politics of Australian development volunteering Abstract: It is widely acknowledged that emotions play an important role in international development volunteering (IDV), but researchers are divided about how they matter. For some, Northern volunteering in the Global South is an expression of political agency and solidarity with distant strangers, while for others, it is a product of neoliberal techniques of government that mobilise emotions, labour and social practices of care without challenging the status quo. This paper seeks to disentangle these contradictory claims by examining how participants in an IDV programme experience and articulate emotions, and the context in which they mobilise these emotions to fortify or critique dominant power relations. Drawing on recent theorising about the role of affect and emotion in society, and on interviews collected in Cambodia and Peru, I aim to show how emotions are shaped through relations with humans as well as with history, place and foreign policies. Attending to spatial and temporal context is important to understanding how and why volunteerism’s affective relations can become sites for critiquing unequal relations and imagining development differently. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 599-616 Issue: 3 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1914020 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1914020 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:3:p:599-616 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lacin Idil Oztig Author-X-Name-First: Lacin Idil Author-X-Name-Last: Oztig Title: Refugee flows, foreign policy, and safe haven nexus in Turkey Abstract: While the relationship between refugees and foreign policy has been extensively studied, scarce attention has been paid to the linkages between refugee flows and safe haven policy as foreign policy. This article fills this gap in the literature by comparatively examining Turkey’s refugee and safe haven policies. Turkey witnessed two major influxes of refugees: after the Saddam Hussein regime oppressed the Kurdish uprising in 1991 and following the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011. Turkey closed its Iraqi border to the Kurdish refugees and labelled their mass movement as a threat to its national security. In sharp contrast, Turkey has generally adopted accommodative policies towards Syrian refugees with a strong emphasis placed on humanitarian values. During both crises, Turkey supported safe haven policies for the repatriation of refugees to their home countries on international platforms. While Turkey was immediately able to persuade the international community for the creation of a safe haven in northern Iraq, it was less successful with respect to northern Syria, as it could only put its safe haven project on the negotiation table after relying more heavily on brute force. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 684-702 Issue: 3 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2009335 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2009335 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:3:p:684-702 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shonali Ayesha Banerjee Author-X-Name-First: Shonali Ayesha Author-X-Name-Last: Banerjee Title: Intimate technologies for affective development: how crowdfunding platforms commodify interpersonal connections Abstract: Recently emerged as transformative fundraising tools for development causes, crowdfunding platforms leverage the ‘feelingful ties’ that connect individuals in pursuit of non-governmental organisation (NGO) fundraising. Focussing on research conducted in 2018 with Indian platform LetzChange, this article frames crowdfunding platforms as ‘intimate technologies for development’, exploring how they leverage different forms of social and digital capital from their NGO partners to shape power relations within the development sector. By examining how crowdfunding platforms train local NGO staff to market their projects in digitally affective ways on social media, I demonstrate the influence of modern technological tools that recreate affective social bonds and social capital in digital spaces for the purpose of mobilising donors. I show how NGO staff must navigate the complicated landscape of social, digital and financial inequalities created within the crowdfunding process. Through analysis of specific digital fundraising practices, I reveal how LetzChange compels its NGO partners to invest emotional labour into crowdfunding campaigns, inevitably creating apprehension from staff around the depletion of social capital. I argue that affective digital practices like crowdfunding fall short of their inclusive aims and reinforce existing top-down power relations in the development sector by financially instrumentalising the interpersonal connections of NGO staff. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 580-598 Issue: 3 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1947137 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1947137 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:3:p:580-598 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Katarzyna Baran Author-X-Name-First: Katarzyna Author-X-Name-Last: Baran Title: Rethinking recipient agency: what can we learn from Haitian accounts? Abstract: Development settings have always been uneven fields of power where recipient agency is limited. However, since the late 1990s, ideas of recipient participation and ownership gained popularity among international financial institutions, donor and recipient governments and aid practitioners. At the same time, with the ‘rise of the South’, the development cooperation landscape became much more polycentric. At least in theory, there is more choice, giving recipients more bargaining power and thus more agency. ‘Emerging’ donors talk about horizontality, sovereignty and shared identities, but what are the actual practices on the ground? How do recipients see themselves in interactions with different Northern/Southern donors? Are North/South categories relevant when analysing recipient agency, or are there other factors that are more analytically useful? This paper approaches recipient agency by looking at agricultural cooperation in Haiti. It is based on interviews conducted with an extended spectrum of Haitian actors involved in projects with four donors/partners: the United States, France, Brazil and Cuba. It looks into recipient perceptions and experiences of agency in relation to Northern donors and Southern partners by exploring project conceptualisation, execution, financing and everyday interactions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 742-759 Issue: 4 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2017276 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2017276 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:4:p:742-759 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Varigonda Kesava Chandra Author-X-Name-First: Varigonda Author-X-Name-Last: Kesava Chandra Title: Social movements against Hindutva: analysing their impact on the Indian state’s support for cow protection vigilantism Abstract: This paper analyses the impact of social movements on the Indian state’s support for cow protection vigilantism, which forms a key aspect of its adherence to the Hindutva ideology. Adopting Varigonda’s framework, the paper argues that the movement’s impact is determined by its collective action repertoires, politicisation of its affiliated identity and openness of state input structures. The paper tests this framework through a comparative study of two movements: the Dalit-centric post-Una and the Muslim-centric post-Dadri movements. It demonstrates how stronger action repertoires, characterised by protracted mass mobilisation; effective politicisation of the Dalit identity and its propensity towards electoral mobilisation of the Dalit populace; and open state input structures, characterised by the consistent support of major political parties, enabled the post-Una movement – unlike the post-Dadri movement – to impede state support for cow protection vigilantism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 936-953 Issue: 4 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2042679 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2042679 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:4:p:936-953 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bin Ai Author-X-Name-First: Bin Author-X-Name-Last: Ai Title: Examining Chinese peasants’ transnational communication patterns and identity negotiations on an Algerian construction site Abstract: An increasing number of Chinese peasants are employed in globalised Chinese enterprises’ overseas projects; African countries are among their destinations. In this study, a cohort of Chinese peasants were interviewed to gain their perspective on their communication experiences in their everyday working and leisure life on an Algerian construction site. These peasants’ reflections, complemented by the observations of their Chinese professional co-workers, reveal that they remained strongly attached to their Chinese identity during their sojourn in the host country, and hoped that their contribution as skilled workers would be recognised and accepted there. To some extent, these peasants’ everyday life experiences in the host country changed their identity and extended their professional repertoire of skills and communication patterns. When talking about their future, however, the peasants expressed a desire to return to their homeland, remaining attached to their Chinese culture and identity. Enriched by these experiences, their value as skilled workers should be recognised when they return to rural China. The paper explores the Chinese peasants’ transnational communication patterns and their identity negotiations and transformations, and contributes to research into peasants’ communication practices in the context of migration. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 846-863 Issue: 4 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2029697 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2029697 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:4:p:846-863 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hai Yang Author-X-Name-First: Hai Author-X-Name-Last: Yang Title: Legitimating the Belt and Road Initiative: evidence from Chinese official rhetoric Abstract: This article examines how China sought to externally legitimate the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) by means of official rhetoric. The BRI is a notable Chinese policy initiative with a focus on infrastructure provision. It has been gaining traction worldwide but is simultaneously dogged by controversies and contested by a widening array of actors. Departing from the predominant focus on the geopolitics and geoeconomics of the BRI and China, this research focuses on an important yet under-explored aspect: sustained and highly coordinated rhetorical efforts on the part of China with a view to asserting legitimacy for the BRI. Leveraging an analytical framework with fine-grained distinctions between legitimacy types and sources, the study conducted a fully integrated content analysis of 644 Chinese official texts on the BRI. It first identified inductively the set of recurrent legitimacy claims articulated by Chinese officials. A subsequent quantitative analysis showcased how different legitimacy claims featured in the official rhetoric and evolved over time. The findings have practical relevance for China’s external communications on the BRI and foreign actors’ (counter-)narratives and policy responses to the Chinese initiative. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 823-845 Issue: 4 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2029696 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2029696 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:4:p:823-845 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Simon Pierre Boulanger Martel Author-X-Name-First: Simon Pierre Author-X-Name-Last: Boulanger Martel Title: ¡Zapatero, a tus zapatos! Explaining the social engagement of M-19 ex-combatants in education and social work institutions in Colombia Abstract: Why do some former rebels transition into social engagement after demobilisation while others do not? How do they adjust their militant aspirations to their context of reintegration? Studies on the political dimensions of rebel groups’ disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration processes have focused on post-rebel political parties, ex-combatant violence, elite transformation, political participation, and social and community engagement. Despite increased attention to reintegration processes, we know little about the processes that shape community engagement amongst ex-combatants. I address this gap by investigating the lifelong socialisation processes that influence transitions in and out of violence and social engagement. I argue that socialisation across various institutional settings in pre-recruitment and wartime life stages provides ex-combatants with dispositions and resources that, in interaction with post-demobilisation opportunities, shape their post-demobilisation social engagement. Applying a biographical approach, I analyse the trajectories of 32 ex-combatants from M-19, a left-wing nationalist guerrilla group at war with the Colombian government between 1974 and 1990. The study contributes to the literature on the long-term consequences of ex-combatant reintegration, socialisation and violence as well as the legacies of armed violence. It notably highlights how various dimensions of insurgent mobilisation can have lasting effects on individual life courses and society more broadly. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 760-778 Issue: 4 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2022979 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2022979 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:4:p:760-778 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Barbara Fritz Author-X-Name-First: Barbara Author-X-Name-Last: Fritz Author-Name: Luiz Fernando de Paula Author-X-Name-First: Luiz Fernando Author-X-Name-Last: de Paula Author-Name: Daniela M. Prates Author-X-Name-First: Daniela M. Author-X-Name-Last: Prates Title: Developmentalism at the periphery: addressing global financial asymmetries Abstract: Since the 2000s, new concepts of developmentalism have emerged in Latin America. In such approaches, the state deliberately pushes the development to achieve structural change and income redistribution. We analyse these from the perspective of policy space constraints imposed by international economic asymmetries, which today are predominantly of a financial nature. Based on a broad overview, we identify and compare the most relevant recent approaches. ‘New developmentalism’ has its strength in formulating adequate macroeconomic policies shielding the economy from volatility, although it considers redistribution as rather an outcome of structural change. ‘Social developmentalism’ emphasises the links between redistribution, domestic growth and structural change but lacks a coherent formulation of macroeconomic policies. The same applies to the concept of buen vivir, as the only approach that considers environmental aspects. Thus, all of these concepts have their strength in addressing specific issues, but are incomplete insofar as they do not provide a consistent framework for achieving all goals of growth with structural change, income redistribution and ecological sustainability. We identify the need to debate the interdependencies between sustained economic growth, income distribution and ecological sustainability. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 721-741 Issue: 4 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1989299 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1989299 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:4:p:721-741 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Solomon Molla Ademe Author-X-Name-First: Solomon Molla Author-X-Name-Last: Ademe Title: Demystifying the causes of the Amhara people’s protest in Ethiopia Abstract: For nearly three decades, Ethiopia has been ruled by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) regime. Under this regime, the Amharas were subjected to many cases of abuse. Since 2016, the Amharas have been protesting against this regime. This article shows the EPRDF regime’s structural problems and shows how these are the causes of the Amhara people’s protest. It argues that the EPRDF regime’s severe structural engagements have instilled a sense of victimhood in the Amharas. This sense of victimhood is the result of the mobilisations of the diasporas and other actors. The article concludes that in the post-2018 Ethiopian politics, the country’s constitution, the state structure, and some EPRDF officials and practices that abused the Amharas during the EPRDF regime are still in place. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 916-935 Issue: 4 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2030701 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2030701 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:4:p:916-935 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kerryn Baker Author-X-Name-First: Kerryn Author-X-Name-Last: Baker Title: ‘Copper and solar’: the gendered politics of service delivery in Solomon Islands Abstract: Clientelism, and how clientelist political systems evolve over time, is of enduring interest to scholars of politics. The rise of constituency development funds (CDFs), especially in countries where they have come to represent a significant proportion of the government budget, complicates these dynamics, with some arguing their influence in Melanesia has prompted the emergence of a distinct form of statehood. But where do women fit into CDF politics, and this new form of statehood? This article introduces a gendered lens to the emerging literature on CDFs, using a case study of an incumbent woman member of parliament’s campaign for re-election in Solomon Islands. It finds that changing political dynamics in Solomon Islands have not challenged the male dominance of the political space; there are, however, entry points for well-positioned women to gain a political foothold in the new Melanesian state. These findings suggest new avenues for future research, incorporating theories of gender and politics with the emerging literature on CDFs. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 864-878 Issue: 4 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2033616 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2033616 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:4:p:864-878 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ian Russell Author-X-Name-First: Ian Author-X-Name-Last: Russell Title: Degrees of peace: universities and embodied experiences of conflict in post-war Sri Lanka Abstract: This paper examines the impacts of conflicts on universities and considers the corresponding implications for their ability to contribute to post-war recovery. Pushing against the methodological individualism associated with notions of human capital loss, I concentrate on the interaction between conflict and the social constitution of universities. I argue that the ways in which universities as social groups embody experiences of conflict can powerfully influence how they operate and how they interact with post-war peacebuilding and development. To operationalise the framing of universities as social groups, I introduce the concept of a university substrate as a means of thinking through the evolving constitution of universities. Drawing on 31 semi-structured interviews with university actors in Jaffna and elsewhere in Sri Lanka, I explore the case of the University of Jaffna and how it has been shaped by conflict. I outline the moulding of its social constitution by waves of departure during the conflict and by the environment created by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, the main non-state actor in the war. This case study illustrates how the substrate lens can capture dynamics that are missed by human capital approaches and can help better explain the legacies of conflict for universities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 898-915 Issue: 4 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2038129 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2038129 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:4:p:898-915 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Karen Brounéus Author-X-Name-First: Karen Author-X-Name-Last: Brounéus Author-Name: Prakash Bhattarai Author-X-Name-First: Prakash Author-X-Name-Last: Bhattarai Author-Name: Erika Forsberg Author-X-Name-First: Erika Author-X-Name-Last: Forsberg Title: The bumpy road of peace research: reflections on sharing mistakes in fieldwork Abstract: As medicine strives to find cures to illness, peace researchers strive to find cures for war-broken societies. To this end, we depend on learning from people who have survived political violence, in sensitive conflict settings. There is increasing awareness of the imperative of ethical reflection before, during and after ‘fieldwork’. However, the rocky road of doing the actual fieldwork in conflict settings is seldom part of our polished articles. The messiness, the ethical dilemmas, and our hesitations, mistakes and regrets remain hidden. We argue this needs to change. We believe it is time for conflict research to follow in the novel self-reflexive footsteps of neuroscience and psychology, and build a research culture of reflection and honesty, which includes the sharing of mistakes. If not, we will inevitably continue making the same mistakes over and over again. Reflexive honesty will make our research sustainable ethically, scientifically and financially. Our aim with this article is to open such a conversation by sharing some recent experiences of fieldwork in Nepal: what went well, what we did wrong and what we learned in this process. Hopefully, by sharing our lessons learned we can together, in time, make conflict research safer, richer and more meaningful – for everyone involved. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 954-962 Issue: 4 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2040979 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2040979 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:4:p:954-962 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bernadett Lehoczki Author-X-Name-First: Bernadett Author-X-Name-Last: Lehoczki Title: Semi-periphery regionalisms in a changing world order: the case of Mercosur and Visegrad Group Abstract: After the ‘unipolar moment’ of the 1990s, the emerging multipolar world order has brought a new environment for regional organisations, which they are adjusting to. Mercosur and Visegrad Group, with semi-peripheral member states, are both categorised as intermediate regions with close institutionalised and cultural links to the Western world, while structural political and economic features distinguish them from the core regions. Carrying out a comparative analysis, the article’s research question is: How have leadership, objectives and actorness changed in the case of Mercosur and Visegrad Group since 2000 as a response to the changing world order? A case study analysis explains the similarities and differences between Mercosur’s and Visegrad Group’s responses to and performance in the changing world order. Criticisms towards the traditional partners, shifting agendas, a search for alternatives beyond the Western model of market democracy and building links with emerging partners are the most essential similarities of Mercosur’s and Visegrad Group’s responses. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 779-796 Issue: 4 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2024757 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2024757 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:4:p:779-796 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Linda Yin-nor Tjia Author-X-Name-First: Linda Yin-nor Author-X-Name-Last: Tjia Title: Kazakhstan’s leverage and economic diversification amid Chinese connectivity dreams Abstract: Since its independence, Kazakhstan has adopted a multi-vectorism approach to balance between various great powers, especially between Russia and China. Despite extensive theorisation of such foreign policy, scholarly research has rarely investigated the topic beyond diplomatic power dynamics. Based on a systematic search of China’s joint projects in Kazakhstan in the past 30 years, this paper illuminates several unexpected developmental intricacies based on Kazakhstan’s multi-vectorism, its geo-strategic location, the availability of oil-driven sovereign wealth funds, and the public pressure for more responsible industrial policies: (1) China’s ambition to connect to the West has unintentionally amplified Kazakhstan’s multi-vector bargaining power; (2) Kazakhstan’s industrial policies, supported by various financial tools backed by its oil-driven sovereign wealth funds, are integral to its multi-sector economic development and diversification of exports to include more high-value intermediate and consumer goods; and (3) shown via a case study on Kazakhstan’s agricultural development, initial state-level negotiation and sub-national implementation, coupled with a mix of Sinophobic and Sinophilic sentiments, have led to a nuanced path of economic diversification. Given the authoritarian legacy in both China and Kazakhstan, empirical research to compare industry-specific development variations would be enlightening for developing economies to design optimal paths to leverage China’s rising dream and capital. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 797-822 Issue: 4 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2027237 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2027237 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:4:p:797-822 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Corey Robinson Author-X-Name-First: Corey Author-X-Name-Last: Robinson Title: Deportability, humanitarianism and development: neoliberal deportation and the Global Assistance for Irregular Migrants program Abstract: Offering return assistance and financial inducements to migrants and asylum-seekers, assisted voluntary return and reintegration (AVRR) programmes are critical to the management of migration. While AVRR programmes have emerged as an area of study in their own right, little attention has been paid to the role of these schemes in the transnational politics of anti-smuggling policy. Building on insights from border studies, migration studies and security studies, this article examines the Global Assistance for Irregular Migrants (GAIM) programme. The GAIM programme is an AVRR programme funded by the Canadian government and implemented by the International Organization for Migration (IOM), which targeted Sri Lankan nationals stranded following the disruption of smuggling ventures in West Africa. This article examines how the GAIM programme framed, rationalised and obscured the practice of neoliberal deportation as a humanitarian gesture in the interests of migrants themselves. It documents and conceptualises the humanitarian claims, narratives and representations mobilised by Canada and the IOM to explain and justify the return of stranded asylum-seekers. It argues that the GAIM programme can be analysed as a form of humanitarian securitisation, which obscures the politics of anti-smuggling policy, masks the violence of deportation and legitimises the return of stranded asylum-seekers. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 879-897 Issue: 4 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2038128 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2038128 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:4:p:879-897 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hewa Haji Khedir Author-X-Name-First: Hewa Haji Author-X-Name-Last: Khedir Title: Not to mislead peace: on the demise of identity politics in Iraq Abstract: By drawing on theories of transition to democracy, social value shifts and recent studies on Iraqi politics and society, this article offers a critical standpoint on the alleged demise/death of identity politics in Iraq. The article suggests that the sort of societal transformation that is indispensable to the demise of ‘aggressive sectarianism’, ethnic nationalism and the oppression of minority groups has not yet occurred. Any value changes favouring the consolidation of citizenship values and the formation of an Iraqi identity require, among other conditions, a stable, sustainable and steady move towards democratisation, good governance and a broader, often lengthy, process of social and economic transformations. The article therefore contends that any attempt at peace in the country necessitates addressing peace as (1) a fundamental matter of governance and (2) an everyday practice in the local terrain. Regarding state-building and governance, the article suggests that ‘rectifying’ the post-2003 trend may have adverse consequences should the process run in the direction of retreat from democracy and a rigid re-centralisation of the country. While Iraq’s ‘the local’, increasingly vibrant, its constructive impacts on formal politics and peacebuilding, remain uncertain. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1137-1155 Issue: 5 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2047919 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2047919 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:5:p:1137-1155 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: J. Luis Rodriguez Author-X-Name-First: J. Luis Author-X-Name-Last: Rodriguez Title: Crafting constraints: Latin American support for humanitarian-intervention norms Abstract: This article explores why, by 2005, most Latin American countries supported the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), a doctrine modifying limits on the use of force to address atrocity crimes. I group existing explanations of why Latin American countries apparently changed their long-standing defence of non-intervention following the main explanatory factor they focus on: power asymmetries, government preferences or coalition politics. I find that these accounts downplay a fundamental dimension informing the approaches of Latin American supporters: how to limit interveners. Drawing on Republican security theory (RST), I argue that Latin American supporters faced a dilemma in the R2P debates, especially after the intervention in Iraq in 2003. Latin American supporters favoured crafting solutions to humanitarian problems that simultaneously addressed crises and prevented arbitrary uses of force. I use the Brazilian and Chilean case studies to explore this argument. Brazilian and Chilean governments concluded that their conventional interpretations of limits on the use of force did not offer answers for both humanitarian emergencies and arbitrary uses of force. As a solution, they modified but did not abandon their diplomatic traditions. These governments calculated that humanitarian-intervention norms could be constraints, even if imperfect, on interveners arbitrarily using military force. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1217-1235 Issue: 5 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2057944 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2057944 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:5:p:1217-1235 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Salamah Ansari Author-X-Name-First: Salamah Author-X-Name-Last: Ansari Author-Name: Deva Prasad M. Author-X-Name-First: Deva Prasad Author-X-Name-Last: M. Author-Name: R. Rajesh Babu Author-X-Name-First: R. Rajesh Author-X-Name-Last: Babu Title: Fixing the collective action problem in sovereign debt restructuring: significance of Global South solidarity Abstract: This paper attempts to analyse the limitations of contractual mechanisms of resolving collective action disputes against sovereign debtors. The Global South has been at the receiving end of the sovereign debt obligations and collective action clauses (CACs) agenda. The lack of control over the domestic economy and the human rights impacts of mounting sovereign debt brings to the fore the absolute lack of fairness and equity in the CAC-based framework for restructuring sovereign debt. The contemporary international order does not address the non-economic concerns of an indebted state. The unfair treatment meted out to the Global South opens the need for Third World approaches to international law (TWAIL) voices against sovereign debt. The current discourse and literature on CAC have remained mainly aloof to the contributions and importance of TWAIL in the context of CACs. Sovereign debt and the use of CACs need a fresh outlook based on the development of international human rights law. Alternative movements based on Global South solidarity against the present structural and systemic problems of sovereign debt and CACs need to be explored. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1074-1092 Issue: 5 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2050459 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2050459 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:5:p:1074-1092 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jessica Piombo Author-X-Name-First: Jessica Author-X-Name-Last: Piombo Author-Name: Pierre Englebert Author-X-Name-First: Pierre Author-X-Name-Last: Englebert Title: The war on terror in context: domestic dimensions of Ethiopia and Kenya’s policies towards Somalia Abstract: What explains variations in how African countries respond to security threats? How can we explain situations in which countries face a similar regional threat environment and yet respond very differently? In this article we take advantage of a natural experiment offered by instability in Somalia, which has given rise to terrorist threats to neighbours Ethiopia and Kenya. Analysing Ethiopian and Kenyan responses to instability coming from Somalia since 2000 shows that these countries differ in both the nature and timing of their responses to a common set of Somali challenges. The key to understanding their varied responses, we argue, lies not in the objective threat itself, but in how the threat affects the political calculations of the state. These calculations are shaped by fundamental political and economic dynamics such as the presence or absence of a founding myth, the ways that elites access and maintain their hold on power, and the political economy underpinning the state. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1176-1196 Issue: 5 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2057292 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2057292 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:5:p:1176-1196 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Terrence Ting-Yen Chen Author-X-Name-First: Terrence Ting-Yen Author-X-Name-Last: Chen Title: The developmental state and its discontent: the evolution of the open government data policy in Taiwan Abstract: Since the late 1980s, emerging political and economic forces challenged the effectiveness of so-called ‘developmental states’. While some argue that the development state is dead, others proclaim its persistence to this day. To explore the persistence and changes of developmental states, I use Taiwan’s open government data (OGD) policy as an analytical case. OGD was initially promulgated as primarily an economic policy, but it became a policy that also emphasised good governance. The evolution suggests that the developmental state in Taiwan has both persisted and been transformed. The persistence can be seen in the continuous influence of competent economic bureaucracies, ad hoc ties between state and capital, and the commitment to state-led economic development. On the other hand, the state has also changed, as non-economy-centred agencies have gained substantial power, the strength of civil society vis-à-vis the government has grown significantly, the bureaucracy has been increasingly incorporated into the ‘world polity’ and the logic of democracy has begun to be seen as supplementary to economic development. My theorisation rejects the wholesale endorsement or abandonment of the concept of ‘developmental state’ and treats the state as an entity that has ‘many hands’ and different types of ‘path dependence’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1056-1073 Issue: 5 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2042801 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2042801 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:5:p:1056-1073 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Louise Yorke Author-X-Name-First: Louise Author-X-Name-Last: Yorke Author-Name: Amare Asegdom Author-X-Name-First: Amare Author-X-Name-Last: Asegdom Author-Name: Belay Hagos Hailu Author-X-Name-First: Belay Hagos Author-X-Name-Last: Hailu Author-Name: Pauline Rose Author-X-Name-First: Pauline Author-X-Name-Last: Rose Title: Is the Programme for Results approach fit for purpose? Evidence from a large-scale education reform in Ethiopia Abstract: Across many low- and lower middle-income countries, aid donors are promoting results-based financing approaches as a means to link their funding directly with development outcomes. In this paper, we explore one such approach, the Programme for Results (PforR) financing approach in support of Ethiopia’s large-scale education quality reform. We assess whether the PforR approach is fit for purpose, drawing on interviews with 72 key donor and government stakeholders. Our findings suggest that the ability of the approach to achieve its stated goals of building capacity and strengthening the system for equitable learning is limited in this context. While the approach is helping to reorient attention from inputs to results, questions remain as to whether the focus is on the right results. Our findings highlight the need for the careful design of such approaches that take account of the context including with respect to ensuring that necessary preconditions are in place prior to implementation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1016-1037 Issue: 5 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2047920 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2047920 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:5:p:1016-1037 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Zhen Han Author-X-Name-First: Zhen Author-X-Name-Last: Han Author-Name: Mihaela Papa Author-X-Name-First: Mihaela Author-X-Name-Last: Papa Title: Brazilian alliance perspectives: towards a BRICS development–security alliance? Abstract: Scholars studying BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) have traditionally argued that it is a development-focused partnership and not a military/security-based alliance. Yet BRICS members have been deepening their security integration, and Russia and China have been creating an alliance in the background. Although BRICS middle powers have traditionally demonstrated an aversion towards alliances, Brazil actively deepened security cooperation among BRICS members during its BRICS presidency in 2019. How does Brazil view alliances in contemporary power competition? This study examines Brazil’s perceptions by introducing and analysing a new data set of Brazilian expert discourses on alliances since 1990 and using its participation in BRICS as an empirical case. It finds that Brazil does not consider its security relationships with BRICS states to be more significant than those with non-BRICS states. However, BRICS enables Brazil to advance its specific security agenda that becomes embedded within the group’s developmental orientation. While theorising about middle powers traditionally links these powers to international organisations, their pursuit of development–security agendas in rising power groups is an important front in contemporary power competition. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1115-1136 Issue: 5 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2055539 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2055539 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:5:p:1115-1136 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ding Fei Author-X-Name-First: Ding Author-X-Name-Last: Fei Title: Assembling Chinese health engagement in Africa: structures, strategies and emerging patterns Abstract: Employing the assemblage perspective, the paper examines the relations of exteriority, heterogeneity and fluidity in the development of global health cooperation ‘with Chinese characteristics’. Through the case of Chinese health engagement in Africa, the paper (1) reviews the shifting imperatives of China’s involvement in global health; (2) identifies the major approaches, institutions and actors in the design and implementation of overseas health projects; and (3) evaluates the linkages among diplomacy, politics and economics in shaping Chinese health cooperation. The findings demonstrate how public health emergencies such as Ebola and COVID-19 have served as catalysts to push forward new developments in the assemblage of China–Africa health cooperation. In particular, the last decade has witnessed a rescaling of the Chinese state to lead international health initiatives on the one hand and to incentivise diverse sub-state and non-state actors to engage in various health-related trade and investment activities on the other. The COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated the move from a state-guided process of health cooperation to a collective project pursued by multiple official and enterprise actors. The pandemic offers an opportunity to strengthen the links between health and non-health imperatives, hence further deepening China–Africa interdependence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1093-1114 Issue: 5 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2042802 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2042802 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:5:p:1093-1114 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrea Schapper Author-X-Name-First: Andrea Author-X-Name-Last: Schapper Author-Name: Clemens Hoffmann Author-X-Name-First: Clemens Author-X-Name-Last: Hoffmann Author-Name: Phyllis Lee Author-X-Name-First: Phyllis Author-X-Name-Last: Lee Title: Procedural rights for nature – a pathway to sustainable decarbonisation? Abstract: Resource conflicts and human–environment conflicts are active around the globe. As planetary, carbon-induced climate change necessitates new responses, the policies and practices of decarbonisation add new dimensions to existing conflicts. Using examples from two nations with ambitious aims for the decarbonisation of their economies, Ethiopia and Morocco, we illustrate how unintended conflicts and adverse ecosystem impacts arise when nature cannot participate in decision-making processes. Transition to low-carbon economies, we argue, generates and exacerbates multi-dimensional conflicts of interest between state and society, as well as between society and ecosystems. Taking an interdisciplinary perspective, we suggest establishing procedural rights of nature via (1) stronger consideration of scientific expertise, (2) an enhancement of environmental safeguards and (3) making funding linked to Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) conditional upon participation of nature in decision-making processes through legal guardians. We use counterfactuals as a method to demonstrate how procedural rights of nature, in the cases of Ethiopia and Morocco, could change green economy and climate mitigation projects, making them less conflict-prone and more sustainable. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1197-1216 Issue: 5 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2057293 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2057293 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:5:p:1197-1216 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Şerif Onur Bahçecik Author-X-Name-First: Şerif Author-X-Name-Last: Onur Bahçecik Author-Name: Yunus Turhan Author-X-Name-First: Yunus Author-X-Name-Last: Turhan Title: Mapping relations between state and humanitarian NGOs: the case of Turkey Abstract: The relationship between states and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) is the subject of differing interpretations. Many observers of transnational civil society have pointed out a closing of civic space, including humanitarian space. Accordingly, many have focused on conflict and cooperation as main modes of interaction between states and NGOs. In this article we argue that a more in-depth look at state–NGO relations in Turkey shows that this binary framework is not sufficient. Relying on a framework that delineates conflict, cooperation, competition and co-optation as the four main patterns of interaction between states and NGOs, we look at the case of humanitarian NGOs based in Turkey. While aspects of state–NGO relations in Turkey indicate a co-opted humanitarian space, based on interviews with humanitarian NGOs in Turkey and secondary sources, we show that relations between the state and civil society actors are much more complex and evade simple categorisation. This underscores that ideological proximity does not always bring about smooth cooperation, and co-optation does not prevent NGOs from acting contrary to the wishes of the government. Humanitarian NGOs are also able to exert autonomous influence on governments. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 979-996 Issue: 5 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2040978 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2040978 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:5:p:979-996 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Juliette Alenda-Demoutiez Author-X-Name-First: Juliette Author-X-Name-Last: Alenda-Demoutiez Title: From economic growth to the human: reviewing the history of development visions over time and moving forward Abstract: As we face different crises – democratic, social and environmental – there is a need to rethink the assumptions we have made about sustainable development. This paper aims to consider alternatives to development and their fundamental connections to economics. Because discourse is connected to practice, it is important to question definitions. By drawing on existing theories, discourses and practices, I present an economic perspective to accompany post-developmentalist theories and contribute to the collective thinking on alternatives to development. Using the framework of Polanyi, I show that the mainstream view of development, based on a formal definition of economics, has not only failed to address the needs of many but also built a strong imbalance between the Global North and the Global South. A substantive view could be the basis for an alternative to development, relying on the relationship between basic needs, nature and institutions. Profound transformations are needed to balance the economy, society and the environment. To achieve these transformations, alternatives to development must involve rethinking structures, re-embedding the economy and considering the power of collectives and the multiplicity of ideas across the world. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1038-1055 Issue: 5 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2042680 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2042680 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:5:p:1038-1055 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Olivia Glombitza Author-X-Name-First: Olivia Author-X-Name-Last: Glombitza Title: Islamic revolutionary ideology and its narratives: the continued relevance of the Islamic Republic’s ideology Abstract: Is the Islamic Republic of Iran’s revolutionary ideology still relevant more than 40 years after the revolution? Is it still relevant in the Islamic Republic’s foreign policy? While the Islamic Republic’s ideology undoubtedly developed alongside its institutions over the course of 40 years, this article argues that its revolutionary ideology continues to remain relevant and in fact important. Centring on the Islamic Republic’s ideological discourse, it further argues that it contains several recurring narratives which have remained salient throughout the Islamic Republic’s existence: narratives about the revolution; resistance, anti-imperialism and independence; nationalism; the Iran–Iraq war; and narratives in reference to Islam. Those narratives are part of the Islamic Republic’s ideological foundation and continue to play an important role in contemporary Iranian domestic and foreign policy. The article contributes a comprehensive study of how and why this is the case by enquiring into the strategic discursive employment of these narratives by analysing a major case of international interest: the nuclear issue. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1156-1175 Issue: 5 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2055540 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2055540 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:5:p:1156-1175 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Melanie Walker Author-X-Name-First: Melanie Author-X-Name-Last: Walker Title: Sustainable development goals and capability-based higher education outcomes Abstract: The paper explores the contributions of undergraduate university education to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)’ goals and development outcomes, proposing a normative capability-based approach oriented to human development. The approach is aligned with a developmental model of the university and development policy in sub-Saharan Africa and South Africa, where the study is located. It draws empirically from a four and a half year mixed-methods research project conducted with low-income, mostly rural students at five historically diverse universities in South Africa. The paper presents a justification for using the capability approach, and outlines the rationale and methodology for synthesising a specific capability set generated by theorising and empirical data. A set of corresponding functioning indicators offers an expansive approach to understanding ‘learning outcomes’ in contrast to dominant neoliberal approaches that seek quantification and efficiency, overlooking what cannot be easily measured. An indicative sketch of university arrangements required to advance and evaluate each functioning for development outcomes is then outlined. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 997-1015 Issue: 5 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2039063 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2039063 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:5:p:997-1015 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Iida-Maria Tammi Author-X-Name-First: Iida-Maria Author-X-Name-Last: Tammi Title: The humanitarian frame of war: how security and violence are allocated in contemporary aid delivery Abstract: This article analyses the reasons behind local aid workers’ asymmetrical exposure to violence in contemporary humanitarian action. Taking Judith Butler’s theorisation of ‘interpretive frames’ as its analytical starting point, the article traces the process by which the humanitarian system distinguishes between lives that are to be protected and those that are dispensable. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Syrian aid workers and other experts, the article shows how the humanitarian frame makes it difficult to correctly recognise local actors’ security needs and vulnerabilities. Moreover, the normative and temporal limits of the humanitarian security project exclude certain types of threats from the view and make it difficult for local aid actors to articulate their need for protection. To address these issues, the article calls for more critical reflection regarding the marginalising and silencing effects of the existing security framework. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 963-978 Issue: 5 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2055538 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2055538 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:5:p:963-978 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hebatalla Taha Author-X-Name-First: Hebatalla Author-X-Name-Last: Taha Title: Hiroshima in Egypt: interpretations and imaginations of the atomic age Abstract: This article focuses on Egyptian interpretations of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki by the US at the end of the Second World War. It surveys the reactions and responses of influential thinkers between 1945 and 1951, a crucial period prior to decolonisation. The objective of this research is to capture a specific moment in time and understand how it shaped imaginations of the future. The article argues that the bombings of Japan generated fantasies and anxieties about the postcolonial future. Intellectuals were enthusiastic about the possibilities of nuclear science and energy, but at the same time they engaged in nuanced and critical debates about the emergence of a nuclear-armed world, including its intertwinement with race and colonial power. In addition to exploring Egyptian thought on the nuclear condition, this historical analysis allows us to better understand Egyptian nuclear decision-making after independence. Revisiting this period, furthermore, illustrates the importance of imagined futures in shaping nuclear choices. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1460-1477 Issue: 6 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2059461 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2059461 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:6:p:1460-1477 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marko Lehti Author-X-Name-First: Marko Author-X-Name-Last: Lehti Author-Name: Vadim Romashov Author-X-Name-First: Vadim Author-X-Name-Last: Romashov Title: Suspending the antagonism: situated agonistic peace in a border bazaar Abstract: This article aims to understand how local communities affected by protracted conflicts could maintain a capacity for agonistic interactions in their everyday encounters on the margins of the hegemonic control of conflict-inducing narratives. The article analyses the Sadakhlo bazaar on the border between Georgia and Armenia as a possible example of such interactions. In the 1990s and early 2000s, it was the setting for daily encounters of Armenians and Azerbaijanis, whose ethnonational identity narratives have been polarised and heavily securitised due to the Nagorno–Karabakh conflict. The authors suggest that the bazaar in this case appeared as a concrete space of embodied practices of thin recognition of the otherwise antagonised other where the antagonism was not contested but suspended. The article conceptualises the bazaar as a local site of situated agonistic peace by undertaking a critical assessment of theoretical calls concerning the ‘ontological security dilemma’ and ‘transformative power’ of mundane experiences. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1288-1306 Issue: 6 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1962274 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1962274 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:6:p:1288-1306 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Claudio Balderacchi Author-X-Name-First: Claudio Author-X-Name-Last: Balderacchi Title: Overlooked forms of non-democracy? Insights from hybrid regimes Abstract: In the last two decades, significant advances have characterised the study of hybrid political regimes. Yet, when distinguishing democratic from non-democratic varieties, this field has apparently been affected by the tendency to largely focus on the role of incumbents and the state. Drawing on the Colombian, El Salvadorean and Guatemalan examples, I argue that, because of this bias, a category of countries sharing distinctively non-democratic features has been incorrectly considered democratic, thus affecting the recognition of forms of democracy and non-democracy. In these countries, actors other than the state and the government have blatantly violated the fairness of elections through well-known practices generally considered problems of low democratic quality, such as vote-buying, political violence, and illegal campaign financing. I maintain that, when associated with certain conditions, such problems are in fact symptoms of a non-democratic regime. To describe these unrecognised non-democracies, I propose the concept of non-state electoral autocracy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1441-1459 Issue: 6 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2059460 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2059460 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:6:p:1441-1459 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Diana González Martín Author-X-Name-First: Diana Author-X-Name-Last: González Martín Author-Name: Hans Lauge Hansen Author-X-Name-First: Hans Author-X-Name-Last: Lauge Hansen Author-Name: Agustín Parra Grondona Author-X-Name-First: Agustín Author-X-Name-Last: Parra Grondona Title: A case for agonistic peacebuilding in Colombia Abstract: The purpose of this article is to discuss the concept of agonistic peacebuilding in the light of the ongoing peace process in Colombia. We subscribe to an approach to agonistic peacebuilding that acknowledges conflict as an inevitable but also possibly productive dynamic. We think that the work by the Colombian research programme La paz es una obra de arte (Peace Is a Work of Art) is an inspiring case to analyse from this perspective. This programme, based at the University of Antioquia in Medellín, helps us understand in depth how agonistic peacebuilding strategies work through the arts, using clown interventions to foster life story narratives in order to transform former enemies into adversaries and engage all actors in the creation of peace. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1270-1287 Issue: 6 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1993812 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1993812 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:6:p:1270-1287 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ariana Fernández Author-X-Name-First: Ariana Author-X-Name-Last: Fernández Author-Name: Marcos S. Scauso Author-X-Name-First: Marcos S. Author-X-Name-Last: Scauso Author-Name: Elena B. Stavrevska Author-X-Name-First: Elena B. Author-X-Name-Last: Stavrevska Title: Avatars of colonial and liberal violences: the revelatory character of COVID-19 governance in Colombia Abstract: This article analyses the institutionalised injustices faced by Indigenous populations and other ‘others’ in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, arguing that the government’s responses are rooted in a liberal philosophy that has historically sustained biases and inequalities through an exclusionary definition of citizenship. To analyse these issues, the article first concentrates on the broader epistemic assumptions of liberal citizenship and the ways in which they are connected to historical legacies in Colombia. Despite liberal claims of equality for all, the biases that emerge from these notions of citizenship lead towards political disempowerment, silencing, erasure and abandonment. Consequently, Indigenous peoples in Colombia have experienced institutionalised biases such as the prioritisation of particular forms of participation, the exclusion of populations from rights, and the elevation of plans of development that aim to erase other ways of being. These biases were further reinforced by the governmental responses to the pandemic. Hence, the article analyses the inequalities that have been exacerbated as a result of COVID-19 policies, showing their scope and depth, and establishing a discussion about injustices that might affect populations beyond the current context of Colombia. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1425-1440 Issue: 6 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2057943 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2057943 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:6:p:1425-1440 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Franz-Ferdinand Rothe Author-X-Name-First: Franz-Ferdinand Author-X-Name-Last: Rothe Author-Name: Leo Van Audenhove Author-X-Name-First: Leo Author-X-Name-Last: Van Audenhove Author-Name: Jan Loisen Author-X-Name-First: Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Loisen Title: ICT for development and the novel principles of the Sustainable Development Goals Abstract: With the launch of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the United Nations (UN) presented their ambitions for the years until 2030. These new goals also present a new point of reference for the UN’s work on Information and Communication Technologies for Development (ICT4D), meaning the use of ICTs in support of the international development agenda. Despite a growing amount of research regarding the potential of ICTs to accelerate progress towards individual SDGs, the actual link between ICTs and the underlying principles of the SDG agenda remains rather opaque. In this paper, we focus on the SDGs’ novel principles of universal, global and integrated development. Based on an analysis of 120 ICT-related publications by different UN entities, we explore to what extent these principles are being applied in their work on ICT4D. In particular, we identify a gap in the application of the SDGs’ integrated principle, as a majority of documents make no explicit references to side effects of the use of ICTs. The findings allow us to identify challenges in implementing the SDGs in ICT4D, and to discuss how future research can contribute to bridging the current gaps. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1495-1514 Issue: 6 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2060202 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2060202 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:6:p:1495-1514 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John Nagle Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Nagle Title: Disarticulation and chains of equivalence: agonism and non-sectarian movements in post-war Beirut Abstract: Divided cities are characterised by intergroup contestation over the wider issue of state legitimacy. Violent conflict has left a legacy of segregation, weak public services and clientelistic networks. Debates and practices for conflict management in divided cities centre on accommodationist or integrationist approaches. While accommodationist methods seek to recognise and accommodate ethnosectarian divisions within public institutions, it risks intensifying ethnosectarian polarisation and empowering elites to deepen control over communities. Integrationist methods, alternatively, aim to foster shared identities and relationships between groups, but are too optimistic in assuming that divisions can be overcome through rational deliberation. As an alternative, I deploy Mouffe’s theory of agonistic conflict to show how various non-sectarian movements contest the hegemony of a sectarian system that reproduces exclusion and inequality. To this end, I use key dimensions of agonism – ‘rearticulation/disarticulation’ and ‘chains of equivalence’– to analyse different types of non-sectarian actors and successive waves of protest, known as ‘You Stink’ and the ‘Thawra’, in post-war Beirut. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1343-1360 Issue: 6 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1948830 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1948830 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:6:p:1343-1360 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sarah Maddison Author-X-Name-First: Sarah Author-X-Name-Last: Maddison Title: Agonistic reconciliation: inclusion, decolonisation and the need for radical innovation Abstract: In settler colonial societies like Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States, Indigenous–state relations are defined by ongoing conflict over unresolved questions of sovereignty, self-determination, and land. These conflicts have remained intractable regardless of the policy approaches engineered by the state. This article outlines an analytical approach to agonistic reconciliation by mapping the polar ends of a spectrum of responses to conflict in Indigenous–settler relations, with inclusion at one end of this spectrum and decolonisation at the other. Agonistic inclusion seeks to engage reconciliatory relations within colonial democratic institutions, while agonistic decolonisation rejects the legitimacy of these institutions and seeks radical innovation in their place. The article concludes by arguing that scholars must be alert to the seductive pull of inclusion and push instead towards the radical innovation that decolonisation demands. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1307-1323 Issue: 6 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2006054 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2006054 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:6:p:1307-1323 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rosemary E. Shinko Author-X-Name-First: Rosemary E. Author-X-Name-Last: Shinko Title: A critical (re)reading of the analytical significance of agonistic peace Abstract: This article critically (re)engages the concept of agonistic peace. It highlights the ways in which the scholars in this volume have built upon, deepened and broadened both the concept and the application of agonistic peace. It draws attention to how they have expanded our understanding of agonism and its implications for the field of peace study. This review essay concludes with some observations about future directions for research and questions that have been prompted by this collection. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1399-1407 Issue: 6 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2042681 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2042681 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:6:p:1399-1407 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lisa Strömbom Author-X-Name-First: Lisa Author-X-Name-Last: Strömbom Author-Name: Isabel Bramsen Author-X-Name-First: Isabel Author-X-Name-Last: Bramsen Title: Agonistic peace: advancing knowledge on institutional dynamics and relational transformation Abstract: This introductory article presents current conceptualisations in the field of agonistic peace and how they relate to studies of war-to-peace transitions in developing countries and post-colonial contexts. It argues for a need for analytical approaches to agonistic peace, which has thus far mainly been advanced in terms of theory and conceptual refinement in the field of peace research. This collection of case studies represents a first attempt at putting together a broad range of studies based on different analytical strategies for analysing agonistic peace. This introductory essay unpacks the main conceptual developments in the field, starting with Mouffe’s concept of agonistic democracy, which subsequently has been moved to the field of peace studies. We present the proliferation and application of the agonistic peace concept in recent years and show how agonistic peace links to and differs from broader developments in critical peace research. Moreover, we present the different themes and contributions examined by the articles: inclusion, dialogue and power as well as identity, recognition and reconciliation, which we cluster around the two overall themes of institutional dynamics and relational transformation. Lastly, we point to broader implications for the field and avenues open for future research. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1237-1250 Issue: 6 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2054797 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2054797 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:6:p:1237-1250 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Isabel Bramsen Author-X-Name-First: Isabel Author-X-Name-Last: Bramsen Title: Agonistic interaction in practice: laughing, dissensus and hegemony in the Northern Ireland Assembly Abstract: The 1998 Agreement in Northern Ireland has often been portrayed as a textbook example of agonistic peace allowing parties to continue conflict in a political, adversarial manner post accord. Here, I investigate the institutional and dialogical reality of this claim by scrutinising agonistic aspects of interaction occurring in the Northern Ireland Assembly. Specifically, I analyse a video recording of the first sitting after the Assembly did not sit between 2017 and 2020. The debate provides a snapshot of the situation in Northern Ireland and gives insights into what agonistic interaction looks like in practice. The meeting reveals mutual acceptance of radically different identities and perceptions of the past as well as a jovial mode of interaction with elements of self-irony displaying an ability to hold identities and positions lightly. However, the room for counter-hegemonic discourses and passionate, intense contestation about difficult issues is very limited at the meeting. Rather, the Assembly shapes up as a theatre of opposition where Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party perform opposition while forming a new hegemony. Taking the opening debate as a point of departure, I discuss questions regarding inclusion, passionate debate and hegemony that the Northern Irish case poses for agonistic peace. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1324-1342 Issue: 6 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1976631 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1976631 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:6:p:1324-1342 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bahar Rumelili Author-X-Name-First: Bahar Author-X-Name-Last: Rumelili Author-Name: Lisa Strömbom Author-X-Name-First: Lisa Author-X-Name-Last: Strömbom Title: Agonistic recognition as a remedy for identity backlash: insights from Israel and Turkey Abstract: While an extensive part of the conflict transformation literature stresses the importance of transforming the identities of conflict parties through recognition, it fails to recognise the propensity of such transformations to generate ontological insecurity and dissonance, and consequently a possible backlash towards antagonistic identities. Drawing on agonistic thought, we develop a conception of agonistic recognition, premised on non-finalism, pluralist multilogue and disaggregated recognition. We suggest that these elements of agonistic recognition may guard against the development of ontological insecurity and dissonance in recognition processes. We comparatively analyse the connections and tensions between recognition, ontological insecurity/dissonance and identity backlash experienced during the transformation of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in the context of the Oslo Peace Process in the 1990s and Turkey’s ‘rapprochement’ with Greece in the context of its EU accession process in the 2000s. We also assess the presence of the elements of agonistic recognition in these two conflict transformation processes. Our contribution constitutes an important step towards the specification of agonistic peace in terms of its underlying recognition processes and in developing the empirical study of agonistic elements in actual conflict transformation processes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1361-1379 Issue: 6 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1951607 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1951607 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:6:p:1361-1379 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hamza R’boul Author-X-Name-First: Hamza Author-X-Name-Last: R’boul Title: Communicating creativities: interculturality, postcoloniality and power relations Abstract: Lingering legacies of colonialism continue to disrupt the postcolonial condition of Southern spaces including their ontologies, knowledges and creativities. The interdependence of modernity and coloniality further constructs a complex array of overlapping systems of exclusion and marginalisation. In particular, the parameters of the coloniality of power, knowledge and being influence how artistic expressions and creativities are unequally appreciated in cross-cultural situations. The restrictive hegemony of Western-Northern artistic theory maintains the status of the periphery as derivative or exotic in some cases. Although colonialism inculcated the modernising consciousness in the imagination of the colonised, Southern creativities’ attempts to join modernity have not often been successful as they remain situated within the margins of the Western grand narrative of modernity. This paper examines (a) how cultural differences in creative expressions are shared, received and interpreted across borders in an intercultural experience; (b) the influence of imbalanced power relations on artistic productions and the communication of creativities; and (c) the contribution of postcoloniality and decolonial knowledges in resisting the Western artistic hegemony and granting visibility to Southern creativities. The main argument here is that communicating creativities is bound into power relations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1478-1494 Issue: 6 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2059462 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2059462 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:6:p:1478-1494 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Zeynep Gülru Göker Author-X-Name-First: Zeynep Gülru Author-X-Name-Last: Göker Author-Name: Ayşe Betül Çelik Author-X-Name-First: Ayşe Betül Author-X-Name-Last: Çelik Title: Women’s dialogic encounters: agonistic listening and emotions in multiple-identity conflicts Abstract: Using data collected from a dialogue meeting in Turkey of 19 women participants with different ideological orientations, ethnicities and sects, as well as 10 in-depth follow-up interviews, this article explores the dynamics of listening and emotions in dialogue in multiple-identity conflicts. Considering listening as an important component of agonistic peace, the article aims to understand the conditions that help or hinder listening and one’s perception of being listened to in the face of weighty emotions in the context of women’s dialogic encounters. The article shows that agonistic listening facilitates the expression of emotions and views, and an interest in Other’s story, while an attitude of care stemming from previous experience of working together on women’s issues may help transform the antagonistic Other into an agonistic one. However, agonistic listening does not lead to significant perspective change and entails only a temporary suspension of one’s categories to lend the Other an attentive ear; it is a conception of listening that recognises the temporary and limited character of listening and the place of emotions in dialogue with the Other. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1251-1269 Issue: 6 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1977621 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1977621 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:6:p:1251-1269 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Mwambari Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Mwambari Author-Name: Fatuma Ahmed Ali Author-X-Name-First: Fatuma Ahmed Author-X-Name-Last: Ali Author-Name: Christopher Barak Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Author-X-Name-Last: Barak Title: The impact of open access on knowledge production, consumption and dissemination in Kenya’s higher education system Abstract: Open access (OA) journal publishing is presented in the literature as both an opportunity for and a threat to academics, authors and higher education systems. Institutions with information and communication technologies (ICT) infrastructure have enabled their academics to freely retrieve accessible content in various disciplines, which in turn increases the rate and quality of publications from these institutions. Using semi-structured interviews with Kenyan faculty, students and librarians and with Kenyan and non-Kenyan publishers, as well as secondary sources, this article examines perspectives often overlooked in this debate. The paper concludes that while OA is considered an important initiative that could enhance knowledge production and consumption in Kenya, it nevertheless presents its own challenges, which should not be overlooked. OA is not a simple solution to individual and institutional challenges or systemic epistemic injustices, which lead to poor-quality knowledge circulating via some OA platforms and have the potential to dampen the global competitiveness of knowledge produced in Kenya and other countries in the Global South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1408-1424 Issue: 6 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2056010 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2056010 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:6:p:1408-1424 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Emma Murphy Author-X-Name-First: Emma Author-X-Name-Last: Murphy Author-Name: Dawn Walsh Author-X-Name-First: Dawn Author-X-Name-Last: Walsh Title: Agonistic transitional justice: a global survey Abstract: To date, scholarship on agonism has mainly focussed on theoretical development and conceptual refinement. In keeping with the aims of this special issue, this article examines how agonism can be built into the design of peace processes. It asks whether agonistic principles are included in transitional justice mechanisms. To answer this question it develops five key indicators of agonism and creates a new data set providing a global overview of how agonism has been included in transitional justice provisions in over 630 peace agreements between 1990 and 2018. The findings show that some commitment to agonism is observed across a significant number of these agreements. The results also provide initial suggestions as to the distribution of agonistic transitional justice across dimensions of transitional justice and different peace agreements. Finally, the analysis indicates that agonistic transitional justice is frequently observed alongside provisions for mainstream transitional justice, underlining the need for further research that focuses on the implementation of these provisions in order to ascertain whether and how these different approaches operate in concert. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1380-1398 Issue: 6 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1952068 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1952068 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:6:p:1380-1398 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Katharina Natter Author-X-Name-First: Katharina Author-X-Name-Last: Natter Title: Tunisia’s migration politics throughout the 2011 revolution: revisiting the democratisation–migrant rights nexus Abstract: How does democratisation affect the politics of migration? This paper analyses Tunisian immigration and emigration politics in the decade before and after the 2011 revolution, drawing on 57 interviews with Tunisian high-level civil servants, as well as representatives of civil society and international organisations. It shows that the democratisation of policy processes and the expansion of citizens’ political freedoms did not result in pro-migrant rights reforms, but instead led to the continuation of restrictive migration policies inherited from Tunisia’s authoritarian past. The paper explains this by dissecting the ambiguous effects of democratisation on political legitimisation, as well as on inter-institutional and transnational dynamics of migration policymaking. It demonstrates that despite the unprecedented dynamism of Tunisian civil society and efforts of various institutional actors to reform Tunisia’s security-driven migration policy, there were both domestic and international forces that put brakes on migration reform. By focussing on the intricacies of Tunisian migration policymaking, this analysis allows to advance theory-building on the link between political regimes and migration politics, to revisit regime transformations from the inside and to overcome the still-dominant Eurocentrism in scholarly debates on North African migration policies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1551-1569 Issue: 7 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1940126 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1940126 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:7:p:1551-1569 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hélène Thiollet Author-X-Name-First: Hélène Author-X-Name-Last: Thiollet Title: Migrants and monarchs: regime survival, state transformation and migration politics in Saudi Arabia Abstract: How was the Saudi monarchy able to stave off the Arab Spring? One answer to this question lies in migration politics, which are integral to the regime’s ad hoc survival strategies. An analysis of migration politics, moreover, brings to light longstanding dynamics of state transformation in what remains one of the largest immigration countries in the world. Drawing on discourse analysis, institutional history, and ethnographic fieldwork conducted in state bureaucracies, I explore the critical, albeit under-researched, role of migration politics in political change from the 1991 Gulf crisis to the 2011 uprisings. First, I show that, in times of crisis, Saudi monarchs made migration a central political issue: while maintaining mass immigration into the country, they used immigrants as scapegoats to deflect popular grievances and further individual power-seeking agendas. Secondly, I demonstrate that migration became a policy domain with its own rules, bureaucratic practices, power relations and rationalities – a process designed to impose a state monopoly over migration control. Thirdly, I introduce the notion of ‘migration rent’ and use it to describe the changing social and power relations between migrants, citizens and the state. Finally, I suggest that migration politics are key to understanding both short- and long-term political change.Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.1948325 . Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1645-1665 Issue: 7 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1948325 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1948325 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:7:p:1645-1665 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stefan Rother Author-X-Name-First: Stefan Author-X-Name-Last: Rother Title: The ‘gold standard’ for labour export? The role of civil society in shaping multi-level Philippine migration policies Abstract: The Philippines has received continuous praise for its ‘highly developed’ migration policies and promotes those as the ‘gold standard’ for the deployment and protection of labour migrants. These policies are obviously not negotiated exclusively within the container of the nation state. In this article, I will therefore employ an analytical framework for the politics of migration policies that is multi-stakeholder and multi-level. The multiple levels discussed will reach from the national/transnational to the regional/transregional (Association of Southeast Asian Nations – ASEAN, Colombo Process, Abu Dhabi Dialogue) and global (Global Forum on Migration and Development – GFMD, Global Compact) level. Major stakeholders addressed are the nation state(s) involved, the migration industry and migrant civil society. In particular, migrant civil society has a long tradition of engagement in the Philippines and mirrors the multiple levels of government engagement to further its advocacy. My main argument is therefore that regardless of the political regime in place, and despite internal fractions and cleavages, migrant civil society has been a constant and major contributing factor to the ‘gold standard’ of Philippine migration policies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1607-1626 Issue: 7 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2015314 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2015314 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:7:p:1607-1626 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nikolas Wagner Bozzolo Author-X-Name-First: Nikolas Author-X-Name-Last: Wagner Bozzolo Title: Voices from the periphery: a critique of postcolonial theories and development practice Abstract: This paper examines the tension between development practice and postcolonial and decolonial theories. The postcolonial and decolonial critiques of development primarily criticise the Eurocentrism of the development discourse, which prevents so-called ‘subalterns’ from living politically self-determined lives. To evaluate both development policy and its post/decolonial critiques, the paper conducts a qualitative content analysis of song lyrics from the rap music of São Paulo, Brazil, comparing the political demands present in the lyrics with the most important aspects of development policy. São Paulo rap is chosen as it represents an organic politico-cultural movement from the peripheries of one of the largest metropolises in the so-called Global South. The paper concludes that, in terms of basic needs, the will of the ‘subalterns’ is not significantly different from what development practice offers. Beyond that, it also concludes that both development policy and postcolonialism overlook the problem of the political construction of inequalities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1765-1782 Issue: 7 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2067039 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2067039 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:7:p:1765-1782 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Els van Dongen Author-X-Name-First: Els Author-X-Name-Last: van Dongen Title: Across the conceptual divide? Chinese migration policies seen through historical and comparative lenses Abstract: This article analyses Chinese migration policies through historical and comparative lenses in an attempt to cross conceptual divides in existing literature on migration policies. The first part of the article offers an empirically grounded overview of developments in Chinese migration policies in the two decades after the regime changes of 1949 and 1978. A second analytical section brings together literature on the Global North, Global South, and Asian and Chinese migrations and migration policies. The article posits the following three main points. First, literature on the Global South is valuable for theorising Chinese migration policies in that it highlights emigration and development rather than immigration as in Hollifield’s ‘migration state’. However, in prioritising economic objectives, it fails to consider Chinese migration policies in relation to identity formation and nation-building under the influence of wars and decolonisation processes – what Adamson and Tsourapas have called ‘nationalising’ policies. Second, the article notes the significance of ethnic return migration in Chinese policies, which is overlooked in literature on the Global South, but examined in literature on Asian migrations. Finally, the article posits that the nexus between internal and external migration in a Chinese context offers critical insights for theorising migration policies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1627-1644 Issue: 7 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2020635 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2020635 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:7:p:1627-1644 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ibrahim Fraihat Author-X-Name-First: Ibrahim Author-X-Name-Last: Fraihat Title: The Palestinian Economic Disengagement Plan from Israel: an opportunity for progress or an illusion? Abstract: The Palestinian Authority (PA), frustrated by the one-sided and zero-sum plan to end the Israeli–Palestinian conflict presented by former US President Donald Trump, has escalated efforts to diminish its reliance on Israel. In particular, the PA responded with plans to disengage from the Israeli economy and become more self-sufficient. This course of action has become known as the Economic Disengagement Plan (EDP). This paper explores the likelihood of the EDP creating development in the absence of Palestinian sovereignty and the extent to which the EDP may be capable of achieving Palestinian separation from the Israeli economy. It argues that the EDP is incapable of separating the Palestinian economy from Israeli in the absence of national sovereignty for the Palestinians over their land. However, while the EDP is not a strategy to achieve political or economic independence, it can contribute to Palestinians’ somood (steadfastness) on their own land, build resilience and advance resistance against the Israeli occupation. To do so, the EDP needs to be placed within a broader national strategy of liberation and decolonisation, rather than being confined to the shackles of inequitable agreements that reflect the severe power imbalance between Israel and the PA, as is the case now. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1705-1723 Issue: 7 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2060813 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2060813 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:7:p:1705-1723 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Erin Aeran Chung Author-X-Name-First: Erin Aeran Author-X-Name-Last: Chung Title: The side doors of immigration: multi-tier migration regimes in Japan and South Korea Abstract: South Korea and Japan have among the lowest levels of international migration among all rich democracies. While both countries enacted far-reaching democratic reforms in their recent histories, their immigration policies remained relatively stagnant. This article examines how South Korea and Japan’s de jure and de facto migration policies have enabled both states to maintain low levels of immigration while meeting labour demands through the proliferation of visa categories. Because each visa category comes with its own set of rights, migrant claims have centred on the circumscribed rights of their individual visa statuses that have, in turn, institutionalised noncitizen hierarchies within each country. Migration governance in South Korea and Japan thus reflects not liberal convergence but, rather, multi-tier migration regimes that extend generous institutionalised rights to some categories of migrants and exclude others from permanent settlement. Rather than assume that the liberalisation of immigration policies is an inevitable outcome of political liberalisation, or view specific immigration policy reforms as indicators of broad liberalisation, the two cases caution us to recognise that liberal migration regimes are far from becoming the universal model among democratic countries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1570-1586 Issue: 7 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1956893 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1956893 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:7:p:1570-1586 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Chen Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Chen Title: A theory of dialectical transnational historical materialism for China’s state capitalism and the China–US rivalry Abstract: A new cold war seems to be looming between China and the United States. The escalating China–US rivalry calls for a more dialectical theory of international political economy that captures conflict and disintegration as an integral part of capitalist globalisation. Kees van der Pijl’s and William Carroll’s critical realist approach towards the study of transnational corporations (TNCs) and transnational capitalist class (TCC) formation has incorporated the classical theory of uneven capitalist development and inter-imperialist rivalry into the scholarship of transnational historical materialism, which I argue is apt for explaining the China–US conflict: One is positioned as a Hobbesian contender and the other as the Lockean hegemon. To provide empirical grounding for my argument, I conduct a corporate network study to examine the interlocking directorates of 40 Chinese TNCs. In concordance with Carroll and colleagues’ studies, I find that the globalisation of Chinese TNCs and Chinese corporate elite has been modest and has not undermined or replaced the national base, nor does it signify a homogeneous TCC formation. My findings have also revealed an inextricable relationship between the Chinese TNCs and China’s party-state, or a Hobbesian character of state-organised capitalism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1744-1764 Issue: 7 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2062321 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2062321 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:7:p:1744-1764 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Katharina Natter Author-X-Name-First: Katharina Author-X-Name-Last: Natter Author-Name: Hélène Thiollet Author-X-Name-First: Hélène Author-X-Name-Last: Thiollet Title: Theorising migration politics: do political regimes matter? Abstract: Research on the politics of migration has so far largely produced context-bound analyses that tie specific migration policies to specific political regimes. This introduction charts existing migration research, including its gaps and biases, and introduces new avenues for empirically grounded theory-building. We draw upon the rich collection of empirical cases assembled in this volume to demonstrate that political regimes – be they liberal or illiberal, democratic or authoritarian – do not strictly and mechanically determine migration politics. Instead, we argue that migration politics and political regimes co-produce each other. Studies of migration politics in Argentina, Tunisia, Japan and South Korea, the United States and Australia, the Philippines, China, and Saudi Arabia showcase the imbrication of migration politics with broader dynamics of regime change, state formation and nation-state ideology, and dissect the role of civil society, legal actors, employers, and international norms across democratic and un-democratic contexts. They reveal unexpected similarities in migration policies in different political regimes at a time when states across the globe are increasingly adopting illiberal practices and policies. Ultimately, we suggest that, beyond contextual variations, migration politics offers an ideal vantage point for understanding state transformations and political changes around the world. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1515-1530 Issue: 7 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2069093 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2069093 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:7:p:1515-1530 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Scott FitzGerald Author-X-Name-First: David Scott Author-X-Name-Last: FitzGerald Author-Name: Asher Hirsch Author-X-Name-First: Asher Author-X-Name-Last: Hirsch Title: Norm-busting: rightist challenges in US and Australian immigration and refugee policies Abstract: Institutionalist scholars argue that international rights norms, judicial autonomy and discourses of immigrant nationhood constrain shifts to harsher immigration policies in liberal democracies, particularly settler societies. The Trump presidency and the Liberal–National Coalition government in Australia during the same period are occasions to test whether those norms functioned as expected in two paradigmatic country cases. Both governments attempted to undermine judicial autonomy, the illegitimacy of ethnic and religious selection of immigrants, the rights of detained children and families, and the principle of non-refoulement. A new institutionalist analysis of attempted norm-busting in each country specifies which norms were effective constraints. International legal and political constraints were weak. Domestically, norms obliging the protection of children were more effective than norms related to adults. Discourses favouring immigrant nationhood and opposing discrimination resonated, but were confronted by equally powerful discourses of insular nationalism and security that promoted restriction. While the judiciary moderately constrained new policies, particularly in the US, in neither country did the judiciary fully act in line with dominant theoretical expectations, because of both structural and normative weaknesses. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1587-1606 Issue: 7 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2008237 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2008237 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:7:p:1587-1606 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Farai Chipato Author-X-Name-First: Farai Author-X-Name-Last: Chipato Author-Name: David Chandler Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Chandler Title: Another decolonial approach is possible: international studies in an antiblack world Abstract: This article analyses important trends in contemporary decolonial approaches in the field of international studies and, drawing on recent work in critical Black studies, seeks to highlight some of the limitations in their assumptions. Anthropologically informed decolonial approaches argue for a pluriversal approach, where multiple ‘worlds’ can coexist, whilst sociologically grounded critiques seek to develop the field of international studies through adding social and historical depth to our understanding of power and challenging racial hierarchies. Both these forms of decolonial argument aim to pluralise and expand understandings, drawing in marginalised and excluded outsiders, in a bid to repair and revitalise international studies. However, we argue that a third approach, starting from the assumption of an antiblack world, raises important questions for decolonial study. Drawing from critical Black studies, we suggest that the dominant forms of decolonial critique may not adequately address the liberal modernist assumptions underpinning the field of international study. If another decolonial approach is possible it will bring a disruptive and deconstructive perspective, one that seeks to avoid inadvertently strengthening the antiblack foundations of the field. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1783-1797 Issue: 7 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2069092 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2069092 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:7:p:1783-1797 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Susanne Melde Author-X-Name-First: Susanne Author-X-Name-Last: Melde Author-Name: Luisa Feline Freier Author-X-Name-First: Luisa Feline Author-X-Name-Last: Freier Title: When the stars aligned: ideational strategic alliances and the critical juncture of Argentina’s 2004 Migration Law Abstract: Argentina’s 2004 Migration Law spearheaded rights-based immigration policy reforms across Latin America. To deconstruct the policy process that enabled the passing of this ‘revolutionary’ law, we apply a mixed qualitative approach, based on secondary literature, and the analysis of 80 semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders. We argue that both structural and contingent regime dynamics shaped a window of opportunity for the reform to take place. We further show how key actors amongst civil society organisations, the executive and the legislative branches formed multi-sectoral coalitions and strategic alliances to turn this policy window into a critical juncture of lasting policy change. Ultimately, legislative reform was successful because it was framed as a human right, and not as an immigration issue. The paper contributes to scholarship on immigration policy determinants, ideational strategic alliances, policy windows and critical junctures. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1531-1550 Issue: 7 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2081145 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2081145 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:7:p:1531-1550 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ashley Witcher Author-X-Name-First: Ashley Author-X-Name-Last: Witcher Title: The politics of aid: discursive boundary-making and the war of position in Greece’s humanitarian landscape Abstract: During 2017 and 2018, Greece hosted roughly 80,000 border crossers who had arrived in the European Union (EU), fleeing mostly conflict, economic and political instability. Different actors working within the humanitarian landscape offered various forms of assistance and solidarity. Based on 10 months of ethnographic fieldwork on Lesvos, this paper explores the tensions that emerged between international solidarians and paid aid workers and state actors. It employs Gramsci’s war of position to argue that discursive tactics used by international solidarians to delegitimise the state and state-sanctioned aid challenge cultural hegemony and subvert the border regime. This paper contributes to research that expands upon the role of civil society in displacement. By analysing discursive tactics as potential sites of power and struggle over norms in society, it also points to tactics that disrupt dominant power hierarchies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1687-1704 Issue: 7 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2060812 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2060812 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:7:p:1687-1704 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Xinyu Yuan Author-X-Name-First: Xinyu Author-X-Name-Last: Yuan Title: The Chinese approach to peacebuilding: contesting liberal peace? Abstract: The rise of China in peacebuilding has invoked lively debate about its role vis-à-vis the dominant peacebuilding order, or liberal peace. Extant research revolves around the binary construct of challenger-versus-supporter, ignoring the nature and scope of challenges that China poses to liberal peace. Also, these studies tend to unidimensionally examine China’s stance on particular elements of liberal peace. There is scant research assessing China’s role against the overall normative structure of the liberal peace paradigm. This article proposes a typology of contestation that targets different constitutive parts of liberal peace. China’s stances on these constitutive parts are scrutinised based on a systematic review of its policy documents and interviews with scholars and practitioners in Beijing, Shanghai, Geneva and New York. This article finds that China has generally abstained from contesting the normative basis of liberal peace (validity contestation). However, it has been actively pursuing content contestation by reshaping the sequencing of existing elements of liberal peace and by incorporating the democratisation of the international system into the peacebuilding agenda. Moreover, China clearly opposes externally formulated or imposed peace solutions, whereby it advances application contestation against liberal peace. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1798-1816 Issue: 7 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2074389 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2074389 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:7:p:1798-1816 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Christopher Changwe Nshimbi Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Changwe Author-X-Name-Last: Nshimbi Title: (Ir)relevant doctrines and African realities: neoliberal and Marxist influences on labour migration governance in Southern Africa Abstract: Southern Africa has a long and complex history of migration. This article argues that overall, the mechanisms for governing migration and the practice of migration in the region ignore prevailing theoretical and ideological influences. Instead, Southern Africa operates on an age-long labour migration governance system predicated on private capital. The article qualitatively analyses scholarly literature, migration policy and legislation, and data from interviews with relevant stakeholders. Southern Africa could benefit more from favourably governing migration at the regional rather than the national level. This is consistent with the African Union’s preferred approach to integrating Africa. Also, sociocultural traits in borderland communities of neighbouring Southern African countries tend to be shared and traverse state borders. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1724-1743 Issue: 7 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2061451 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2061451 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:7:p:1724-1743 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dominik Kopiński Author-X-Name-First: Dominik Author-X-Name-Last: Kopiński Author-Name: Ian Taylor Author-X-Name-First: Ian Author-X-Name-Last: Taylor Title: Leaving Africa behind? COVID-19 and global public goods Abstract: Just as the understanding of COVID-19 has evolved over time – particularly the virus’ ability to rapidly mutate – so too have the apparent solutions at hand. Nonetheless, vaccinating an adequate number of people remains the holy grail, even if this is unlikely to eradicate the virus altogether. This puts most African countries, where on average only 4.4% of the population are currently vaccinated, at a clear disadvantage. Employing the concept of global public goods, this article argues that in order to halt the pandemic, international efforts should be guided by a weakest-link logic. The good news is that incentives may exist for everyone to act. The bad news is that (1) the current development cooperation architecture is not adequately equipped to offer such a response; and (2) achieving significant immunisation rates in African countries is fraught with a plethora of structural problems. Given that time is of the essence – as the emergence of new COVID-19 mutations constantly reminds us – the final outcome rests on how quickly international cooperation moves forward. In the spirit of ‘shoring up the weakest-link countries’, both in-kind direct help and enhancing capacity to deal with the virus are needed if Africa is not to be left behind. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1666-1686 Issue: 7 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2074390 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2074390 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:7:p:1666-1686 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Teddy Nagaddya Author-X-Name-First: Teddy Author-X-Name-Last: Nagaddya Title: ‘They count us among the dead’: ageing women’s experiences of intergenerational conflict in a changing rural economy in sub-Saharan Africa Abstract: Rural economies in sub-Saharan Africa are rapidly changing. While these changes are viewed by policymakers as rural development, limited attention has been paid to how this transformation has precipitated intergenerational conflict. This qualitative research examines the consequences of a rapidly changing cash-crop economy on women’s ageing experiences. Based on a purposive sample of 14 participants, I argue that while agrarian rural development has led to strong marketisation practices aimed at accumulating capital and alleviating poverty, it has also contributed to tension between young people and those ageing in rural villages, most especially older women. This tension has created a sense of invisibility among older women, which some described as ‘being counted among the dead’. Through an inductive analysis of participants’ life stories, three overarching themes are discussed to reveal older women’s experiences of intergenerational conflict: marketisation and distorted land relations; labels of disconnect and broken social bonds; and destructive leisure consumerism. With a focus on Uganda, the paper contributes to articulating new dimensions to older women’s experiences of material and non-material deprivation within shared resource bases in transitioning rural economies of sub-Saharan Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2044-2062 Issue: 8 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2080048 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2080048 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:8:p:2044-2062 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Patrick Afamefune Ikem Author-X-Name-First: Patrick Afamefune Author-X-Name-Last: Ikem Author-Name: Abiodun Omotayo Oladejo Author-X-Name-First: Abiodun Omotayo Author-X-Name-Last: Oladejo Title: Observing without reporting: critiquing the failure of election observers to report preemptive electoral prophecies in Nigeria Abstract: Although Nigerian elections are sufficiently observed by domestic and international observer groups, the frequent pronouncements of religious leaders claiming to have supernatural insights into election outcomes have never captured the attention of these observers. This is despite the fact that election prophecy may have adverse effects on the electoral process and the survival of Nigeria’s nascent democracy. This paper critiques the failure of election observers to capture this unfolding trend in their reports bearing in mind that pre-emptive electoral prophecies violate Section 95 (3) (b) of the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended). The tendency to question the integrity and neutrality of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and the judiciary (in cases of post-election litigations), has worsened because of unguarded electoral prophetism. It is therefore recommended that election prophecy should be captured in official election reports so as to – at least – show its enormity. This may trigger a concerted effort among election stakeholders to control it. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1896-1914 Issue: 8 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2074826 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2074826 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:8:p:1896-1914 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lise Philipsen Author-X-Name-First: Lise Author-X-Name-Last: Philipsen Title: Three locals of peace: a typology of local capacities for peace Abstract: In recent thinking on peace, the ‘local’ has taken centre stage, carrying our last hopes after decades of ‘failed’ peacebuilding. The local can, however, denote quite a variety of different actors. How we select and define the kind of local to work with has huge implications. By developing a typology of three kinds of locals, this piece points to how installing the local as pivotal for establishing peace can take very different forms, implying vastly different policies. These different ways of conceptualising the role of the local, and what are seen as possible ways of engaging with the people who are at the receiving end of peacebuilding interventions, carry political value and reveal shifts in the political terrain of interventions. The article points to how engaging with locals might serve as an attempt at evading the political and ethical consequences of intervention, yet shows how such avoidance of political consequences fails by pointing to the political and ethical choices implied in choosing what kind of locals to work with. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1932-1949 Issue: 8 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2077720 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2077720 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:8:p:1932-1949 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ryan Nehring Author-X-Name-First: Ryan Author-X-Name-Last: Nehring Title: Digitising biopiracy? The global governance of plant genetic resources in the age of digital sequencing information Abstract: Historical concerns over the exploitation of the Global South’s genetic biodiversity framed the importance of creating global governance mechanisms to ensure fair access to and benefit-sharing of genetic resources worldwide. The Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture (Plant Treaty) came into existence over the past three decades to redress the centuries of genetic exploitation of the Global South. Both of the treaties explicitly regulate and facilitate the exchange of physical genetic material. The recent emergence of relevant digital technologies, such as digital sequencing information (DSI), could make both treaties irrelevant. This article analyses the current state of the CBD and Plant Treaty as it relates to global agricultural research in light of DSI. I argue that DSI presents less of a threat to exacerbating historical gene flows than it does to the further displacement of public sector research by the private sector. The article then suggests looking at the lessons from open-source approaches to counter the privatisation of DSI and related gene flows. I draw on 11 key informant interviews with country negotiators involved with the CBD and Plant Treaty as well as a review of official reports from both frameworks. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1970-1987 Issue: 8 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2079489 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2079489 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:8:p:1970-1987 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kudus Oluwatoyin Adebayo Author-X-Name-First: Kudus Oluwatoyin Author-X-Name-Last: Adebayo Title: The state of academic (un)freedom and scholar rescue programmes: a contemporary and critical overview Abstract: The attack on academic freedom has worsened in different parts of the world regardless of political context. Universities, academics and students have come under increasing attack and are subjected to censorship and violence, while academic programmes that have been categorised as ‘politically sensitive’ are cancelled or banished from the curriculum. Scholar rescue programmes remain the most important and enduring response to safeguarding and restoring the scholarly freedoms of academics whose intellectual rights have been threatened. However, few scholarly assessments of the state of the art in the scholar rescue environment are available. The present article is a critical review and meta-analysis of the current state of scholar rescue programmes, which have been established in response to the onslaught on academic freedom and freedom of academics. I describe current scholar rescue practice and raise critical issues that organisations in scholar rescue and mobility work must confront to meaningfully serve threatened academics around the world. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1817-1836 Issue: 8 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2074829 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2074829 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:8:p:1817-1836 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Clement Sefa-Nyarko Author-X-Name-First: Clement Author-X-Name-Last: Sefa-Nyarko Title: Institutional design of Ghana and the Fourth Republic: on the checks and balances between the state and society Abstract: The paper interrogates Ghana’s institutional design efforts since the 1950s and argues that the longstanding political stability of the current Fourth Republic notwithstanding, a perennial feature of all regimes is the assumption that the state has the capacity and willingness to check itself. The Fourth Republic has two flaws. First, the three arms of government – executive, legislature and judiciary – must put each other in check, and society is only mainly invited to vote in four-year cycles. Society must trust the state to exhibit goodwill. The second flaw, which is the more problematic, is the apportioning of unfettered power of appointment and dismissal to the executive, which disproportionately overshadows the two other arms of government. Using extensive archival data, local media and secondary sources, the paper interrogates the power dynamics between the state and society over time. The conclusion is that neither a very strong state nor a disproportionately assertive society is good for political stability. A weak state and a dormant society are no better options either. Ghana’s civil society has contributed to taming the power of a strong state, and that is the best promise for sustaining the current regime if it continues on this pathway responsibly. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2006-2024 Issue: 8 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2079487 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2079487 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:8:p:2006-2024 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Palash Kamruzzaman Author-X-Name-First: Palash Author-X-Name-Last: Kamruzzaman Author-Name: Kate Williams Author-X-Name-First: Kate Author-X-Name-Last: Williams Author-Name: Ali Wardak Author-X-Name-First: Ali Author-X-Name-Last: Wardak Author-Name: Mohammad Ehsanul Kabir Author-X-Name-First: Mohammad Ehsanul Author-X-Name-Last: Kabir Author-Name: Yaseen Ayobi Author-X-Name-First: Yaseen Author-X-Name-Last: Ayobi Title: Exploring dignity in the context of displacement – evidence from Rohingyas in Bangladesh and IDPs in Afghanistan Abstract: This paper focuses on understanding how displaced people perceive dignity. In doing so, empirical evidence from the displaced Rohingyas from Myanmar, now living in Bangladeshi camps, and internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Afghanistan are contrasted with how dignity is being conceptualised in existing social science literature. In most traditional models or theories of dignity, one’s lived experience is absent, ignored or presumed by the theorist. This paper demonstrates that the common and traditional approaches that ignore the importance, experience and perception of dignity (and loss of it) from the perspective of the ‘victim’ group are, in effect, engaging in an act of denial – imposing the view and perspective of the powerful on the experience of the vulnerable, denying their voice. Rohingyas in Bangladesh and IDPs in Afghanistan are presented as two interesting case studies in understanding and revisiting existing conceptualisations of dignity through a bottom-up approach. Arguments presented in this paper enable us to view dignity through the lens of the affected, vulnerable and victimised people. It is argued that, for effective and sustainable resolutions for these vulnerable groups, such a view can inform national, regional and international policymakers, allowing them to become conscious of dignity from the perspective of the displaced people. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1854-1874 Issue: 8 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2074387 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2074387 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:8:p:1854-1874 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Joseph Yaw Asomah Author-X-Name-First: Joseph Yaw Author-X-Name-Last: Asomah Title: What role do social accountability actors play in resisting media capture in sub-Saharan Africa? Evidence from Ghana Abstract: Although media capture is a global issue, it is a particularly significant problem in sub-Saharan African countries like Ghana. Media capture occurs when media organisations become incapable of performing critical watchdog functions, such as fighting corruption and human rights violations, because of pressures from capital and power. This article addresses a fundamental question: In Ghana’s Fourth Republic, what role do social accountability actors play in resisting media capture by capital and power? I argue that social accountability actors perform three essential, interrelated roles: (1) defending media freedoms and independence, (2) activating and facilitating the media’s work and (3) legitimising and encouraging critical journalism. In doing so, they use a combination of strategies – from advocacy, denunciation and legal action to establishing and funding non-profit media outlets to do investigative journalism. This work extends the literature by examining the crucial role social accountability actors play in counteracting media capture so that critical journalism can do its job. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2025-2043 Issue: 8 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2077185 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2077185 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:8:p:2025-2043 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Caroline Dyer Author-X-Name-First: Caroline Author-X-Name-Last: Dyer Author-Name: Suraj Jacob Author-X-Name-First: Suraj Author-X-Name-Last: Jacob Author-Name: Indira Patil Author-X-Name-First: Indira Author-X-Name-Last: Patil Author-Name: Preeti Mishra Author-X-Name-First: Preeti Author-X-Name-Last: Mishra Title: Connecting families with schools: the bureaucratised relations of ‘accountability’ in Indian elementary schooling Abstract: Increasing community and parental connection with schools is a widely advocated means of improving levels of student learning and the quality and accountability of education systems across South Asia. This paper draws on a mixed-methods study of accountability relations in education in the Indian states of Rajasthan and Bihar. It explores two questions: what formal platforms exist to enhance connections between socially disadvantaged families and the schools serving them; and (how) do they influence engagement with student learning? It finds that various platforms have proliferated across public, low-cost private and non-government schools. But, while they promote enrolment attendance and monitoring, a substantive focus on student learning is empirically demonstrated to be missing everywhere. The paper argues that an apparently surprising similarity of (dis)connection is located in system features that are common across school types, locations and social structures. It proposes that this is a ‘field’ in which connection, facilitated by various platforms, is performed according to bureaucratised norms of accountability that even pervade family and community responses. Seeing this as a socially constituted ‘field’ that constrains meaningful discussion of learning across schooling provision for disadvantaged families contributes new insight for accountability-focused reforms in education. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1875-1895 Issue: 8 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2070469 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2070469 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:8:p:1875-1895 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Esra Elif Nartok Author-X-Name-First: Esra Elif Author-X-Name-Last: Nartok Title: India’s business gurus: the World Hindu Economic Forum (WHEF) Abstract: This article analyses the World Hindu Economic Forum (WHEF), in terms of its social functions in India and beyond. WHEF is a newly emerged platform consisting of elites from India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and Hindu nationalist circles around the world. Founded in the aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis, WHEF stands for creating a new (and non-Western) type of entrepreneurs to mobilise Hindus in the business field. Although WHEF organised itself in the countries around India in the beginning, it has grown considerably in the last decade, reaching out to North America and Western Europe. Drawing upon semi-structured interviews with the forum elites and a broad analysis of the forum’s documentation and adopting a neo-Gramscian international political economy approach, this article argues that WHEF mobilises businesspeople, technocrats, and academics possessing Hindu nationalist commitments around the world as business gurus to produce an alternative conception of the world, combining Hinduism with neoliberal market-oriented ideas. And, taking a critical stance towards Indian Congress-originated protectionist policies favouring India’s large corporations, its business gurus project themselves as mentors of the subordinate groups in the Indian business community to strengthen Hindu nationalism in India in relation to their global network. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1988-2005 Issue: 8 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2080047 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2080047 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:8:p:1988-2005 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gemma Cairó-i-Céspedes Author-X-Name-First: Gemma Author-X-Name-Last: Cairó-i-Céspedes Author-Name: Juan Carlos Palacios Cívico Author-X-Name-First: Juan Carlos Author-X-Name-Last: Palacios Cívico Title: Beyond core and periphery: the role of the semi-periphery in global capitalism Abstract: Capitalist globalisation has shown the need to define the semi-periphery as a new category that transcends the traditional core–periphery division. This paper aims to characterise this new category and understand the role it plays in the reorganisation of the production process, in addition to the effects this specific participation has on the global economy. Building on previous theoretical developments, this paper aims to analyse and identify these specific features, examining them through a set of economic, social and technological variables by applying principal component and cluster analyses. In doing so, the empirical analysis identifies a group of countries that have not been able to turn their current or recent economic dynamism into higher levels of socio-economic development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1950-1969 Issue: 8 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2079488 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2079488 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:8:p:1950-1969 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Katherine Comeau Author-X-Name-First: Katherine Author-X-Name-Last: Comeau Title: Group styles and humanitarian aid: exploring how group boundaries shape the outcomes of medical mission trips in Jamaica Abstract: This paper questions how the dynamics of short-term medical groups affect their ability to engage with communities. Short-term medical groups consist of medical doctors and their teams of volunteers. They travel to other countries to provide a variety of medical procedures including eye exams, dental work, various surgeries, etc. These teams usually stay for a few days to a few weeks. I draw on nine months of collecting ethnographic field notes of the work of the US-based non-governmental organisations providing medical services in Jamaica. This paper asks: how do group boundaries shape their ability to connect with the Jamaican community? I question how the dynamics of these groups affect their engagement with the people they went to help. I draw on cultural analysis of groups to explain how boundaries are a product of group interactions and, consequently, explain a group’s ability to engage with others in a cross-cultural context. My findings show that the ways in which groups draw boundaries shape how likely they are to achieve their stated goals. The group boundaries shape the activities groups adopt and their relationship with local Jamaicans. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1837-1853 Issue: 8 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2070468 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2070468 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:8:p:1837-1853 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Cathy Conrad Suso Author-X-Name-First: Cathy Conrad Author-X-Name-Last: Suso Title: Totally napse: aspirations of mobility in Essau, the Gambia Abstract: Many Gambians have a strong desire to travel internationally, and often risk their lives embarking on the so-called ‘back way’. But what of those with the strong desire but for whom foreign visas are elusive or next to impossible to acquire? For most West Africans, getting a visa to a western country is an extraordinarily difficult or even impossible feat. This paper is about the impacts of involuntary immobility in Essau, a small community in the Gambia, West Africa. But the case of this place extends beyond the borders of this one region, because this is the fate for increasing populations around the world. ‘Totally napse’ refers to the local vernacular that Gambians use to express their sense of hopelessness that often results from being rendered immobile. Youth who want to travel so desperately that they can’t think of much else are referred to as having the ‘nerves syndrome’ or having ‘nerves’ or being napse. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1915-1931 Issue: 8 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2074827 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2074827 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:8:p:1915-1931 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Deanne Bell Author-X-Name-First: Deanne Author-X-Name-Last: Bell Title: Occupy the classroom radically Abstract: Around the globe calls are being made to decolonise curricula and the university. Teachers in westernised universities, who are educated and socialised in the Global North, face challenges in recognising where and how western epistemologies and ways of being produce the coloniality of knowledge and the coloniality of being in the classroom. Teachers are also challenged to develop decolonial teaching practices. This paper provides an analysis of how western epistemologies and pedagogical practices structure and inflict wounds on historically marginalised students. Linkages are revealed between what happens in the classroom and resulting knowledge society has of itself. In order to transform the dehumanising effects of coloniality in the westernised university and classroom, an argument is made for the decolonisation of teaching and learning practices. The creation of decolonial atmospheres in the classroom is proposed as a prerequisite for creating the necessary conditions for students to experience a decolonised education. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2063-2074 Issue: 8 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2074828 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2074828 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:8:p:2063-2074 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2093180_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220823T191300 git hash: 39867e6e2f Author-Name: Alvin Camba Author-X-Name-First: Alvin Author-X-Name-Last: Camba Author-Name: Guanie Lim Author-X-Name-First: Guanie Author-X-Name-Last: Lim Author-Name: Kevin Gallagher Author-X-Name-First: Kevin Author-X-Name-Last: Gallagher Title: Leading sector and dual economy: how Indonesia and Malaysia mobilised Chinese capital in mineral processing Abstract: How do states pursue industrial policies in the context of China’s rise? Examining Indonesia and Malaysia’s mineral processing sectors, we argue that these countries illustrate two different pathways that states take to bolster their industrial policies. Indonesia has followed the leading sector strategy to increase domestic nickel processing capacity and decrease reliance on resource exports. Chinese firms and the Indonesian government built the Indonesia Morowali Industrial Park to house nickel smelters, fostering a new leading sector. Chinese capital in smelting follows what Albert Hirschman has called ‘intermediate investments’, maximising forward and backward linkages across the Indonesian economy. In contrast, Malaysia has followed the dual economy strategy, where semi-finished goods are imported and assembled into finished ones to be exported abroad. Chinese firms and the Malaysian government established the Malaysia–China Kuantan Industrial Park to import, process and export steel products. However, due to the dual economy strategy, the industrial park impairs the activities of domestic steelmaking companies and inhibits the potential build-up of smelting capacity. In sum, through an examination of an industrial park in each country, our paper connects the literatures on industrial policy and Chinese capital. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2375-2395 Issue: 10 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2093180 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2093180 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:10:p:2375-2395 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2102475_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220823T191300 git hash: 39867e6e2f Author-Name: Lou Pingeot Author-X-Name-First: Lou Author-X-Name-Last: Pingeot Author-Name: Colleen Bell Author-X-Name-First: Colleen Author-X-Name-Last: Bell Title: Recentring the coloniality of global policing Abstract: This article develops a new framework for the analysis of international policing. We argue that attention to the historical dynamics that shape international policing challenges not only commonly held views about it but also how it is studied. Building on insights from global historical sociology as well as decolonial and postcolonial theories, we place co-constitution, processual relationalism and coloniality at the centre of our understanding of policing both domestically and internationally. We foreground the colonial origins of modern policing, which emerged simultaneously in the metropoles and the colonies to police specific, often racialised, populations. This history reveals not only that ‘domestic’ policing has always been globalised, and therefore cannot be analysed within the confines of the nation-state, but also that policing models in the West have been militarised and racialised from the very beginning. Our approach shows why technocratic fixes are unlikely to solve recurring problems that span both the Global North and the Global South – such as using excessive force by police or targeting marginalised, often racialised populations. Our framework pushes forward a new, more critical conversation about how we, as scholars, make sense of international policing and its consequences globally. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2488-2508 Issue: 10 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2102475 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2102475 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:10:p:2488-2508 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2102474_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220823T191300 git hash: 39867e6e2f Author-Name: Kseniya Oksamytna Author-X-Name-First: Kseniya Author-X-Name-Last: Oksamytna Author-Name: Nina Wilén Author-X-Name-First: Nina Author-X-Name-Last: Wilén Title: Adoption, adaptation or chance? Inter-organisational diffusion of the protection of civilians norm from the UN to the African Union Abstract: Norms can be adopted without modifications or adapted to regional contexts for strategic or principled reasons. Norm adoption and adaptation can also happen by chance. When adoption takes place without consideration of the norm’s effectiveness or appropriateness, we speak about imitation. When adaptation takes place in such a manner, we lack conceptual tools to analyse it. We propose a novel concept of incidental adaptation – divergence between promoted and adopted norms due to fortuitous events. This completes the typology of scenarios leading to norm adoption and adaptation. We apply the typology to the transmission of the protection of civilians norm in peace operations from the United Nations (UN) to the African Union (AU). The AU adopted the UN’s approaches in pursuit of interoperability and resources, and out of recognition of the UN’s normative authority. It also happened incidentally when the AU temporarily followed the UN’s approaches. The AU engaged in adaptation to reflect the nature of its operations and normative orientations of AU member states. Incidental adaptation accounted for the presence of the rights-based tier in the AU’s protection of civilians concept. These findings nuance our understanding of norm diffusion, inter-organisational relations and the role of chance in international affairs. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2357-2374 Issue: 10 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2102474 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2102474 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:10:p:2357-2374 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2094235_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220823T191300 git hash: 39867e6e2f Author-Name: Tarek Abou Jaoude Author-X-Name-First: Tarek Author-X-Name-Last: Abou Jaoude Title: The grey areas of political illegitimacy Abstract: This article looks at the conceptual characteristics of illegitimacy with the aim to understand the nuanced nature of its consequences. With legitimacy at the heart of state-building, its absence (or loss) is likely to lead to a collapse of public institutions and the ultimate failure of the state. But this article explores whether there are more factors at play when understanding the causal relation between legitimacy and stability. It scrutinises the notion that illegitimacy can be reduced to the absence of legitimacy, before re-examining the relationship between illegitimacy and instability. To do so, the article analyses some of the variables under which legitimacy becomes absent, then studies the relation between institutional and informal legitimacy to determine the conditions for illegitimacy. It is consequently shown that illegitimacy is a more fluid concept and is, like its counterpart, a combination of institutional performance and normative perceptions among audiences. The article then presents some real-world examples to back up these arguments, where the absence of conventional legitimacy can bring about stability under particular circumstances, thus suggesting an alternative view of illegitimacy, particularly in the developing world. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2413-2429 Issue: 10 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2094235 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2094235 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:10:p:2413-2429 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2102476_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220823T191300 git hash: 39867e6e2f Author-Name: Jae-Eun Noh Author-X-Name-First: Jae-Eun Author-X-Name-Last: Noh Title: Development practitioners’ emotions for resilience: sources of reflective and transformative practices Abstract: Emotions are rarely discussed in development due to concerns about professionalism or rationalism in the sector. This research explores emotions that practitioners experience and the roles of emotions in their resilience by drawing on Bourdieu’s practice theory to conceptualise emotions as resources to be embraced rather than something to be managed and controlled. Interviews with 13 Korean non-government organisation workers showed that practitioners’ emotions were influenced by religion and social conditions, and their emotions influenced their development practices and relationships with self and others. The findings highlight that emotions can promote practitioners’ reflective and transformative practices, helping practitioners build resilience. Resilience has been described as a process of deconstructing and reconstructing conditions of existence and assumptions of self and practice. This research points to the need to develop a community of practice that connects and supports development practitioners to facilitate changes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2509-2525 Issue: 10 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2102476 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2102476 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:10:p:2509-2525 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2093711_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220823T191300 git hash: 39867e6e2f Author-Name: Alexander Thurston Author-X-Name-First: Alexander Author-X-Name-Last: Thurston Title: Illiberalism and post-conflict settlements with jihadists: a Malian case study Abstract: This paper draws on recent research in peace studies in order to analyse peacebuilding efforts with jihadists in central Mali. The paper explores two main streams of data: first, an exchange of messages between a Malian jihadist leader, Amadou Kouffa, and a Malian Muslim cleric; and, second, survey data on Malians’ attitudes towards politics and Islamic law. The paper also discusses what is known about a pattern of fragile, temporary, localised ceasefires with Malian jihadists. These different data sources highlight the poor fit between Western liberal peacemaking frameworks and some local conflict realities and aspirations, even amid a supposed ‘local turn’ in peacebuilding. Whereas liberal frameworks tend to assume that democracy, human rights, reconciliation, and secularism should be part of any peace settlement, some Malian elites and citizens appear open to illiberal solutions. These findings indicate substantial conceptual and practical challenges for the incorporation of local voices into peacebuilding agendas. The findings also add to an emerging literature on ‘illiberal peace’, which so far has focused mostly on top-down authoritarian models rather than civil society-driven illiberal compromise efforts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2396-2412 Issue: 10 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2093711 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2093711 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:10:p:2396-2412 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2098103_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220823T191300 git hash: 39867e6e2f Author-Name: Daniel Buarque Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Buarque Title: Upside-down diplomacy – foreign perceptions about Bolsonaro’s intentions and initial transformations of Brazil’s foreign policy and status Abstract: The election of Jair Bolsonaro for president in 2018 turned Brazil onto a conservative extreme right political path. Beyond the domestic impacts on institutions and democracy, the rise of the far right also transformed the country’s foreign policy as well as affecting its global prestige. The country’s reputation abroad has deteriorated, and both Brazil and the president have been heavily criticised in foreign media. This paper moves beyond the views of the press and the public. It analyses changes in the country’s international status after the election of Bolsonaro from the point of view of elite stakeholders. It draws from a reflexive thematic analysis of primary data collected in 94 semi-structured interviews with experts from the foreign policy community of great powers at the end of 2018 and in the first months of 2019. This article argues that the new president was seen as changing everything, creating a feeling of uncertainty regarding other nations’ relations with Brazil and hindering the chances of Brazil improving its international standing. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2450-2466 Issue: 10 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2098103 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2098103 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:10:p:2450-2466 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2094236_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220823T191300 git hash: 39867e6e2f Author-Name: Norita Mdege Author-X-Name-First: Norita Author-X-Name-Last: Mdege Author-Name: Sarah Mayanja Author-X-Name-First: Sarah Author-X-Name-Last: Mayanja Author-Name: Netsayi Noris Mudege Author-X-Name-First: Netsayi Noris Author-X-Name-Last: Mudege Title: Youth engagement in sweetpotato production and agribusiness: the case of Northern Uganda Abstract: Using qualitative data collected in Gulu and Omoro districts, Northern Uganda, this paper discusses factors influencing youth engagement in sweetpotato production and agribusiness in a post-conflict environment. The purpose is to understand the factors in order to promote young people’s participation in sweetpotato and other agricultural value chains. Thirteen young women and eleven young men were interviewed in individual in-depth interviews. Additionally, 74 young women and 85 young men participated in 16 sex-disaggregated focus group discussions. Our study identifies that rural youth’s participation in sweetpotato production and agribusiness is a product of the intersection of broader community/national context, individual circumstances (age, gender, marital status, education and social class), and individual and collective agency. Our proposed strategies to encourage youth participation in the agricultural value chain consider young people’s intersectional identities and address national- and community-level issues such as access to knowledge and information, land, markets and gendered power hierarchies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2430-2449 Issue: 10 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2094236 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2094236 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:10:p:2430-2449 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2104245_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220823T191300 git hash: 39867e6e2f Author-Name: Won Geun Choi Author-X-Name-First: Won Geun Author-X-Name-Last: Choi Title: Becoming an advocate: Asia Pacific Refugee Rights Network (APRRN) and the evolution of local NGOs in Asia Abstract: Asia has been a region of origin, transit and destination for refugees; however, it has remained without a concrete regional mechanism to protect them. During the twentieth century, the lack of legal and political institutions led to the isolation and marginalisation of refugee non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Asia, preventing them from providing the necessary refugee protection. However, since the creation of the Asia Pacific Refugee Rights Network (APRRN), the role of NGOs in refugee protection has expanded rapidly in Asia. This research focuses on responding to the following questions. What factor(s) contributed to the emergence of Asian refugee NGOs as prominent advocates in refugee protection? How did local NGOs overcome structural obstacles to participate in national, regional and global advocacy? I argue that the theories of cognitive liberation, contentious politics and increased autonomy can help to explain how the APRRN, as a transnational network organisation, empowered NGOs, specifically in the Global South, to become active advocates. The APRRN facilitates the integration of the information, experience and resources that have been developed in Asian civil society, thus supporting local NGOs to effectively mobilise and distribute resources to overcome the structural asymmetry of power relationships in the global governance of refugee protection. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2526-2543 Issue: 10 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2104245 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2104245 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:10:p:2526-2543 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2098711_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220823T191300 git hash: 39867e6e2f Author-Name: Katherine M. Beall Author-X-Name-First: Katherine M. Author-X-Name-Last: Beall Title: The Global South and global human rights: international responsibility for the right to development Abstract: Human rights are typically understood as governing the behaviour of states towards the people within their borders. In this article, I argue that this domestic formulation of human rights is not universal, but came about through political bargaining and contestation. From at least the early twentieth century, a range of actors from the Global South developed an understanding of individual and collective rights that emphasised international responsibility, especially of wealthy, powerful states towards people in poorer, weaker states. I show that this foundational understanding served as an important basis for the how the Global South engaged with economic and social rights within the United Nations before, during and after the adoption of the Universal Bill of Rights. It eventually manifested in the campaign for the human right to development. Through an exploration of the drafting history of the Declaration on the Right to Development, I show how international responsibility was kept out of the declaration by the Western states that stood to be held responsible. Examining this alternative understanding of human rights recovers a forgotten contribution of the Global South, while shedding light on obstacles to contemporary political projects like the campaign for international slavery reparations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2337-2356 Issue: 10 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2098711 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2098711 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:10:p:2337-2356 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2099825_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220823T191300 git hash: 39867e6e2f Author-Name: Eva Wegner Author-X-Name-First: Eva Author-X-Name-Last: Wegner Author-Name: Miquel Pellicer Author-X-Name-First: Miquel Author-X-Name-Last: Pellicer Author-Name: Markus Bayer Author-X-Name-First: Markus Author-X-Name-Last: Bayer Author-Name: Christian Tischmeyer Author-X-Name-First: Christian Author-X-Name-Last: Tischmeyer Title: Citizen assessments of clientelistic practices in South Africa Abstract: Research on political clientelism has provided conflicting findings on citizen perceptions and evaluations of clientelism. Survey as well as ethnographic research sometimes finds that citizens reject clientelism and politicians making clientelistic offers and at other times that citizens find clientelism acceptable and perceive clientelistic politicians as caring. We build on current literature on the characteristics of diverse types of clientelism and argue that the differences in evaluations result partly from differences in the type of clientelism that is studied. To investigate this idea, we conduct focus groups in low-income urban and rural areas in South Africa about how clients and citizens understand and evaluate different forms of clientelism in South Africa. We identify five distinctive exchange types across groups. Citizens evaluate vote-buying exchanges pragmatically but all other types negatively: relational forms of clientelism are seen as stirring welfare competition and coercive forms as unlawful. Patrons are mostly seen as selfish but views on clients vary across types. Citizens describe clients in vote-buying and coercive clientelism as victims and in relational types as egoistic. These findings suggest that citizens in communities where clientelism is prevalent have highly differentiated views on different types of clientelism and the actors involved in it. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2467-2487 Issue: 10 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2099825 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2099825 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:10:p:2467-2487 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: catalog-resolver8195151413629268622.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220713T202513 git hash: 99d3863004 Author-Name: Andrea Molinari Author-X-Name-First: Andrea Author-X-Name-Last: Molinari Author-Name: Federico Mena Author-X-Name-First: Federico Author-X-Name-Last: Mena Author-Name: Javier Ghiglione Author-X-Name-First: Javier Author-X-Name-Last: Ghiglione Title: South–South cooperation: building productive bridges between Latin America and Africa Abstract: The twenty-first century has been shaped by the emergence of powers from the developing world, with the growing weight of the Global South within the international system. The alliances achieved by these countries gave a new impetus to multilateralism, placing development at the centre of the global agenda. As a result, since the early 2000s, South–South cooperation (SSC) has been gaining increasing prominence, constituting an essential part of the cooperation strategy of many Global South countries. Focusing on its economic, political and technical dimensions, and considering their similar development challenges, this article tries to map Latin America–Africa bilateral SSC initiatives and subsequently reflect on these data. Furthermore, a closer look into those SSC initiatives is provided by considering Africa’s two main partners in Latin America: Argentina and Brazil during the period 2003–2015. The study concludes by providing an analysis of their productive bilateral SSC initiatives in order to derive conclusions on the (medium- or long-run) economic potential of such experiences. This would indicate that such SSC potential can help alleviate Global South countries’ so-called external constraint through the improvement of their productive structure and trade diversification. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2091-2111 Issue: 9 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2082935 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2082935 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:9:p:2091-2111 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: catalog-resolver-8543650626359563677.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220713T202513 git hash: 99d3863004 Author-Name: Mehdi Chowdhury Author-X-Name-First: Mehdi Author-X-Name-Last: Chowdhury Author-Name: Nigel L. Williams Author-X-Name-First: Nigel L. Author-X-Name-Last: Williams Author-Name: Karen Thompson Author-X-Name-First: Karen Author-X-Name-Last: Thompson Author-Name: Georgina Ferdous Author-X-Name-First: Georgina Author-X-Name-Last: Ferdous Title: The Rohingya refugee crisis in Bangladesh: an analysis of the involvement of local humanitarian actors Abstract: Since August 2017, more than 700,000 Rohingya have sought refuge in Bangladesh from neighbouring Myanmar, resulting in an unprecedented humanitarian crisis. A significant endeavour is taking place involving various humanitarian actors for the provision and overall management of the humanitarian activities in Rohingya refugee camps. The article studies the configuration and evolution of the humanitarian operations with the aim of identifying the extent of localisation, ie the involvement of the Bangladeshi actors in the management of the camps in the early stage (1–2 years) of the crisis. It employs a quantitative method by analysing the 4W data of the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. Segregation of humanitarian operators by national and international non-governmental organisations and a network analysis suggest that the humanitarian operations are dominated by international actors, and localisation was not achieved in the early stage of the crisis. Additionally, the article provides a profile of the humanitarian operation along with the context and background of the crisis; as such, it can be utilised by both academic and non-academic audiences. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2188-2208 Issue: 9 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2085087 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2085087 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:9:p:2188-2208 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: catalog-resolver-1838328681681928935.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220713T202513 git hash: 99d3863004 Author-Name: Wojciech Tycholiz Author-X-Name-First: Wojciech Author-X-Name-Last: Tycholiz Author-Name: Andrzej Polus Author-X-Name-First: Andrzej Author-X-Name-Last: Polus Title: Different times, same story: the (un)changing dynamics of structural dependence in Tanzania Abstract: Synthesising results of field study research and statistical data analysis, we scrutinise development models pursued by Tanzania and examine to what extent they changed the structure of the country’s economy. Particular attention is devoted to the mining sector and its role in keeping Tanzania at the periphery of the global economy. Our findings suggest that not only does the structural dependency continue to the current period, but its presence extends to new spheres. We argue that the implementation of the Norwegian model of hydrocarbon sector management in Tanzania is an exemplification of institutional dependency. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2269-2288 Issue: 9 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2089649 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2089649 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:9:p:2269-2288 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: catalog-resolver7553457618291016737.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220713T202513 git hash: 99d3863004 Author-Name: Yi Wang Author-X-Name-First: Yi Author-X-Name-Last: Wang Title: Chinese narrative in international development and volunteer tourism: a case study of a Chinese organisation’s practice in Mathare, Kenya Abstract: Volunteer tourism has become an increasingly popular phenomenon over the globe in recent decades. However, less attention is being paid to the receiving end of volunteer tourism and there are rarely narratives from Chinese figures. This paper seeks to address this research gap not only in volunteer tourism, but in a broader context of international development. By analysing a Chinese volunteer tourism organisation’s practice in Mathare, Kenya, this paper discusses the distinctiveness and commonality of the Chinese development approach from the national–international level to the grassroots level. It illustrates the rather polarised debate amongst the key stakeholders involved in this study, about prioritising the physical or psychological dimensions of the local needs, which further highlights the unchallenged structural inequality in Chinese development interventions of volunteer tourism. Considering forms of power among stakeholder groups and across levels, the research makes recommendations for Chinese volunteer tourism from which collaborations and a higher level of community empowerment can happen. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2306-2324 Issue: 9 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2091539 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2091539 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:9:p:2306-2324 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: catalog-resolver-9028122205244072806.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220713T202513 git hash: 99d3863004 Author-Name: Yujia He Author-X-Name-First: Yujia Author-X-Name-Last: He Author-Name: Angela Tritto Author-X-Name-First: Angela Author-X-Name-Last: Tritto Title: Urban utopia or pipe dream? Examining Chinese-invested smart city development in Southeast Asia Abstract: With increasing public–private partnership and international cooperation in smart city development across the Global South, Chinese firms are poised to take advantage of growing business opportunities, a situation that few studies have examined. This empirical case study of the Forest City, a Chinese-invested greenfield smart city project in Iskandar Malaysia, begins to fill that gap. This megaproject represents the coming together of overlapping economic development interests of the local authorities and the profit motivations of the Chinese investor. However, the project’s use of the ‘smart city’ discourse contrasts with the reality of limited technology adoption. Its visibility and considerable socio-economic and environmental impacts also sparked opposition from affected local stakeholders and criticism from political leaders. This prompted the Chinese investor to change business practices and enhance corporate social responsibility (CSR) efforts to mitigate risks and ensure project continuity, yet their effectiveness is limited. The study confirms the underlying tensions in the smart city discourse, where economic development and profit imperatives risk running counter to social and environmental sustainability. It also contributes to scholarly understanding of Chinese overseas investments, illustrating the host country’s agency and how better Chinese CSR practices offer the potential for risk mitigation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2244-2268 Issue: 9 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2089648 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2089648 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:9:p:2244-2268 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: catalog-resolver-2940798930188413120.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220713T202513 git hash: 99d3863004 Author-Name: Victor Thives Author-X-Name-First: Victor Author-X-Name-Last: Thives Author-Name: Niels Søndergaard Author-X-Name-First: Niels Author-X-Name-Last: Søndergaard Author-Name: Cristina Yumie Aoki Inoue Author-X-Name-First: Cristina Yumie Aoki Author-X-Name-Last: Inoue Title: Bringing states back into commodity-centric environmental governance: the telecoupled soy trade between Brazil and China Abstract: Brazil and China share important vantage points in environmental fora, actively coordinating their positions within Brazil, South Africa, India, and China (BASIC) and Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS). Both countries have incorporated sustainability concerns in their multilateral stances, but their bilateral strategic partnership lacks a clear environmental orientation. This study analyses the discrepancy between multilateral commitments and the realities of their bilateral interactions. The low degree of priority of, or outright non-attendance to, environmental concerns on the operational level of Sino–Brazilian diplomatic relations illustrates the detachment of official rhetoric from effective engagements. We explore these contradictions and their repercussions for the commodity-centric governance of the telecoupled Sino–Brazilian relations, focusing on the soy sector and on its environmental impacts within Brazil. We caution against the trend of exclusively paying attention to private regulatory initiatives, and highlight the importance of bringing states back into the analysis. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2129-2148 Issue: 9 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2081144 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2081144 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:9:p:2129-2148 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: catalog-resolver288853890136618816.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220713T202513 git hash: 99d3863004 Author-Name: Ezenwa E. Olumba Author-X-Name-First: Ezenwa E. Author-X-Name-Last: Olumba Author-Name: Bernard U. Nwosu Author-X-Name-First: Bernard U. Author-X-Name-Last: Nwosu Author-Name: Francis N. Okpaleke Author-X-Name-First: Francis N. Author-X-Name-Last: Okpaleke Author-Name: Rowland Chukwuma Okoli Author-X-Name-First: Rowland Chukwuma Author-X-Name-Last: Okoli Title: Conceptualising eco-violence: moving beyond the multiple labelling of water and agricultural resource conflicts in the Sahel Abstract: The conflict over water and agricultural resources within the Sahel of Africa has led to the destruction of lives, property and nature for decades. The extant practice is to label these conflicts with multiple names and conceptualise them as single-issue events. This article illustrates this practice further and highlights some issues associated with such approaches. Existing terms for these conflicts in Africa’s Sahel region are primarily linked to people’s occupations and ethnic identities, distracting efforts to gain a deeper understanding. This view obscures the broad dimensions of these struggles among those competing for water and agricultural resources. Thus, this paper remedies the conceptual gaps by recommending ‘eco-violence’ as an umbrella term for these conflicts and foregrounding the emerging trends of eco-violence within the Sahel region. By referring to these conflicts as eco-violence, we can foster a more inclusive perspective that incorporates social and environmental injustices and political failures as factors related to these conflicts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2075-2090 Issue: 9 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2083601 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2083601 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:9:p:2075-2090 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: catalog-resolver-1068255946097513733.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220713T202513 git hash: 99d3863004 Author-Name: Peter Dauvergne Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Dauvergne Title: Facial recognition technology for policing and surveillance in the Global South: a call for bans Abstract: The use of facial recognition technology (FRT) for policing and surveillance is spreading across Asia, Africa and Latin America. Advocates are saying this technology can solve crimes, locate missing people and prevent terrorist attacks. Yet, as this article argues, deploying FRT for policing and surveillance poses a grave threat to civil society, especially systems to identify or track people without any criminal history. In every political system, this has the potential to deepen discriminatory policing, have a chilling effect on activism and turn everyone into a suspect. The dangers rise exponentially, moreover, in places with inconsistent rule of law, poor human rights records, weak privacy and data laws and authoritarian rulers – traits common across scores of countries now installing FRT. Regulating use is unlikely to prevent these harms, the article contends, given the powerful political and corporate forces in play, given the ways firms push legal limits, exploit loopholes and lobby legislators, and given the tendency over time of surveillance technology to creep across state agencies and into new forms of social control. Calls to ban FRT are growing louder by the day. This article makes the case for why bans are especially necessary in the Global South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2325-2335 Issue: 9 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2080654 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2080654 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:9:p:2325-2335 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: catalog-resolver-2410012994713178018.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220713T202513 git hash: 99d3863004 Author-Name: Emmanuel Kumi Author-X-Name-First: Emmanuel Author-X-Name-Last: Kumi Author-Name: Willem Elbers Author-X-Name-First: Willem Author-X-Name-Last: Elbers Title: How internationally funded NGOs promote gender equality in horticulture value chains in Kenya Abstract: This article contributes to the literature on global value chains by examining how non-governmental organisations (NGOs) promote gender equality. NGOs have been instrumental in setting social standards that seek to institutionalise gender-sensitive governance structures. However, relatively little is known about their roles in doing so. Using in-depth empirical research on the Women@Work Campaign in the cut-flower sector in Kenya, the article examines how a coalition of Kenyan NGOs and an international NGO push for gender equality in global value chains. While the Kenyan NGOs do most of the actual work on the ground, the international NGO uses its position to facilitate and empower the local NGOs to do their work. Yet, we see that funding conditions hamper the local NGOs’ efforts to promote gender equality. Overall, our analysis highlights that NGOs fulfil important roles in promoting gender equality in horticulture value chains but the requirements of the international aid system act as a constraint. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2112-2128 Issue: 9 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2081543 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2081543 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:9:p:2112-2128 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: catalog-resolver-1736707726520180230.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220713T202513 git hash: 99d3863004 Author-Name: Micheline van Riemsdijk Author-X-Name-First: Micheline Author-X-Name-Last: van Riemsdijk Author-Name: Marion Panizzon Author-X-Name-First: Marion Author-X-Name-Last: Panizzon Title: ‘A collective commitment to improving cooperation on migration’: analysis of a thematic consultation session for the Global Compact for Migration Abstract: The adoption of the New York Declaration in 2016 launched a two-year process to create a Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM), starting with an intergovernmental (informal) thematic consultation phase involving non-governmental actors. This article presents a framing analysis of preparatory materials and video recordings of stakeholder interventions for a thematic session on international cooperation and governance of migration. It examines the involvement of non-governmental actors in the GCM policymaking process and the opportunities and challenges in international cooperation on migration. The findings show that member states’ concerns about national sovereignty, uncertainty about the consultation process, and varied framings of certain policy-issue areas presented considerable obstacles to international cooperation. At the same time, the open-ended outcome of the consultations phase enabled non-governmental actors to move discussions beyond state sovereignty and border control. We argue that the participation of non-governmental actors in consultation sessions broadened the bargaining table with ‘softer type’ issues, while the breadth of topics levelled out the playing field of international cooperation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2169-2187 Issue: 9 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2083600 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2083600 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:9:p:2169-2187 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: catalog-resolver7940138593795503673.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220713T202513 git hash: 99d3863004 Author-Name: Jasper Blom Author-X-Name-First: Jasper Author-X-Name-Last: Blom Title: G-group legitimacy in global governance: rightful membership of rising powers? Abstract: The shift in global policymaking from the Group of Seven (G7) to the Group of Twenty (G20) is widely seen to reflect the rise to power of emerging markets in the South. It begs the question, though, whether the G20 has the right membership to legitimately govern the global economy. This paper applies a novel framework linking rightful membership to global governance institutions’ roles to address this question. A longitudinal analysis of (1) financial and economic indicators of G-group members; (2) their global ranking on these indicators; and (3) the position of G-group members in technical forums of financial governance demonstrates that the shift to the G20 was necessary to maintain rightful membership given the declining share of G7 members in the global economy. However, rightful membership as a source of legitimacy varies across G-group roles and diffuses across roles and across global governance institutions. These new insights demonstrate the added value of conceptualising rightful membership in relation to different roles of global governance institutions. The analytical framework proposed in this paper allows for better insights into the legitimation strategies and public legitimacy perceptions of global governance institutions, and points to interesting new hypotheses with respect to the legitimacy of global governance institutions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2149-2168 Issue: 9 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2081544 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2081544 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:9:p:2149-2168 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: catalog-resolver-5243015497206226916.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220713T202513 git hash: 99d3863004 Author-Name: Surulola Eke Author-X-Name-First: Surulola Author-X-Name-Last: Eke Title: Why does segregation prevent conflict in some regions but not others? Interrogating social distance amid ethnic conflicts in Jos, Nigeria Abstract: This paper revisits the longstanding question of why segregation douses ethnic tensions in some places but exacerbates them in others. Anchored on the concept of social distance and drawing on empirical evidence from Jos, Nigeria’s hotbed of ethnoterritorial conflict, this article provides a nuanced analysis of why segregation mediates both the emergence and the prevention of ethnic conflict. In the examined case study, the role of social distance in conflict mitigation varies according to neighbourhood type. Animosity was already deep-seated across the region when social distancing – the effect of partition and segregation – was cemented following the outbreak of conflict in some communities in 2001. Yet the conflict spread to some ethnically unmixed neighbourhoods but not others. In conflict-affected areas, social distance did not avert future conflicts compared to neighbourhoods where the initial conflict was avoided. However, past conflict is not a predictor of future outbreaks in socially distanced neighbourhoods given that in the areas that avoided future conflicts, social distance occurred simultaneously with extensive informal bi-communal leadership engagements. Therefore, the paper shows that even imperfect unmixing can dampen violence when combined with observable leadership engagement. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2209-2224 Issue: 9 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2085548 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2085548 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:9:p:2209-2224 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: catalog-resolver-3125153396097350566.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220713T202513 git hash: 99d3863004 Author-Name: Adnan Naseemullah Author-X-Name-First: Adnan Author-X-Name-Last: Naseemullah Title: Dependent development in the twenty-first century Abstract: A key but neglected dimension of developmental industrial policy is the formation of a mutually beneficial relationship among developing country governments, domestic capital and multinational corporations, or what Peter Evans has termed ‘dependent development’. Such relationships were a prominent feature of the growth trajectories of Latin American and East Asian industrialisers in the 1960s and 1970s. This article argues, however, that dependent development is a historically specific phenomenon; it is much harder to achieve for developing countries attempting industrial development after the 1990s, when multinationals have significantly more power and autonomy in relation to the state in developing countries, as a result of domestic liberalisation and changes in the international regimes of trade and investment. These power imbalances have persisted in the last two decades. The article examines the institutional relationships among states, multinationals and domestic firms after neoliberal economic reform and globalisation, and demonstrates the substantive constraints of multinationals in executing externally oriented industrial policies in a most likely case, that of India. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2225-2243 Issue: 9 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2089104 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2089104 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:9:p:2225-2243 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: catalog-resolver7107443603567946450.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220713T202513 git hash: 99d3863004 Author-Name: Yonglin Jiang Author-X-Name-First: Yonglin Author-X-Name-Last: Jiang Title: Changing paradigms in understanding Chinese imperial law Abstract: This essay evaluates and critiques the studies of Chinese imperial law in line with Edward Said’s proposition of ‘Orientalism’. It identifies three major stages: the classical legal Orientalism, emphasising the heterogeneity of Chinese and Western laws based on Western values; the ‘neo-legal Orientalism’, stressing the homogeneity of the two by taking Western culture also as the assessment standard; and Oriental legalism, seeking Chinese subjectivity with Chinese perspectives and resources. The changes of the paradigms in assessing the legal culture in pre-republican China are related to the general intellectual transformations in the contemporary world. This essay proposes the approach of ‘confluent legalism’ that features drawing on diverse cultural essences of various nations in the world. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2289-2305 Issue: 9 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2090922 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2090922 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:9:p:2289-2305 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_1971517_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Camilo Acero Author-X-Name-First: Camilo Author-X-Name-Last: Acero Author-Name: Frances Thomson Author-X-Name-First: Frances Author-X-Name-Last: Thomson Title: ‘Everything peasants do is illegal’: Colombian coca growers’ everyday experiences of law enforcement and its impacts on state legitimacy Abstract: For decades, Colombian governments have imposed a narrative linking illegal crops with statelessness and presenting ‘more state’ and specifically ‘more law enforcement’ as the solution to a swathe of problems in drug-producing regions. We draw on coca growers’ own accounts of law enforcement to critique this narrative. Their accounts – specifically from Putumayo in Colombia’s Amazonian frontier – refer to persecution for many of the things they do in their everyday lives, not just those directly related to the coca economy. Their livelihoods are constantly under threat from state forces as a result of counternarcotics operations but also due to the imposition of (phyto)sanitary and environmental norms. This generates resentment towards the state, undermining its efforts to establish authority in these territories. Thus, building on coca farmers’ accounts, we argue that state weakness in drug-producing areas is a problem of quality and not only quantity. Improving quality means transforming the way lawmakers and enforcers relate to rural citizens. If the Colombian state continues to wage war against the peasantry, it will hardly achieve effective governance of the coca frontier.Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.1971517 . Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2674-2692 Issue: 11 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1971517 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1971517 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:11:p:2674-2692 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2128330_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Maziyar Ghiabi Author-X-Name-First: Maziyar Author-X-Name-Last: Ghiabi Title: The everyday lives of drugs Abstract: The everyday is the material structure where the performance of culture and economy takes place. It is also the place where private and public institutions and bureaucracies set the rhythm of life for workers and citizens. Negotiating with the machines, be it factories, offices, online meeting rooms, the desks of administrators, and the rules of loans and credit institutions and agents is the stuff of everyday life. In the drug lifeworlds, the tedium that is often connected with everyday life – and with the study of everyday life – is often expected to be more exotic, filled with exciting encounters. Yet, drug lifeworlds can be equally tedious. What stands out in the study of everyday lifeworlds of drugs is how they compare, differ, and connect with the broader worlds of capitalist life, and so how they are not disjointed or separated from economic life. This introduction to The Everyday Lives of Drugs explores some of the overarching themes, methods, and ideas that inform the contributions to the collection, by reflecting on the potential of historical, fictional, and ethnographic narratives in the social sciences of illicit economies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2545-2556 Issue: 11 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2128330 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2128330 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:11:p:2545-2556 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_1985450_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Steffen Jensen Author-X-Name-First: Steffen Author-X-Name-Last: Jensen Author-Name: Dennis Rodgers Author-X-Name-First: Dennis Author-X-Name-Last: Rodgers Title: The intimacies of drug dealing: narcotics, kinship and embeddedness in Nicaragua and South Africa Abstract: In this article, we explore how and to what extent it is useful to think about drug dealing through the conceptual lens of intimacy. Such an approach both complements and challenges mainstream views on drug dealing, which see the phenomenon as based on ‘formal-rational’ organisation and practices. We explore the intimacies of drug dealing along three axes: the involvement of kin and family, ‘governing intimacy’ and as embedded in culturally intimate models and ideas. Drawing on our collaborative ethnographic research in Nicaragua and South Africa, we illustrate first how family and kin are implicated in drug dealing, both voluntarily and against their will. Secondly, we explore how drug dealing institutes or produces particular forms of order, often entangled with state and policing governance, folding itself into communal and family relations. Finally, we consider the extent to which drug dealing enters into local notions and rationalities, from models of how to be a ‘good’ drug dealer to how one’s daughter should conduct her love life. These analyses allow us to suggest new avenues for research on drug dealing that foreground social embeddedness and gender relations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2618-2636 Issue: 11 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1985450 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1985450 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:11:p:2618-2636 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2053776_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Maziyar Ghiabi Author-X-Name-First: Maziyar Author-X-Name-Last: Ghiabi Title: Critique of everyday narco-capitalism Abstract: Capitalism is not only an economic mode of production; it is also a form of life. This also applies to a historical type of capitalism, which is the capitalism founded on (illicit) drugs – in other words: narco-capitalism. The article discusses how capitalism alters life at the nexus of drug production, trade and consumption through a study of drug heartlands in Colombia, Afghanistan and Myanmar. What forms of life emerge under narco-capitalism? And how do people seek change and express agency in the exploitative conditions governed by narco-capital? To do so, the article proceeds through the following sections: first, it elucidates its definition of the ‘everyday’ as a conceptual and methodological scheme to understand capitalist forms of life. Then it uses material collected from people’s everyday encounter with narco-capitalism in Afghanistan, Myanmar and Colombia to discuss mystification, predation and alienation. The article explores how capitalism produces forms of life that make use of drugs and narco-capital to dispossess and alienate collectivities. Finally, the article argues that to move beyond this alienating condition, drug wars and/or development are not a solution, because drugs are not the problem. Instead, it is people’s organisation and world-building in dialectical mode to capitalist forms of life that can transform everyday life beyond predation and alienation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2557-2576 Issue: 11 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2053776 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2053776 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:11:p:2557-2576 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_1962275_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Francisco Gutiérrez-Sanín Author-X-Name-First: Francisco Author-X-Name-Last: Gutiérrez-Sanín Title: Mangling life trajectories: institutionalised calamity and illegal peasants in Colombia Abstract: This article discusses the institutionalisation of calamity – in the form of fumigation and exposure to lethal violence – and its consequences over coca peasants and workers in Colombia. I show how institutionalised calamity indelibly marks their life trajectories, through repeated episodes of ‘total loss’. At the same time, it is a major illustration of a process of co-constitution of class, citizenship and state. In effect, institutionalised calamity endows illicit rural classes and economies with specific characteristics that diverge from the typical identikit attributed to peasants in some agrarian studies. These peasants and workers are much more mobile and risk prone, and less localistic and deferential, than it is frequently assumed, and have different demands with respect to markets, government and land. All this leaves a deep and lasting imprint on the claims for rights and recognition pacts demanded by them, triggering a double and apparently contradictory dynamic of rejection and inducement vis-à-vis the state. They resist state sallies into their territories, and the violence, brutality and stigmatisation associated with them. But, on the other hand, they push for infrastructure and regulation, indispensable not only for coca crops but also for any viable transit to legality. This dynamic has important spatial expressions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2577-2596 Issue: 11 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1962275 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1962275 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:11:p:2577-2596 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_1989300_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Axel Klein Author-X-Name-First: Axel Author-X-Name-Last: Klein Author-Name: Marta Rychert Author-X-Name-First: Marta Author-X-Name-Last: Rychert Author-Name: Machel A. Emanuel Author-X-Name-First: Machel A. Author-X-Name-Last: Emanuel Title: Towards social justice and economic empowerment? Exploring Jamaica’s progress with implementing cannabis law reform Abstract: The Dangerous Drugs Amendment Act (DDAA) 2015 positioned Jamaica at the forefront of international cannabis law reforms in the developing world. The DDAA legalised and regulated commercial cultivation and sale of cannabis for medicinal and therapeutic use, legalised home cultivation and decriminalised personal possession of cannabis. This dramatic policy change came after years of discriminatory drug law enforcement and multiple attempts at cannabis law reform motivated by social justice and cannabis activism. Drawing on ethnographic observations of the implementation of the DDAA and interviews with key cannabis policy stakeholders in Jamaica, we discuss the extent to which the social justice ideals behind the law have translated into practice on the ground. Our analysis focuses on two dimensions of social justice relevant in drug law reform: (1) penalisation and criminal record expungement policies, and (2) economic empowerment and the distribution of wealth (ie the diversity within the new cannabis industry and the transition of traditional illegal ganja farmers to the new legal cannabis economy). Reflecting on the first five years of implementing the DDAA in Jamaica, we explore social justice achievements under the DDAA and discuss persisting structural barriers to economic justice and how they could be addressed. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2693-2711 Issue: 11 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1989300 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1989300 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:11:p:2693-2711 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2090923_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Patrick Meehan Author-X-Name-First: Patrick Author-X-Name-Last: Meehan Author-Name: Mandy Sadan Author-X-Name-First: Mandy Author-X-Name-Last: Sadan Author-Name: Sai Aung Hla Author-X-Name-First: Sai Author-X-Name-Last: Aung Hla Author-Name: Sai Kham Phu Author-X-Name-First: Sai Author-X-Name-Last: Kham Phu Author-Name: Nang Muai Oo Author-X-Name-First: Nang Author-X-Name-Last: Muai Oo Title: Young people’s everyday pathways into drug harms in Shan State, Myanmar Abstract: In recent decades, youth drug use has become a cause of increasing concern across Asia and has inspired hardening drug control measures. However, consistently missing from drug narratives is a deeper engagement with young people themselves on why they use drugs and an understanding of the social, political, economic and cultural forces that shape their interactions with drugs. By engaging with the lived experiences of young people in the Myanmar city of Taunggyi, this paper offers new insights into the everyday pathways and practices through which systemic risk factors – poverty, large-scale local drug production and poor welfare provision – materialise into drug harms. This paper draws attention to three factors that shape these pathways: first, the role that drug-selling and drug consumption plays in the coping strategies that people deploy in an environment of economic hardship; second, the intersections between drug use and gendered conceptions of youth; and, third, the everyday institutional practices of local authorities. Exploring young people’s testimonies offers a grounded perspective for considering what can be done to reduce drug harms in a context where the structural determinants of drug risks are deeply entrenched and, in the context of post-coup Myanmar, likely to worsen. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2712-2730 Issue: 11 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2090923 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2090923 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:11:p:2712-2730 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2003702_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Jan Koehler Author-X-Name-First: Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Koehler Author-Name: Jasmine Bhatia Author-X-Name-First: Jasmine Author-X-Name-Last: Bhatia Author-Name: Ghulam Rasool Mosakhel Author-X-Name-First: Ghulam Author-X-Name-Last: Rasool Mosakhel Title: Modes of governance and the everyday lives of illicit drug producers in Afghanistan Abstract: Prevailing studies on illicit drug economies in violent contexts are typically concerned with whether illicit drugs are a driver of insecurity, or vice versa. This paper provides additional nuance to the literature by considering the interaction between different governance arrangements and the everyday life of people involved in the drug economy. Drawing from a systems-lifeworlds approach, we present evidence from interviews and life histories collected in four district case studies in two borderland provinces of Afghanistan. We find that governance in government-controlled areas tends to be more fragmented, negatively affecting the livelihoods of small-scale drug producers and traders. However, we also find exceptions to this trend, where stable governance arrangements emerged under state control. While authority tends to be less fragmented in Taliban-controlled districts, illicit drug producers fared much worse under Daesh rule, showing stark variation in the effects of insurgency rule on the drug economy. Contrary to prevailing assumptions that participants in the illicit drug economies thrive in ungoverned environments, our findings show that there is considerable, if selective, demand for predictable rule-based political authority, albeit pragmatic enough to allow an open-access illicit drug economy to operate. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2597-2617 Issue: 11 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2003702 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2003702 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:11:p:2597-2617 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_1985451_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Neil Carrier Author-X-Name-First: Neil Author-X-Name-Last: Carrier Title: The everyday life and everyday dreams of Kenyan khat traders Abstract: This article traces the everyday and not-so-everyday rhythms and temporalities of the Kenyan khat trade, using ethnographic case studies from various Kenyan towns to explore how the drug fits into and structures the lives of those engaging with it. Retailing khat involves precise rhythms linked to the daily cycle of khat’s supply networks, but also more expansive temporalities. It also involves navigating key aspects of Kenyan urban life, while creating a space of support that urban traders rely upon. Tracing the everyday life of Kenyan khat traders gives insight into the moral communities generated by the trade in a ‘drug’, communities critical for enabling traders to overcome the common crises faced within Kenya’s informal economy. They are also critical in helping some traders fulfil hopes and dreams outside of a life structured around khat. As with other drugs, the ordinary economies, communities and cultures that form around their ‘social lives’ subvert typical notions of drugs as extraordinary, malevolent things; spending time with those who animate their social lives reveals how ordinary these substances and their social worlds can be in an era where ‘war on drugs’ framings of them and their traders and users as deviant and immoral still dominate. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2637-2653 Issue: 11 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1985451 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1985451 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:11:p:2637-2653 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2077186_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Shaylih Muehlmann Author-X-Name-First: Shaylih Author-X-Name-Last: Muehlmann Title: Epilogue: drugs in war, peace and the everyday Abstract: Contrary to the overgeneralizing discourses that accompany militarized drug prohibition policies, “illicit drugs” are a diverse phenomenon that are imagined, constructed and policed as a category in diverse ways in different global contexts. Using Mexico as a starting point, this essay highlights the power of comparative case studies in their capacity to reveal how diverse the very phenomenon of drugs is and how pervasive the violence of militarized prohibition policies forged through the prerogative of economic profit continues to be. This violence does not combat organized crime but rather serves to impose social control over populations and territories and in the process guarantee the expansion of transnational capital at any cost. I argue that an approach attentive to everyday life, provides insight into how localized experiences and encounters with drugs and their cultures of trade and consumption are. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2747-2756 Issue: 11 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2077186 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2077186 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:11:p:2747-2756 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2002139_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Jonathan Goodhand Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan Author-X-Name-Last: Goodhand Author-Name: Adam Pain Author-X-Name-First: Adam Author-X-Name-Last: Pain Title: Entangled lives: drug assemblages in Afghanistan’s Badakhshan Abstract: This article, focussing on Badakhshan province in north-east Afghanistan, explores the lifeworld of drugs and their entangled connections with people, places and things. It follows the journeys of drugs from the farmers’ fields, through their various stages of transportation, storage and transformation, until they arrive at the border with Tajikistan. The paper draws upon the notion of a ‘drugs assemblage’ – the interweaving of plants, institutions, actors, processes and resources through which drug journeys are managed and facilitated. Drugs are embedded in a web of social relations that connect farmers, labourers, shopkeepers, smugglers, brokers and border guards. Opium is central to the production of a Braudelian geography, fragmented yet connected, of trading routes, enclaves, choke points and border crossings. Drugs have played a role in transforming the ‘disturbed’ landscape of this remote borderland region, into a centre of innovation and improvisation, in which alienation and precarity co-exist alongside accumulation and the pursuit of ‘freedom’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2654-2673 Issue: 11 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2002139 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2002139 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:11:p:2654-2673 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2079486_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Kojo Koram Author-X-Name-First: Kojo Author-X-Name-Last: Koram Title: Phantasmal commodities: law, violence and the juris-diction of drugs Abstract: An appreciation of the social function of the concept of drugs is essential for understanding the moral panic they engender. Despite only emerging as a concept over the course of the twentieth century, drugs have come to be seen not as mere plant life in the manner that they appear in nature, nor are they seen as commodities, natural resources to be exploited for capitalist gain. Drugs instead function as the primary example of what anthropologist Michael Taussig calls ‘transgressive substances’. Within the conceptualisation of prohibitionist law, drugs are not taken as the standard commodity to be exploited by humans for profits but instead are feared as phantom commodities that have the power to rule their creators. Drugs become not just objects but pathways, seen to facilitate movement between states of being, transferring its consumers from the realm of the human to the non-human. This article examines prohibition’s engagement with the everyday life of drugs to open up how the concept’s theoretical grounding is anchored in a law-making violence that seeks to cleanse an idealised imagination of the social. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2731-2746 Issue: 11 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2079486 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2079486 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:11:p:2731-2746 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2108392_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Hakkı Taş Author-X-Name-First: Hakkı Author-X-Name-Last: Taş Title: Continuity through change: populism and foreign policy in Turkey Abstract: Through a discourse-theoretic approach, this paper problematises the under-theorised chameleonic quality of populism. While populist politics is often expressed as construction of the people against the elite, this paper argues that the political should rather be sought in how populism revives itself despite (and through) constant discursive shifts. It examines the interrelations between populism, identity and foreign policy, inserting ‘dislocation’, the transitory moment of disruption in the discursive field, as the main enterprise of populist politics. Empirically, the paper scrutinises how Turkish President Erdoğan switched from conservative democratic to Islamist to nationalist discourses, each with repercussions in the field of foreign policy, and sustained the populist moment through successive dislocations. In particular, it focuses how the ‘Ottoman’ myth spelled different populisms and foreign policy discourses in different periods of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) rule. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2869-2887 Issue: 12 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2108392 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2108392 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:12:p:2869-2887 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2109458_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Dorine E. van Norren Author-X-Name-First: Dorine E. Author-X-Name-Last: van Norren Title: African Ubuntu and Sustainable Development Goals: seeking human mutual relations and service in development Abstract: It is generally assumed that ‘development’ is a universal concept, understood the same way in every culture. In Africa, progress is understood differently; human relations – including ancestors and future generations tied to the land – take precedence over development. The African concept of well-being is Ubuntu (I am a person through other persons), implemented in South Africa though truth and reconciliation, Ubuntu diplomacy, jurisprudence and People First (Batho Pele) policies. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are multilaterally negotiated and claim universality but are underpinned by European modernism (individuality, growth, separation of nature and humans, etc.). To be truly inclusive of Africa, they can do more justice to Ubuntu. However, official African positions on the SDGs emphasised industry and infrastructure, and overlooked restorative justice. Ubuntu prioritises the first five social goals, equality (SDG10), inclusivity (SDG16) and partnership (SDG17). Ubuntu would change the leading SDG theme into: ‘life is mutual aid’ (horizontal Ubuntu relationship) rather than the hierarchical ‘leave no-one behind’ (developed versus developing countries). Ubuntu would replace sustainability with the ‘community of life’ and individuality with ‘collective agency’; and knowing through measuring with ‘knowing through feeling engagement with others’. It prioritises process (strategies/now) over goals (abstract future). Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2791-2810 Issue: 12 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2109458 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2109458 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:12:p:2791-2810 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2118706_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Mark T. Berger Author-X-Name-First: Mark T. Author-X-Name-Last: Berger Title: The ghost of Hernán Cortés: the colonial heritage in the Americas in the Cold War and post-Cold War era Abstract: In this article I explore a range of approaches to the colonial heritage (or colonial heritages) in the Americas in both their popular and academic iterations during the Cold War and the post-Cold War era. Overall, I argue that the most obvious elements of the Hispanic colonial heritage are cultural and linguistic, as well as various forms of economic dependence and high levels of socio-economic inequality. Economic dependence and social inequality remain a central, if now diffuse, Hispanic colonial heritage, as does the diverse cultural and linguistic post-colonial milieu that is the New World. Over three decades out from the end of the Cold War, the cultural complexity, shifting economic contours and geographical diffusion of the Hispanic colonial heritage is more apparent than ever at the same time as (contrary to several recent accounts) it hangs no heavier over the present than the Anglo-Protestant colonial heritage; nor should either be deployed to do too much heavy lifting as far as explaining contemporary developmental outcomes is concerned. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2907-2926 Issue: 12 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2118706 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2118706 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:12:p:2907-2926 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2115883_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Clarisa Giaccaglia Author-X-Name-First: Clarisa Author-X-Name-Last: Giaccaglia Author-Name: María Noel Dussort Author-X-Name-First: María Noel Author-X-Name-Last: Dussort Title: BRICS member states as norm entrepreneurs: worldviews and bids for power in global health and world energy governance Abstract: The international agenda has become a key area due to the diversity of topics negotiated at the international level and the fact that emerging countries question the global distribution of power. In this context, the international agenda can be characterised as a result of bids for power. This article focuses on Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS member states) as emerging powers that have demanded to change some rules and put on the table new meanings for crucial topics as norm entrepreneurs. Nevertheless, during the second decade of this century, Brazil and South Africa have withdrawn from the international scene, while India, Russia and China (mainly Beijing) have intensified their presence. This paper aims to analyse the achievements and limitations faced by each of these emerging countries as norm entrepreneurs, particularly regarding global health and world energy governance. It follows an interpretive research methodology and its purpose is to contribute to the debate on systemic changes and the role of emerging powers in the norm entrepreneur literature. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2888-2906 Issue: 12 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2115883 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2115883 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:12:p:2888-2906 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2110059_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Manu Lekunze Author-X-Name-First: Manu Author-X-Name-Last: Lekunze Title: Maritime strategy in Africa: strategic flaws exposing Africa to vulnerabilities from food insecurity to external domination Abstract: Is maritime strategy in Africa fit for purpose? Africa has generally sought maritime security through international law, cooperation and diplomacy in the post-Cold War US-led international order. However, the rise of China and the resurgence of Russia challenge the US-led order, raising questions about the fitness of Africa’s strategic orientation in the maritime domain. This article evaluates Africa’s maritime strategy, theory and practice, to determine its suitability for Africa’s maritime strategic environment, at the beginning of the third decade of the twenty-first century. It argues that Africa’s current maritime strategy is unsuitable for its maritime security – as an element of national and regional security. The argument rests on the findings that: (1) Africa suffers from low maritime domain awareness, (2) it has not shaken off its historical seablindness, (3) Africa in general and individual African states retain little or no seapower and take few practical steps to address the situation, and (4) Africa suffers persistent challenges in exploiting and securing maritime wealth. The AU’s Africa’s Integrated Maritime Strategy is a wish list with no realistic or practical steps to its realisation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2852-2868 Issue: 12 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2110059 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2110059 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:12:p:2852-2868 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2104705_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Sara de Simone Author-X-Name-First: Sara Author-X-Name-Last: de Simone Author-Name: Alessio Iocchi Author-X-Name-First: Alessio Author-X-Name-Last: Iocchi Title: The end of the security–development nexus? Reflections from counterinsurgency in north-eastern Nigeria Abstract: In the light of an increasing shift from international interventionism based on liberal peacebuilding to shorter-term stabilisation efforts, this article questions the persistence of the security–development nexus as a theoretical framework backing military and non-military action in conflict-affected areas. It argues that the nexus has been weakened by the prominence gained by regional and national actors on the African continent trying to enforce ‘African solutions to African problems’. Drawing on interviews with key informants and mobilising relevant primary and secondary literature, the paper explores how ad hoc military coalitions created by African states to respond to crises on the continent are sanctioning the transition from long-term peacebuilding to short-term stabilisation objectives. Analysing the Nigerian government’s counterinsurgency strategy against Boko Haram, we argue that the country has completely dropped the ambition to tackle the root causes of the insurgency, and has instead turned to short-term (and short-sighted) security stabilisation operations in line with the global trend of disengagement from active peacebuilding and development promotion. Thereby, we contend that the adoption of this kind of ‘African solutions to African problems’ equals militarised crisis-management in the continent’s peripheries without advancing sustainable solutions to conflicts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2757-2774 Issue: 12 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2104705 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2104705 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:12:p:2757-2774 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2110058_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Pádraig Carmody Author-X-Name-First: Pádraig Author-X-Name-Last: Carmody Author-Name: Joel Wainwright Author-X-Name-First: Joel Author-X-Name-Last: Wainwright Title: Contradiction and restructuring in the Belt and Road Initiative: reflections on China’s pause in the ‘Go world’ Abstract: The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a massive Chinese state/capitalist programme of transnational infrastructure construction initiated in 2013. Between 2013 and 2016, Chinese banks extended hundreds of billions of dollars –principally across Asia, but also Europe and Africa – for transportation and energy networks. Recently released statistics, however, suggest that project lending for the BRI collapsed from 2016 onwards. Our paper examines the reasons for this contraction through a case-study of the BRI in Africa. We contend that the lending contraction resulted from political and economic contradictions generated by this form of international interconnection, including the types of debt traps it helped create. This outcome is explained partly by the fact that the BRI is simultaneously a geopolitical and geoeconomic project. Whereas the balance of economic risks is arguably skewed against borrowers (in some cases leading to debt traps), from a geopolitical perspective, the Chinese state also seeks to expand influence in Africa and elsewhere in the developing world. This creates counter-pressure on further expansion of such financing, which, complemented by domestic economic implications of loan failure, helps to explain the contraction. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2830-2851 Issue: 12 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2110058 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2110058 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:12:p:2830-2851 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2106207_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Alieu B. Sanneh Author-X-Name-First: Alieu B. Author-X-Name-Last: Sanneh Title: Election, ethnic voting and regime change in The Gambia Abstract: In 2016, Gambian dictator Yahya Jammeh, who had been in power for 22 years, organised a presidential election which he subsequently lost to the opposition coalition party. Why did Jammeh lose this election? What were the issues Gambians who participated in this election considered when they voted? This study examines three major issues on the ballot as factors that predicted Gambians’ voting decisions, which are economic conditions, human rights abuses, and support for candidates based on ethnicity. While the findings suggest some evidence of ethnic voting among some ethnic groups, a major factor that influenced the choices of most Gambians was human rights abuses by Jammeh’s regime. Gambian voters were split on the question of the economy, but their concern about human rights abuses was a significant predictor of vote choices that resulted in Jammeh losing the election to the opposition. Gambian voters in this election displayed a voting perspective that is consistent with voters in many advanced countries by showing that they too care about issues more than the ethnic identities of the candidates. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2775-2790 Issue: 12 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2106207 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2106207 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:12:p:2775-2790 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2109459_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Tarela Juliet Ike Author-X-Name-First: Tarela Juliet Author-X-Name-Last: Ike Author-Name: Dung Ezekiel Jidong Author-X-Name-First: Dung Ezekiel Author-X-Name-Last: Jidong Author-Name: Mieyebi Lawrence Ike Author-X-Name-First: Mieyebi Lawrence Author-X-Name-Last: Ike Author-Name: Christopher Francis Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Author-X-Name-Last: Francis Author-Name: Evangelyn Ebi Ayobi Author-X-Name-First: Evangelyn Ebi Author-X-Name-Last: Ayobi Title: Reintegration of former Boko Haram members and combatants in Nigeria: an interpretative phenomenological analysis of community members’ experiences of trauma Abstract: Reintegration in conflict settings poses significant challenges. In Nigeria, while much emphasis is placed on deradicalising and rehabilitating former Boko Haram members, including combatants and their families, the community seems to receive minimal priority concerning the traumatic experience they face and its impact on limiting reintegration. This paper makes an original contribution by using an interpretative phenomenological analytical lens to explore community members who are victims with lived experiences of trauma in conflict settings. The study draws on semi-structured interviews with 30 participants recruited from Bornu, Adamawa and Kaduna states. Based on the analysed data, the study found that trauma limits reintegration and fuels scepticism about the genuine reform of the former Boko Haram members and combatants. Trauma was also perceived to transcend the immediate victims and extend to the community. We recommend a trauma-informed cognitive behavioural therapy intervention to create a positive outlook that encourages reintegration and reduces potential recidivism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2811-2829 Issue: 12 Volume: 43 Year: 2022 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2109459 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2109459 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:43:y:2022:i:12:p:2811-2829 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2131519_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Annie Wu Author-X-Name-First: Annie Author-X-Name-Last: Wu Author-Name: Jeffrey Neilson Author-X-Name-First: Jeffrey Author-X-Name-Last: Neilson Author-Name: John Connell Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Connell Title: Remittances and social capital: livelihood strategies of Timorese workers participating in the Australian Seasonal Worker Programme Abstract: Social and financial remittances from the Australian Seasonal Worker Programme (SWP) have transformed the livelihood capabilities of participating households from Timor-Leste. Timorese workers generally participate in SWP for a six-month period, with many returning for subsequent seasons. Qualitative, multi-sited research investigated the livelihood strategies of 50 Timorese worker households over a three-year period. Their net earnings averaged between 4000 and 8000 USD per season, varying with the type of employment, living costs and their ability to save. Remittances assist in strengthening livelihoods by consolidating financial, physical, social, natural and human capital, improving the quality of life for returning workers, their households and communities. Remittances maintain and consolidate social relationships, and enable investments in entrepreneurial activities, education and house building. Migrant workers exhibited a strong preference for developing social capital, with many investments in other livelihood assets underpinned by a desire to strengthen social relationships, reflecting beliefs that this enhances livelihood resilience. While remittances have made greater direct contributions to livelihoods than economic production within Timor-Leste, at least for participating households and their immediate networks, this expenditure on social capital also suggests the broader structural limitations of using remittances in a ‘productive’ way (through capital accumulation) within labour-sending countries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 96-114 Issue: 1 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2131519 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2131519 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:1:p:96-114 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2141217_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Danielle Chubb Author-X-Name-First: Danielle Author-X-Name-Last: Chubb Author-Name: Nazanin Zadeh-Cummings Author-X-Name-First: Nazanin Author-X-Name-Last: Zadeh-Cummings Title: International engagement with North Korea: disability, human rights and humanitarian aid Abstract: This article examines disability rights in North Korea as an area of shared interest between humanitarian workers (who operate inside, with the consent of North Korean authorities) and human rights actors (who work outside, in defiance of the regime). Disability issues represent a notable deviation from the usual separation evident between these actors when it comes to their work on North Korea, insofar as the issue is one that both groups agree represents a critical area for engagement. Drawing from a small but deep pool of expert interviews, this article argues that international practitioners across these approaches recognise evidence of improvements in the area of disabilities inside North Korea and perceive potential for further meaningful change in a country that can be difficult to understand and challenging to achieve progress within. It further argues that the human rights model of disability provides a conceptual framing rooted in the disability studies literature, which allows for a clearer articulation of the shared meanings embedded in the different approaches to disability in North Korea. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 134-151 Issue: 1 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2141217 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2141217 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:1:p:134-151 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2141707_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Lina Benabdallah Author-X-Name-First: Lina Author-X-Name-Last: Benabdallah Author-Name: Daniel Large Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Large Title: ‘The Key to solving all problems’? Unpacking China’s development-as-security approach in Mali Abstract: There is a robust scholarship examining the security–development nexus in international development and international security studies. However, this scholarship has thus far mainly offered perspectives from Western actors and traditional development agencies such as the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). This article makes a theoretical and an empirical contribution to the literature by rethinking the security–development nexus from the perspective of Chinese foreign assistance practices. Theoretically, we submit that the nexus rests on different assumptions when studied from a non-OECD perspective. That is, instead of the increasingly militarised development industry arising from the US-led global War on Terror, security has been understood by China in terms of economic growth and development opportunities. Consequently, we argue that development-as-security better captures Chinese foreign policy approaches to the nexus. Empirically, the article offers an evaluation of the application of China’s development-as-security nexus. It examines this nexus in the context of the ongoing crisis in Mali. Additionally, in light of Xi Jinping’s recently announced Global Security Initiative, this article offers an empirical assessment of the potentials and challenges of China’s development-centred approach to peace. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 211-229 Issue: 1 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2141707 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2141707 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:1:p:211-229 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2128328_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Ana Saggioro Garcia Author-X-Name-First: Ana Author-X-Name-Last: Saggioro Garcia Author-Name: Rodrigo Curty Pereira Author-X-Name-First: Rodrigo Author-X-Name-Last: Curty Pereira Title: Political economy of South–South relations: an analysis of BRICS’ investment protection agreements in Latin America and the Caribbean Abstract: In the late 2000s, the emergence of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) gave rise to expectations of an alternative for the countries of the Global South in relation to the traditional powers. In this paper, we investigate international investment agreements between the BRICS and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). We seek to identify to what extent the BRICS can promote changes in the international investment regime or, on the contrary, reinforce the traditional model of foreign investment protection. To this end, we investigated LAC’s political-economic relations with each BRICS country through document analysis of their models of agreements and secondary data analysis of investment, trade, and credit flows, as well as social and environmental conflicts. We conclude that, although some of the BRICS have promoted important innovations in their investment agreements, the models used by each member with their Latin American counterparts mostly reproduce (except for Brazil) the traditional model. Further, the bloc’s economic relations with LAC have largely reinforced the region’s role as an exporter of raw materials, reproducing asymmetric relations of dependency. Therefore, LAC–BRICS relations, despite representing a geopolitical counterpoint, are limited in contributing to a socially just and sustainable development process. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 57-75 Issue: 1 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2128328 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2128328 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:1:p:57-75 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2121695_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Ali Bakir Author-X-Name-First: Ali Author-X-Name-Last: Bakir Title: Islam and International Relations (IR): why is there no Islamic IR theory? Abstract: International Relations (IR) as an academic discipline is relatively new and almost entirely dominated by Western sources of knowledge. Its biased nature undermines its capacity to understand, explain and predict events in the non-Western part of the world. With the increasing effort to explore non-Western IR and diversify the sources of knowledge of the discipline, Islam has emerged as an essential source of interest, not necessarily as a reflection of the East–West dichotomy or non-Western versus Western discourse, but rather as an approach that has its own rules, concepts and perspectives on IR. In this sense, the article contributes to the increasing discussions on the interaction between Islam and IR. It critically engages with three levels of discourse: first, IR in Islam; second, Islam in contemporary IR; and, third, Islam as an IR theory or as a paradigm. The paper attempts to address the question of why there are no modern Islamic IR theories by exploring reasons related to Muslims as well as to the nature of the current system and Western hegemony. It concludes by introducing an initial model and two paths (traditional and revolutionary) that might help mitigate this situation in the future. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 22-38 Issue: 1 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2121695 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2121695 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:1:p:22-38 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2140652_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Jose Antonio Alonso Author-X-Name-First: Jose Antonio Author-X-Name-Last: Alonso Author-Name: Pavel Vidal Author-X-Name-First: Pavel Author-X-Name-Last: Vidal Title: Why is Cuba’s economic reform progressing so slowly? Abstract: Cuba has moved from a lengthy first stage (1990–2008), in which reforms were considered a necessary but reversible evil, to another in which reforms are seen as necessary and desirable. However, the lack of a comprehensive and timely approach to those processes has severely hampered the outcomes of reforms already underway. The purpose of preserving political control and the inherited institutional framework explains, in turn, why authorities have tried to maintain a logic of rationed economic reforms at the cost of harming their effectiveness. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 115-133 Issue: 1 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2140652 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2140652 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:1:p:115-133 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2121694_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Cora Burnett Author-X-Name-First: Cora Author-X-Name-Last: Burnett Title: Issues of gender in sport leadership: reflections from Sub-Saharan Africa Abstract: Globally, a gender gap in sport leadership exists despite global reforms, leadership and key strategic actions. This paper reports on the leadership dimension of the 2021 follow-up study to the 2014 baseline study on gender leadership and participation in sport within southern Africa. It reports on changes over time in selected sports (athletics, basketball, boxing, football, and judo as recorded in the 2014 study, with the addition of netball in the 2021 research) and within five countries (Lesotho, Malawi, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe). A purposively selected sample group completed an online survey (N = 41), followed by structured interviews conducted with 45 decision makers from relevant government entities and national sport organisations. Findings indicate that Covid-19 had little effect on leadership composition across organisational types. Government entities spearheaded ‘gender reform’ with 47.7% female representation at the executive level. National Olympic Committees had 24.1% women in leadership and national sport federations 27.7% with the latter showing an increase of 6.7% since 2014. Men dominated in sub-committees (62.2%) and emerged as leaders in netball – a sport featuring 98% female participation. Key recommendations address the gender gap in sport leadership from the regional level. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-21 Issue: 1 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2121694 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2121694 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:1:p:1-21 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2141220_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Juhi Sonrexa Author-X-Name-First: Juhi Author-X-Name-Last: Sonrexa Author-Name: Leanne M. Kelly Author-X-Name-First: Leanne M. Author-X-Name-Last: Kelly Author-Name: Greg Barton Author-X-Name-First: Greg Author-X-Name-Last: Barton Author-Name: Anthony Ware Author-X-Name-First: Anthony Author-X-Name-Last: Ware Title: Perspectives on violent extremism from development–humanitarian NGO staff in Southeast Asia Abstract: Violent extremism (VE) significantly affects many contexts within which international development–humanitarian non-governmental organisations (NGOs) operate in Southeast Asia. Recent preventing/countering violent extremism (P/CVE) models highlight the need for community-based preventative activities; however, there has been little research to date examining the understandings of international development–humanitarian NGOs regarding VE in their context, and little attention paid to their views as to how development–humanitarian NGO programming might seek to address VE. This paper explores the meaning and impact of VE as understood by the Myanmar, Indonesia and Philippines country office staff of a large international NGO. Drawing on 40 interviews, the findings illustrate new understandings of VE and the role NGOs can play in shaping and improving counter-extremism strategies. This includes a proposition to broaden the conceptual focus on extremism to include expressions of hatred and intolerance that do not necessarily involve threats, physical violence or links to violent extremist networks. Additionally, the findings point to the importance of relationships between VE and women’s and girls’ position in society, its effect on youth, and the relationship between extremism and any extreme use of force by the state or its promotion of hate towards minority groups. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 170-189 Issue: 1 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2141220 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2141220 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:1:p:170-189 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2122951_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Akin Iwilade Author-X-Name-First: Akin Author-X-Name-Last: Iwilade Title: Manufacturing consent in Africa? Multinationals, NGOs and the (re)invention of resistance in the Niger Delta’s oilscapes Abstract: Does a proliferation of activist or advocacy non-governmental organisations (NGOs) indicate greater power to pressure multinationals to behave responsibly? This paper answers this question by exploring how multinational oil companies deploy corporate social responsibility (CSR) as a tool to shape the nature of resistance to their disruptive impacts on extractive contexts in Africa. It focusses in particular on their role in building NGO networks and uses evidence from the activities of Chevron in Nigeria’s Niger Delta to show how these networks have become new sites through which multinational corporations exercise hegemonic power over the resistance landscape in the region. It concludes that NGO density – in spite of its appearance of facilitating greater participation – has little impact on the power dynamics in extractive contexts, on the logics of extraction and on the medium-term stability of the sector. What it does achieve is the construction of a gentrified ‘resistance and engagement’ landscape that is bureaucratised and middle-class driven, that excludes key actors and that is inevitably sympathetic to the oil industry. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 39-56 Issue: 1 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2122951 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2122951 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:1:p:39-56 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2141218_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Ester Sigillò Author-X-Name-First: Ester Author-X-Name-Last: Sigillò Title: Understanding the transformation of Political Islam beyond party politics: the case of Tunisia Abstract: This article accounts for the hybrid transformations of the Tunisian Islamist movement. While most of the literature affirms the end of Political Islam in Tunisia through evidence of the Ennahda’s compromise with secular forces and the decision to keep politics separate from religion, this contribution offers a new perspective by shifting the unit of analysis from the political party to civil society actors. Findings show that, due to new opportunities and constraints that characterise the transition process, Islamist activists engaged in the associations have embarked on various trajectories that transform their relationship with the political party, and more generally with politics. This article examines three relational logics involving Islamist activists engaged in the associational field and the political party: professional empowerment, party complementarity and political challenge. The three logics trace a hybrid dynamic of reconfiguration of the Tunisian Islamist movement that challenges binary interpretations of transformation based on the dichotomy of radicalisation/moderation or on teleological narratives that foretell the end of political Islam in Tunisia. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 152-169 Issue: 1 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2141218 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2141218 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:1:p:152-169 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2128329_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Pascal Abb Author-X-Name-First: Pascal Author-X-Name-Last: Abb Title: All geopolitics is local: the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor amidst overlapping centre–periphery relations Abstract: Pakistan occupies an elevated role in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and hosts its so-called flagship project, the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Existing literature has often interpreted this project from a geopolitical perspective, as a vehicle through which a rising China projects influence on a peripheral country and advances its own centrality in international affairs. While such motivations certainly played a major role in getting the project off the ground, they are not the sole determinant of its design, or the heated controversies it triggered within Pakistan. This paper seeks to capture both dimensions by analysing the development of CPEC, and the handling of the conflicts it sparked, through a lens of overlapping centre–periphery relations: one between China and Pakistan at the international level, and one between Islamabad and peripheral regions and groups within the country. I argue that this model best captures the pivotal position and resulting agency of national governments in shaping local BRI implementations. It also shows how the BRI is not a straight case of Chinese influence radiating outwards; rather, contestation by local actors in turn forces adaptations in Chinese foreign and security policy. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 76-95 Issue: 1 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2128329 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2128329 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:1:p:76-95 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2141222_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Vandana Author-X-Name-First: Author-X-Name-Last: Vandana Author-Name: Rajesh Bhattacharya Author-X-Name-First: Rajesh Author-X-Name-Last: Bhattacharya Title: Contested food, conflicting policies: health and development in tribal communities in India Abstract: This paper explores the deep connections between experiences of health and changes in the local ecology, farming, and food consumption practices among tribal people in Odisha, a state in India. The role of governmental and market actors in initiating and reinforcing these changes is analysed in a political ecology framework using a relational understanding of ‘place’. It allows us to think of changing health outcomes and perceptions in communities as they simultaneously experience changes in access to forest resources and farming practices, and consequent dietary changes. Our paper suggests that with the creation of new social and power relations and ecological materialities, nutritional insecurities are produced or sustained, even as access to formal healthcare improves. We show how the plethora of development policies often work against each other and accentuate health vulnerabilities, even as they seek to create incomes and ensure food availability. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 190-210 Issue: 1 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2141222 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2141222 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:1:p:190-210 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2144208_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Emrah Atar Author-X-Name-First: Emrah Author-X-Name-Last: Atar Author-Name: Farhad Hossain Author-X-Name-First: Farhad Author-X-Name-Last: Hossain Author-Name: A. K. M. Ahsan Ullah Author-X-Name-First: A. K. M. Ahsan Author-X-Name-Last: Ullah Title: Syrian refugees in Turkey: exploring the role of I/NGOs in refugee crisis Abstract: This article analyses the role that nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and civil society organisations play in managing Syrian refugees’ basic needs and access to public services. This research is based on a qualitative approach. We collected information on the role of the NGOs through interviews (from 42 respondents, with NGOs and civil society organisations, selected on a snowball basis) in Turkey. We found that the NGOs play an important role in substantiating the government’s efforts in providing various kinds of basic services to the refugees. However, these NGOs suffer from insufficient funds and uncertain funding commitments. On top of this, there has been a lack of cooperation between the NGOs. This study touches upon the importance of NGOs in terms of structural and practical difficulties. Cooperation and collaboration among the NGOs have appeared as important issues in dealing with the refugee crisis in Turkey. This research has crucial policy implications for the NGOs and the governments of the destination and origin countries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 231-245 Issue: 2 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2144208 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2144208 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:2:p:231-245 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2142553_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ali Akbar Author-X-Name-First: Ali Author-X-Name-Last: Akbar Title: Iran’s soft power in Venezuela Abstract: This article explores Iran’s soft power strategies in Venezuela in the past two decades. It first reviews the definition of soft power in the literature, followed by Iran’s overall soft power strategy. Then, the article addresses the broader relationship between Iran and Venezuela since 2001. The reasons why the Tehran–Caracas relationship has significantly strengthened during the past two decades will also be analysed in this section. Drawing on a rich array of primary source material in Persian, the main section of the article explores Tehran’s exercise of soft power in Venezuela in four spheres: education, culture, religion/ideology and social services. The article demonstrates that despite certain shortcomings arising from the significant distance and religious and cultural differences between Iran and Venezuela, Tehran has made a significant investment in resources that promote its soft power in Venezuela. This helps Iran to prolong and maximise its influence in a country located in an area that is traditionally considered to be the United States’ backyard. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 246-265 Issue: 2 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2142553 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2142553 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:2:p:246-265 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2147058_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ankushi Mitra Author-X-Name-First: Ankushi Author-X-Name-Last: Mitra Title: Examining the ‘developmentalisation’ of humanitarian response: the politics of migration and development in Tunisia Abstract: Since 2011, political liberalisation in Tunisia has created opportunities for reform in the country’s mobility policy regime. It has also become a small but important player in the international ‘humanitarian–development nexus’, which seeks to ‘better protect and assist refugees and support host countries and communities’. However, this article finds that institutional change in the country’s approach to managing mixed migratory flows has not materialised. This is linked to political incentives, including the regional security environment and the influence of Western foreign policy partners, primarily European states and the European Union. This institutional and political context, I argue, has limited efforts to offer better protections and improve the long-run development outlooks of people on the move. Programming in the humanitarian–development nexus construes the lives and livelihoods of refugees and migrants as a product of technical interventions and individual actions, without an adequate consideration of the political and institutional realignments that are necessary to create a meaningful and sustainable impact on those targeted as beneficiaries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 337-355 Issue: 2 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2147058 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2147058 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:2:p:337-355 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2146578_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ihsan Yilmaz Author-X-Name-First: Ihsan Author-X-Name-Last: Yilmaz Author-Name: Mustafa Demir Author-X-Name-First: Mustafa Author-X-Name-Last: Demir Title: Manufacturing the Ummah: Turkey’s transnational populism and construction of the people globally Abstract: Inspired by the concept of ‘transnational populism’ this paper investigates the efforts of a religious populist regime to narratively construct ‘the transnational people’ and ‘the transnational leader’ in diasporic spaces that Sunni Muslim minorities occupy. The paper aims to show how Turkey’s ruling party is constructing an Islamist civilisational populist narrative fortified with emotions and how it is disseminating it. We show that Turkey’s current regime has expanded its definition of ‘the people’ in domestic politics to include the whole global Sunni Muslim community (the Ummah), presenting itself as the representative, protector and saviour of the Ummah that has been victimised by the Crusader West. It also expanded its definition of diaspora to include non-Turkish Sunni Muslims/Islamic communities who did not originate from Turkey. Then, similar to its propagation of this narrative and emotional rhetoric at home, it has attempted to transnationalise this Islamist civilisational populist narrative and thes emotions to the Sunni Muslim diaspora communities through state and non-state apparatuses. As a novel contribution, this paper builds a bridge between diaspora studies, religion and populism to capture this transnational aspect of populism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 320-336 Issue: 2 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2146578 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2146578 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:2:p:320-336 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2144826_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Andreina Del Carmen Camero de Lima Author-X-Name-First: Andreina Del Carmen Camero de Author-X-Name-Last: Lima Author-Name: Flávia Luciana Naves Mafra Author-X-Name-First: Flávia Luciana Naves Author-X-Name-Last: Mafra Title: Coloniality of power and social control strategies in mining: an analysis of MAM activists’ narratives Abstract: Brazil has experienced the expansion of mining in recent years, guided mainly by the neoextractive model. This exploitation model has been imposed by a hegemonic discourse that considers mining as a need for the development of periphery countries. But cases such as the failure of the dams in Mariana and Brumadinho confirm that this model has brought more negative impacts than benefits and development for the local communities. In this context, many resistance movements have emerged to confront mineral exploitation. At the same time, mining companies have adopted strategies to protect their interests. The study objective is to analyse the strategies of social control adopted by corporations to guarantee their domination in mining territories, based on the narratives of activists from the Movement for Popular Sovereignty in Mining (MAM), interpreted from the perspective of coloniality of power. Results reveal that mining companies are central agents in neoextractivism, reproducing the coloniality of power through social control strategies, reinforcing subalternisation of vulnerable populations and making it more difficult for communities to resist mining. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 300-319 Issue: 2 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2144826 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2144826 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:2:p:300-319 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2144205_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tamas Wells Author-X-Name-First: Tamas Author-X-Name-Last: Wells Title: ‘Bright, shiny, inconsequential’? The rise and fall of innovation labs in the aid sector Abstract: Within the humanitarian and development sectors over the last 15 years, innovation ‘labs’, ‘units’, ‘spaces’ and ‘exchanges’ have become immensely popular. Yet while hundreds of labs have been formed by non-government organisations, United Nations agencies and bilateral and multilateral agencies, many have now been dissolved. Why did leaders in the humanitarian and development sectors so strongly advocate for creation of labs, and then so quickly abandon them? There has been a surprising lack of scholarship, and particularly empirical studies, on the phenomenon of innovation labs in the aid sector. This article draws on the wider public sector innovation lab literature and a case study of the Innovation Space, a lab within a wider aid agency. It argues that the context of bureaucratic culture and political patronage, and innovation as a ‘magic concept’, contributed to both the appeal and vulnerability of the Innovation Space, an initiative that was ultimately dissolved. In dismissing innovation labs in the aid sector as simply ‘bright, shiny, and inconsequential’ experiments, however, scholars and practitioners risk overlooking the deeper ideologies within innovation thinking in the aid sector that the rise and fall of labs reveals. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 266-283 Issue: 2 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2144205 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2144205 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:2:p:266-283 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2147060_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Helen E. Shutt Author-X-Name-First: Helen E. Author-X-Name-Last: Shutt Author-Name: Laura S. Martin Author-X-Name-First: Laura S. Author-X-Name-Last: Martin Author-Name: Marié-Heleen Coetzee Author-X-Name-First: Marié-Heleen Author-X-Name-Last: Coetzee Title: The theatre of development: dramaturgy, actors and performances in the ‘workshop space’ Abstract: This article explores performance within development spaces. Dramaturgy, a concept deriving from theatre studies, can be understood as an analytical lens that examines the various roles and performances of different ‘actors’ in particular social spaces. While there is literature exploring the use of the arts, such as applied theatre and dance, in development interventions, this article looks at the roles, performances and actors in development spaces. By analysing the subtle yet explicit composites of workshop spaces in development, in particular those engaging with arts-based methodologies, we can see how multiple and simultaneous performances converge. These performances are insightful in their own right and represent and enact a theatre of their own. Using a workshop in Sierra Leone as a case study, we explore the various dynamics at play within the ‘workshop space’ of development. We illustrate how these frequently overlooked and subtle elements in development are critical to understanding the perceptions and embodiment of what constitutes and enacts the theatre of development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 377-394 Issue: 2 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2147060 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2147060 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:2:p:377-394 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2147059_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Muhammed Can Author-X-Name-First: Muhammed Author-X-Name-Last: Can Title: Under the leadership of our president: ‘Potemkin AI’ and the Turkish approach to artificial intelligence Abstract: Recently, artificial intelligence (AI) has become a buzzword in scientific research and the majority of countries have increased their AI efforts so as not to miss first mover advantages. Turkey announced its first national AI strategy in 2021, which aims at transforming the Turkish economy. The present article argues that the proposed national AI strategy does not match with realities on the ground. There are two layers that play out as an obstacle. The first is a political layer that consists of authoritarian backsliding, and ensuing institutional decay, economic slowdown and brain drain. The second is the structural layer, which includes technical fundamentals for AI development, namely data, hardware, and talent pool. Drawing on these two layers, the present contribution concludes that Turkey needs a political and structural transformation to meet its short- and long-term targets. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 356-376 Issue: 2 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2147059 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2147059 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:2:p:356-376 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2142552_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Peter Harris Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Harris Title: The Chagos dispute: where right makes might Abstract: Naval Support Facility Diego Garcia is one of the most important US bases in the world, from which the US military can support operations in East Africa, the Persian Gulf, Central Asia, and as far afield as the South China Sea. However, recent events mean that the base on Diego Garcia faces political and legal uncertainty. It is housed inside one of 14 remaining British Overseas Territories, the British Indian Ocean Territory. The vast majority of the international community regards this jurisdiction as an illegal holdover from the colonial era, and recognises Mauritius as the legitimate sovereign authority over Diego Garcia and the rest of the Chagos Islands. In this viewpoint article, I analyse why the United States might consider supporting the decolonisation of the Chagos Archipelago – including the critical island of Diego Garcia – for reasons of strategic self-interest as well as moral integrity. I argue that the Chagos dispute is one of those uncommon instances in world politics where right can make might – where adhering to international rules will redound to the material benefit of all concerned, including, in this case, the would-be decolonisers. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 395-404 Issue: 2 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2142552 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2142552 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:2:p:395-404 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2144206_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Eve Darian-Smith Author-X-Name-First: Eve Author-X-Name-Last: Darian-Smith Title: Deadly global alliance: antidemocracy and anti-environmentalism Abstract: This essay explores the connections between the global rise of antidemocratic governments and the escalation of the human-driven climate emergency. As political leaders and corporations (particularly those in fossil fuel and energy industries) work together in the pursuit of profits and power, anti-environment policies that favour these industries have become politicised and weaponised. We see this occurring in many liberal democracies as well as in more explicit autocratic regimes. Focusing primarily on the United States under former US president Donald Trump, it is argued that the rolling back of environmental policies facilitated by his antidemocratic government connects the political erosion of liberal democracy with the corrosion of the environment. Degradation of the environment in turn accelerates the negative impacts of climate change, disproportionately harming marginalised and racialised communities from lower socio-economic backgrounds. The implications of this deadly alliance between accelerating environmental destruction and the weakening of peoples’ electoral rights and ability to oppose anti-environmental policy in the Global North and Global South are nothing short of catastrophic. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 284-299 Issue: 2 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2144206 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2144206 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:2:p:284-299 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2147820_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Hebe Nicholson Author-X-Name-First: Hebe Author-X-Name-Last: Nicholson Title: A sensitivity to sensitisation: a case study of participatory approaches within government-mandated climate resettlement in Malawi Abstract: Research suggests that extreme weather will increase and impact more and more people. This has led a growing number of governments to consider resettling vulnerable populations. Resettlement is a novel strategy to manage disasters. Due to the infancy of resettlement as a strategy to adapt to environmental change there is debate about the best approach. However, one area of agreement is that resettlement should be voluntary and participatory. Despite an extensive literature on participation and its future, there are still difficulties preventing participation occurring in practice. In-depth interviews about the resettlement decision were held with three flooding-impacted communities and stakeholders in government and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Malawi. The research shows how government and NGOs use sensitisation as a technique to determine the knowledge of those in flooding-vulnerable communities. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the way in which sensitisation can contribute to a participatory approach. Sensitisation is often spoken of as synonymous with education. This research finds that government and NGOs use sensitisation mainly as part of a one-way process of disseminating their perspective to communities, with little or no opportunity for community members to make their voices heard and for resettlement to be participatory. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 442-459 Issue: 3 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2147820 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2147820 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:3:p:442-459 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2150609_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Valeria Lauria Author-X-Name-First: Valeria Author-X-Name-Last: Lauria Title: Chinese financing in Ethiopia’s infrastructure sector: agency distribution within and outside the state Abstract: This article investigates negotiations between Ethiopian actors and Chinese actors in the Ethiopian infrastructure sector. In contrast with predominant narratives reducing the agency of African actors at the state level, it is argued that both Ethiopian state and nonstate actors have been able to pursue their interests before, during, and after the implementation of infrastructure projects. To establish this point, the negotiation strategies of four sets of Ethiopian actors – federal actors, bureaucrats, local business owners and local workers – are analysed. Albeit with differences in the immediate effectiveness of their actions, the article sheds light on how this diversified group of actors shape the outcome of this engagement through different modalities that are defined as non-compliance, cooperation and opposition. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 595-611 Issue: 3 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2150609 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2150609 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:3:p:595-611 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2153664_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Leiza Brumat Author-X-Name-First: Leiza Author-X-Name-Last: Brumat Author-Name: Andrew Geddes Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Geddes Title: Refugee recognition in Brazil under Bolsonaro: the domestic impact of international norms and standards Abstract: Why did the far-right Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, with financial support from Donald Trump’s US government, preside over the group recognition of around 47,000 displaced Venezuelans as refugees? It would appear implausible that a far-right, nationalistic government led by a president who had expressed visceral hostility to migrants and refugees would use the provisions of a progressive regional framework to grant refugee status to thousands of displaced people, aided by a US president whose government was literally caging child refugees. To address this question, we show that recognition of Venezuelans as refugees was grounded in an existing and credible legal and bureaucratic process managed by the Brazilian National Committee for Refugees (CONARE) that also brought to bear the influence and presence of key international actors, particularly the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). An additional crucial factor was Bolsonaro’s anti-communism, which provided a strong ideological and instrumental motivation for his government to engage with the US government of Donald Trump in its efforts to undermine the Maduro regime in Venezuela and led to the seemingly paradoxical situation of a far-right Brazilian government granting refugee status to thousands of displaced people that exceeded responses in other South American countries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 478-495 Issue: 3 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2153664 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2153664 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:3:p:478-495 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2148522_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Eyüp Ersoy Author-X-Name-First: Eyüp Author-X-Name-Last: Ersoy Title: Epistemic hierarchies and asymmetrical dialogues in global IR: increasing the epistemic gravity of the periphery through thematic density Abstract: Scholarly calls in the discipline of international relations (IR) for a more intimate and substantive dialogue between the disciplinary core and the periphery to fashion a truly ‘global’ IR have proliferated. The pivotal question is how to ensure the emergence of a veritable dialogue between the core and the periphery in a truly global discipline. In this article, first, it is contended that the current conditions of epistemic hierarchy and asymmetrical dialogue emanate from the epistemic gravity of the core based on its power of appeal. Second, in order to correct the abiding disciplinary asymmetry, dialogue with the periphery needs to become a matter of necessity for the core instead of a matter of choice. Third, to that end, the augmentation of the epistemic gravity of the periphery and its own power of appeal is required. Fourth, one promising path of increasing the epistemic gravity of the periphery is to foster its thematic density. To illustrate these points, a case study of Turkish IR academia is presented with reference to the global/local distribution of the universities from which IR scholars in Turkey have received their doctoral degrees. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 513-531 Issue: 3 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2148522 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2148522 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:3:p:513-531 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2153666_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Mounir Mahmalat Author-X-Name-First: Mounir Author-X-Name-Last: Mahmalat Author-Name: Sami Atallah Author-X-Name-First: Sami Author-X-Name-Last: Atallah Author-Name: Wassim Maktabi Author-X-Name-First: Wassim Author-X-Name-Last: Maktabi Title: Resource allocation in power-sharing arrangements – evidence from Lebanon Abstract: Power-sharing arrangements allocate not only political power but also economic resources from valuable state functions among powerful elites. Two broad hypotheses emerge from the existing literature regarding how elites allocate such resources: elites either distribute the control over valuable institutions or share the rents they generate. This article investigates which mechanism prevails by focusing on a major source of such resources: public procurement of large infrastructure projects. We analyse an original data set of infrastructure procurement contracts in Lebanon and investigate which politically connected firms receive larger contracts than non-connected firms. We find that firms receive inflated contracts only when they are connected to elites with a ‘seat at the table’ at the board of the implementing agency, rather than the wider set of powerful political elites. We argue that resource distribution depends on elites’ access to important institutional functions, rather than other conceivable mechanisms of resource sharing. By penetrating key positions with loyal personnel, elites serve as brokers in collusive networks, or cartels, that succeed in undermining a process as complex as infrastructure procurement. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 554-573 Issue: 3 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2153666 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2153666 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:3:p:554-573 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2149484_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Rachel Neill Author-X-Name-First: Rachel Author-X-Name-Last: Neill Author-Name: Yusra Ribhi Shawar Author-X-Name-First: Yusra Ribhi Author-X-Name-Last: Shawar Author-Name: Michael Kunnuji Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Kunnuji Author-Name: Malvikha Manoj Author-X-Name-First: Malvikha Author-X-Name-Last: Manoj Author-Name: Jeremy Shiffman Author-X-Name-First: Jeremy Author-X-Name-Last: Shiffman Title: Frames of self-reliance: an analysis of evolving international development discourse Abstract: Self-reliance has been advanced by policy actors as an aspirational objective by and for low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) with evolution in framing over time. Most recently, it has been advanced by the US Agency for International Development (USAID) in an organisational strategy titled the Journey to Self-Reliance (J2SR). This paper identifies why self-reliance has evolved over time, how actors have supported its use, and implications for development practice. We identify self-reliance frames using peer-reviewed and grey literature and key informant interviews. Thematic analysis using framing theories was conducted. Self-reliance originates from a historical legacy of postcolonial scholarship, but it has been transformed from an emancipatory paradigm to a strategy championed by international donors. Three frames were identified: (1) the emancipatory frame, led by LMIC actors; (2) the reformist frame, led by donor agencies; and (3) the J2SR frame, led by USAID. We argue that while the J2SR frame is the most visible in today’s discourse, the emancipatory frame continues to influence policy and rhetoric. This phenomenon reflects the importance of strategic ambiguity and the ability of the frame sponsor to exert power through ideas. It also represents the limits of donor agencies in instrumentalising frames to meet their institutional interests. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 532-553 Issue: 3 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2149484 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2149484 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:3:p:532-553 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2147061_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Düzgün Arslantaş Author-X-Name-First: Düzgün Author-X-Name-Last: Arslantaş Author-Name: André Kaiser Author-X-Name-First: André Author-X-Name-Last: Kaiser Title: The ‘competitive authoritarian’ turn in Turkey: bandwagoning versus reality Abstract: Turkey’s fast-paced democratic backsliding has attracted unprecedented scholarly interest from observers both inside and outside the country. Among various labels proposed to define Turkey’s new regime type, ‘competitive authoritarianism’ (CA) has by far outdistanced its rivals. As plenty of time has passed since its coinage, it is timely to commence a scholarly discussion on the appropriateness of the term. Our analysis reveals that the CA argument comes with three major shortcomings when applied to the case of Turkey. First, although its proponents discuss the concept adequately and seem to find abundant evidence to convince most of their audience, they undertake little, if any, theoretical discussion to show why CA is more plausible than its alternatives. Second, although the party system is generally regarded as the main indicator of a certain regime type, the link between the two remains un(der)-explored. Third, the mechanism leading to the transition to CA is not fully identified. We conclude that experts have jumped on the CA bandwagon, dubbing Turkey’s authoritarian regime competitive authoritarian without sufficient conceptual sophistication; this has proved deleterious rather than beneficial to the relevant literature. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 496-512 Issue: 3 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2147061 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2147061 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:3:p:496-512 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2153663_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Aminu Mamman Author-X-Name-First: Aminu Author-X-Name-Last: Mamman Author-Name: Motolani Agbebi Author-X-Name-First: Motolani Author-X-Name-Last: Agbebi Author-Name: Mohamed Branine Author-X-Name-First: Mohamed Author-X-Name-Last: Branine Title: It will take a global village to find cures for global pandemics: the Ubuntu perspective Abstract: This paper discusses the challenges involved in developing solidarity during pandemics. We draw from the field of economics, social psychology, political psychology and organisational theory to understand and explain how decision-makers and actors think and behave during pandemics. We argue that the rational action theory (RAT) and identity politics are the ‘rationalities’ that underpin global efforts used to establish solidarity. We see these mindsets as obstacles to addressing pandemics, which show no respect for geographical or genealogical borders. As an alternative, we explore how African philosophy of Ubuntu can offer another rationality in developing solidarity during pandemics. We propose an analytical tool to assess how nation-states might react when called to display solidarity during pandemics and how the international community can bring them on board. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 423-441 Issue: 3 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2153663 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2153663 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:3:p:423-441 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2153031_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ossi I. Ollinaho Author-X-Name-First: Ossi I. Author-X-Name-Last: Ollinaho Author-Name: Marcos A. Pedlowski Author-X-Name-First: Marcos A. Author-X-Name-Last: Pedlowski Author-Name: Markus Kröger Author-X-Name-First: Markus Author-X-Name-Last: Kröger Title: Toxic turn in Brazilian agriculture? The political economy of pesticide legalisation in post-2016 Brazil Abstract: Pesticides are becoming a key topic in critical academic research; they entail substantial negative global impacts on human health and other-than-humans’ existences. Even though decades of agroecological research and practice have demonstrated that no pesticides are needed to produce enough food, pesticides are still most typically taken for granted as an indispensable part of food production. In this article, we analyse events and policies through which Brazilian agriculture has become a global hotspot for pesticide consumption in the global agrarian capitalism. We provide an overview of the pesticide legalisation in Brazilian agriculture and discuss the ramifications of recent changes for pesticide-free agriculture. The post-2016 legalisation of pesticides has taken place concomitantly with a quick dismantling of the structures supporting agroecology and protecting the environment. The toxic turn of the Brazilian agriculture is seen in part as a reactionary response to the momentum of agroecology, which removes pesticides from agriculture, that had gained strength under the first Workers’ Party regime between 2003 and 2016. A pivotal policy goal for the new Lula government should be an agroecological transformation, which can be justified by politicising pesticide use as a major, multidimensional problem of the ‘agribusiness economy’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 612-630 Issue: 3 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2153031 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2153031 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:3:p:612-630 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2153662_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Susan P. Murphy Author-X-Name-First: Susan P. Author-X-Name-Last: Murphy Title: Hard borders and soft agreements: evaluating governance within the Global Compact for Migration Abstract: Welcomed as a milestone in the governance of transnational migration, the adoption of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration marked a significant step forward in international cooperation on migration governance. Through a critical evaluation of its normative and structural features, this paper evaluates the strengths, weaknesses, tensions and contradictions within the compact. It finds that the compact is marked by innovative and ambitious objectives and gives recognition to the diversity and complexity of migration practices. However, its amplification of state sovereignty, its perpetuation of classical liberal statist ideals, and its ambiguity concerning the social-structural and institutional conditions necessary to protect migrants’ rights and interests risk undermining its implementation and effectiveness. The paper argues that this framework is best understood as a progressive neoliberal model that relies on the virtue of states over legal and justice-based institutional mechanisms for its authority and implementation. This model risks reinforcing status quo power relations and is insufficient to achieve its stated objectives. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 460-477 Issue: 3 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2153662 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2153662 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:3:p:460-477 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2150161_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Altea Pericoli Author-X-Name-First: Altea Author-X-Name-Last: Pericoli Title: The use of zakat in the pandemic response: the case of Islamic Relief and BAZNAS in Indonesia Abstract: This article compares two Islamic organisations, a non-governmental and a national one, in their methods of collecting and distributing zakat, and analyses how they addressed the COVID-19 crisis with these funds in the period 2020–2021. The study examines Islamic Relief as a Muslim non-governmental organisation involved in humanitarian response, and the National Board of the Zakat Republic of Indonesia (BAZNAS) as a centralised national institution. Both of them are working to improve zakat management, due to the awareness of its untapped potential, but the measure of impacts and allocation of resources diverge in strategies and efforts. Considering their different structures, a comparison based on parallel analysis of collecting methods, distributing channels and programmes financed shows the limits, potentials and best practices of these two institutions committed to zakat management and its improvement. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 405-422 Issue: 3 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2150161 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2150161 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:3:p:405-422 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2153030_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ruth Smith Author-X-Name-First: Ruth Author-X-Name-Last: Smith Author-Name: Anna Mdee Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Mdee Author-Name: Susannah M. Sallu Author-X-Name-First: Susannah M. Author-X-Name-Last: Sallu Author-Name: Stephen Whitfield Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Whitfield Title: Neoliberal ideologies and philanthrocapitalist agendas: what does a ‘smart economics’ discourse empower? Abstract: Emerging as this era’s most prominent philanthropist organisation, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation (BMGF) wield unparalleled influence over global development agendas. Their philanthrocapitalist approach seeks to apply ‘market logic’ promoting neoliberal economic policies to development challenges – from global health to agricultural development, and, more recently, to gender equality and women’s empowerment. We apply Kashwan, MacLean, and García-López’s (2019) ‘Power in Institutions’ framework to the analysis of BMGF’s organisational documents around gender and triangulate findings through key-informant interviews to explore the multiple dimensions of power that the BMGF exert over mainstream approaches to gender. Overt power is exercised through direct control over the types of gender projects funded and the mainstream monitoring techniques used to track progress in line with the BMGF’s impact-orientated approach. Agenda power is exhibited through their ‘smart economics’ discourse rationalising investments in women that set global development agendas around increased yields, productivity and market integration. Discursive/ideational power is evident through shaping narratives around vulnerability – discursively defining global challenges, how they should be addressed, and by whom. Our findings thus contribute to a growing critique against the current neoliberal development landscape where philanthrocapitalists like the BMGF solidify their hegemony through wielding their immense power to push capitalist development agendas. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 574-594 Issue: 3 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2153030 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2153030 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:3:p:574-594 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2207881_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Correction Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: I-I Issue: 3 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2207881 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2207881 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:3:p:I-I Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2159367_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Amy Schoenecker Author-X-Name-First: Amy Author-X-Name-Last: Schoenecker Title: Citizenship and urban belonging in Mumbai: understanding the impact of informal institutions on street vending Abstract: Street vendors are often targeted for removal from city streets and sidewalks in the name of beautification, sanitation or (re)development. These removals are commonly described as conflicts over the use of urban public space. However, focusing on conflicts over the use of public space provides an incomplete picture. In addition to contention over the use of space, street vending also involves debates over the users of public space. Through the lens of street vending in Mumbai, this research shows that conflicts over vending are often tied to who is vending, reflecting a local political atmosphere concerned with preventing ‘outsiders’ from working (and living) in the city. However, vendors are not helpless, and try to capitalise on informal institutions, specifically hafta, and intermediaries, to make claims regarding their urban belonging status. While informal institutions may mediate questions of urban citizenship and belonging, they provide only limited opportunities, leaving vendors often with a de facto rather than de jure vending, and urban belonging, status. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 649-666 Issue: 4 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2159367 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2159367 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:4:p:649-666 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2140037_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Mridusmita Dutta Author-X-Name-First: Mridusmita Author-X-Name-Last: Dutta Author-Name: Amiya Kumar Das Author-X-Name-First: Amiya Kumar Author-X-Name-Last: Das Title: ‘When orange becomes sweeter’: understanding climate variability, situated knowledge and development in an Eastern Himalayan region of India Abstract: In contemporary times, climate variability has spurred interdisciplinary efforts to gauge the impacts of climate change. Drawing from field-based research in Arunachal Pradesh, India, this paper explores what constitutes ‘climate knowledge’ when bio-physical environmental changes are perceived differently among community members. To associate bio-physical realities with socio-cultural knowledge and practice, it is necessary to shift the frame of reference. This enables an interdisciplinary study of climate change that is more productive for both natural sciences and interpretative social sciences. We also discuss the hybrid nature of climate’s ontological and material relations emerging from colonialism, capitalism, and development, which further shape the relationship between community and environment. Finally, the article discusses the loss of Indigenous communities’ cosmological world-making practices in the context of weakening traditional livelihood practices and social cohesion. The paper suggests that climate change needs to be considered not only as a loss of biodiversity but also as a loss of culture when it comes to interpreting the environment. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 631-648 Issue: 4 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2140037 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2140037 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:4:p:631-648 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2158080_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Digdem Soyaltin-Colella Author-X-Name-First: Digdem Author-X-Name-Last: Soyaltin-Colella Author-Name: Tolga Demiryol Author-X-Name-First: Tolga Author-X-Name-Last: Demiryol Title: Unusual middle power activism and regime survival: Turkey’s drone warfare and its regime-boosting effects Abstract: The emerging middle powers in the Global South increasingly seek to produce domestic defence technologies. Drones in particular have become an important feature of middle power activism. The existing literature heavily focuses on the outcomes of the diffusion of drone technologies for regional and global politics. Yet not much has been written on the domestic impact of home-grown military technologies in middle powers. Therefore, we ask how the manufacture, export and use of drones promote regime survival, focusing on the case of Turkey. Turkey is a critical case because of its demonstrated middle power status and heavy investment in the development of armed drone platforms. Turkey’s drone programme and warfare have considerably raised the international profile of the country’s burgeoning defence sector. Yet we argue that the use of military tech also has boosting effects on domestic regime survival. This happens in three ways: promoting techno-nationalism and pride, strengthening border security and shaping regional order, and contesting global dynamics on the basis of national interests, security and self-sufficiency. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 724-743 Issue: 4 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2158080 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2158080 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:4:p:724-743 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2158079_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Amare K. Aweke Author-X-Name-First: Amare K. Author-X-Name-Last: Aweke Author-Name: Mohammed Seid Author-X-Name-First: Mohammed Author-X-Name-Last: Seid Title: The Ethiopia–Eritrea rapprochement: highly personalised and less-institutionalised initiative Abstract: Once a unified state, Ethiopia and Eritrea experienced a catastrophic war. Although deep-rooted economic and political conditions were at work in the background, issues of an improperly demarcated border triggered the 1998–2000 war. During the outbreak both Ethiopia and Eritrea were already emerging from another war. As a result, tens of thousands died, and millions were displaced. The intervention of the international community averted the war. The Organization of African Unity arbitrated the matter, supported by the United Nations, the European Union and the United States. However, disagreement over the implementation of the technical arrangements of the arbitration obstructed the full-scale implementation of the arbitration – leading to a period of ‘no peace, no war’. Both maintained an adamant position, and resuming relations appears impossible unless a change of government takes place. Fortunately, a wave of civil resistance rocked Ethiopia from 2015 to 2018, resulting in national reform in mid-February 2018. This opened the initiative for the resumption of relations. This paper discusses the conditions contributing to the renewal of the Ethiopian–Eritrean ties and the steps taken by both to revise their foreign policy directions that had them in a deadlock for decades. It also identifies risk factors bottlenecking the full-scale normalisation of the rapprochement. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 762-775 Issue: 4 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2158079 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2158079 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:4:p:762-775 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2158078_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sandra M. Rios Oyola Author-X-Name-First: Sandra M. Author-X-Name-Last: Rios Oyola Author-Name: Carolina Hormaza Author-X-Name-First: Carolina Author-X-Name-Last: Hormaza Title: The role of civil servants in the dignification of victims in Meta, Colombia Abstract: Dignification of victims is understood as the process of restoring their dignity, which is their full and equal status as human beings with autonomy and material, social and natural conditions for a good or dignified life. We discuss how civil servants’ understanding of a dignified victim affects how they implement material reparations. In turn, we explore how the implementation of material reparation affects the dignification of victims, according to victims. Using a life-story approach, we conducted 13 semi-structured interviews with civil servants and victims’ leaders. This sample allowed us to analyse a cumulation of over 20 years of dedicated work with victims in the region. We identified four themes that civil servants consider necessary for a process of victim dignification: participation, empowerment, de-stigmatisation and dignified listening. We explain how these themes can have the non-intended consequence of ignoring or denying some important elements for the recognition of victims’ dignity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 795-813 Issue: 4 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2158078 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2158078 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:4:p:795-813 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2144210_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Viswajanani J. Sattigeri Author-X-Name-First: Viswajanani J. Author-X-Name-Last: Sattigeri Author-Name: Vijayalakshmi Asthana Author-X-Name-First: Vijayalakshmi Author-X-Name-Last: Asthana Title: Response to Martin Fredriksson, ‘Balancing community rights and national interests in international protection of traditional knowledge: a study of India’s Traditional Knowledge Digital Library’ Abstract: Martin Fredriksson’s article focuses on India’s Traditional Knowledge Digital Library (TKDL) towards the protection of traditional knowledge (TK). Fredriksson has also connected the genesis and context of TKDL to various irrelevant aspects that include religion and politics. Fredriksson’s narration and inferences on TKDL are also drawn from a selection of referenced literature, with some of the cited text being subjective in nature. We object to certain contentious statements and inferences about TKDL and India made therein. We welcome the invitation from Third World Quarterly to provide our response to the article. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 833-837 Issue: 4 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2144210 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2144210 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:4:p:833-837 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2154204_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Leolino Dourado Author-X-Name-First: Leolino Author-X-Name-Last: Dourado Title: China-backed infrastructure in the Global South: lessons from the case of the Brazil–Peru Transcontinental Railway project Abstract: In the past decade, infrastructure has become a key area of cooperation between China and the Global South. Among the cooperation initiatives, numerous cases have experienced shortcomings or have failed. Notwithstanding some efforts, the reasons why still need to be better understood. To contribute to further illuminating this issue, the present study examines approximately 2000 pages of previously undisclosed documents of one of the most ambitious projects China has been involved in, namely the Brazil–Peru Transcontinental Railway project. The main events of this case are reconstructed to explain why the Brazil–China–Peru cooperation failed to achieve its objective of producing a basic feasibility study acceptable to these three countries. It finds that the main causes were: (1) the clash between Chinese and Brazilian interests; (2) the use of poor quality standards for the development of the basic feasibility study; and (3) the Peruvian abandonment of the initiative. Therefore, this case study draws attention to the importance of accounting for and trying to conciliate all partners’ interests; it also suggests that relevant Chinese actors may need to improve their planning and feasibility studies quality standards; and, finally, it highlights the consequential role of institutional and technical capacity in host countries. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 814-832 Issue: 4 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2154204 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2154204 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:4:p:814-832 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2153665_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Raúl Zepeda Gil Author-X-Name-First: Raúl Author-X-Name-Last: Zepeda Gil Title: Conceptualising criminal wars in Latin America Abstract: Violence rising in Latin America since the early 1990s has puzzled media, policymakers and academia. Characterising high scales of violence in non-political confrontations has been one of the main challenges. The main argument of this essay is that the hybrid criminal nature of violence in Latin America by non-state organisations has pushed the discussion to several misinterpretations and conceptual stretching that produces fog rather than clarity. Instead, this essay proposes a concept of criminal war that can capture the complex nature of violence in Latin America by drawing convergences and divergences from diverse fields of literature and confronting usual mischaracterisations in current Latin American research. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 776-794 Issue: 4 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2153665 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2153665 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:4:p:776-794 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2159801_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Martin Beck Author-X-Name-First: Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Beck Title: Making sense of Lebanon’s approach to the (non-)securitisation of Syrian refugees: a political economic perspective Abstract: Lebanon hosts an extraordinarily high number of refugees, and according to a widespread conviction nourished by Lebanon’s political class, they constitute a burden to the country. Thus, an explanation is needed for the fact that – contrary to many European political economies – on the domestic level, neither the central government nor organised social actors have made major attempts to securitise the refugees. Securitisation, ie the presentation of an issue as an existential threat through speech acts in order to legitimise the application of extraordinary measures, did take place, but the primary target audience was international actors. Lebanese authorities took extraordinary measures against Syrian refugees, and societal discrimination against them does exist, but both phenomena are not primarily the outcome of securitising speech acts. This paper proposes an explanation for Lebanon’s particular response to the immigration of Syrian refugees, thereby questioning that this constitutes a burden to Lebanon while highlighting that, by dramatising the ‘refugee crisis’, the Lebanese government aimed at receiving political rents. The main reason why no major political party or social movement put Syrian immigration high on the agenda is that, apart from the political class, assertive social segments of Lebanon’s society also gained from the presence of refugees. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 705-723 Issue: 4 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2159801 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2159801 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:4:p:705-723 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2158805_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tamer Qarmout Author-X-Name-First: Tamer Author-X-Name-Last: Qarmout Title: What is behind the Palestinian split and what makes it difficult to end? A historical institutional analysis from a settler colonial lens Abstract: The persistence of the Palestinian split is often blamed on a lack of political will and the prioritisation of personal over national interests. However, political actors do not make decisions in a vacuum; their choices are shaped and constrained by the institutions to which they belong. Guided by relevant conceptual frameworks, I employ qualitative in-depth interviews to examine different perspectives on the root causes of the split and why it persists. The analysis indicates, first, that Fatah and Hamas operate in a context where Israel, as the setter colonial state, has a strong interest in maintaining the status quo, and where dependence on foreign aid means that donors significantly impact domestic politics and public policy. This institutional context imposes oppressive constraints to reconciliation on both Fatah and Hamas. Second, analysing Fatah and Hamas from an institutionalist perspective offers a nuanced understanding of the split by focusing on the intermediate level, located between the individual and structural levels. Future attempts at reconciliation between the Fatah-controlled West Bank and the Hamas-controlled Gaza Strip will require understanding this reality and embracing new approaches that create the necessary conditions for reconciliation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 686-704 Issue: 4 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2158805 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2158805 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:4:p:686-704 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2154647_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Michael Merlingen Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Merlingen Title: Coloniality and the Global North war against disinformation: the case of the European Union Abstract: Recent years have seen a growing contestation of the liberal international information order and an increasingly aggressive pushback by Global North governments. The pushback has been accompanied by burgeoning research on the contentious politics of international political communication. Reviewing this research, I find and critique that it fails to embed the Global North’s war against disinformation in the global matrix of the coloniality of knowledge. I elaborate Mignolo’s conceptual couplet dewesternisation/rewesternisation in relation to political epistemology to develop the claim that braided into the Global North’s counter-disinformation campaigns are discursive practices that entrench international epistemic privilege anchored to the global geopolitical hierarchy of knowledges. To substantiate my argument, I zoom in on the European Union’s counter-disinformation campaign against Russia. I end by reflecting on the broader take-away of my paper for decolonial thought and practice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 744-761 Issue: 4 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2154647 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2154647 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:4:p:744-761 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2099824_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jaffer Latief Najar Author-X-Name-First: Jaffer Latief Author-X-Name-Last: Najar Title: Brahmanical patriarchy and the politics of anti-trafficking and prostitution governance: from colonial to contemporary India Abstract: Brahmanical patriarchy alongside the close relation of prostitution with human trafficking continues to mould contemporary anti-trafficking and prostitution governance policies in India. This study examines such relationships and breaks down how brahmanical patriarchy as a caste-driven hierarchy between the genders has shaped the historical and contemporary governance of human trafficking and sexual commerce, its political economy and its consequences for marginalised groups. It underlines how, originating in the colonial period, the components of brahmanical patriarchy advanced the marginalisation of women in sexual commerce by influencing anti-trafficking governance. In addition, it has produced the marginalisation of other communities such as religious minorities and immigrants, in contemporary times. This study suggests that it is the intersection of (colonial and/or current) political-economic interests and socio-cultural hierarchies and controls such as brahmanical patriarchy (as in this case of India) that moulds anti-trafficking and prostitution governance measures, continuing the marginalisation of subalterns such as sex workers, migrants and minorities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 667-685 Issue: 4 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2099824 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2099824 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:4:p:667-685 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2167705_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Kjetil Selvik Author-X-Name-First: Kjetil Author-X-Name-Last: Selvik Author-Name: Tamar Groves Author-X-Name-First: Tamar Author-X-Name-Last: Groves Title: ‘The generation that will inherit Syria’: education as citizen aid and political opportunity Abstract: Grassroots initiatives to provide education were an integral part of efforts to stem the humanitarian disaster unleashed by the armed conflict in Syria. This article studies activists who organised informal schooling for children amid the devastating war. Building on life story interviews, we highlight the versatility of initiatives in the field of education for citizens who simultaneously engage in humanitarian action and mobilise for political change. There is a natural concern to detach humanitarian work from politics in order to gain and maintain a space for action. This has distanced the study of humanitarian aid from social movements research, which focuses on long-term struggles over power and political structures. We maintain, however, that the social movement literature generally, and studies on structural and cognitive political opportunity specifically, can help refine our understanding of the illusive nature of citizen aid. Our findings indicate that Syrians involved in humanitarian educational activities constructed their own structure of opportunities by monitoring shifting political and humanitarian conditions. Opening schools was a technical and pragmatic solution to the educational disaster caused by war. At the same time, it was motivated by a long-lasting desire to free Syria from its political plight and to offer an alternative. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 930-945 Issue: 5 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2167705 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2167705 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:5:p:930-945 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2175656_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Óscar E. Valencia Author-X-Name-First: Óscar E. Author-X-Name-Last: Valencia Author-Name: Christopher Courtheyn Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Author-X-Name-Last: Courtheyn Title: Peace through coca? Decolonial peacebuilding ecologies and rural development in the Territory of Conviviality and Peace of Lerma, Colombia Abstract: While illicit crops like the coca leaf can be vehicles of conflict and income for armed groups across the Global South, this article reveals that coca has alternative uses based on its nutritional and cultural value. Drawing on the experience of the Territory of Conviviality and Peace of Lerma in Colombia, the country’s first community to receive state authorisation to experiment with coca for non-alkaloid purposes, we ponder whether coca can be a catalyst for peace. Lerma has been a large coca producer for decades, which enveloped it in relations of subordination and exploitation tied to illicit economies and armed conflict. Based on qualitative research over a six-year period, we analyse Lerma’s project to overcome capitalist logics driving peasant dispossession through Colombian history and intra-community violence by diverging from production for the drug economy in favour of agroecological coca. In conjunction with other community-based programmes, Lerma’s production of organic coca as part of its food sovereignty project suggests a process of decolonial peace at work, whereby the community breaks from oppressions tied to the rule of armed groups and capitalist markets. This reveals the ecological dimensions of peace, which requires community organising and sustainable relations between humans and land. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1077-1097 Issue: 5 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2175656 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2175656 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:5:p:1077-1097 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2174848_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Gloria Novovic Author-X-Name-First: Gloria Author-X-Name-Last: Novovic Title: Gender mainstreaming 2.0: emergent gender equality agendas under Sustainable Development Goals Abstract: Global governance frameworks have been largely ineffective at advancing gender equality through development cooperation. Gender mainstreaming, understood as a dual strategy comprising initiatives directly targeting gender equality objectives and integrating gender equality agendas across all other areas of policy and practice, remains limited. Based on insight from over 180 development specialists across the multilateral and national contexts of Kenya, Rwanda, and Uganda, this article situates the unachieved agenda of gender mainstreaming in the broader legitimacy crisis of global development. Traditional gender mainstreaming approaches are critiqued as insufficiently oriented towards the broader paradigm shift of global development that gender equality agendas require. Gender equality advocates are, therefore, increasingly leveraging the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (Agenda 2030) as a tool for their broader sector contestation. Through new policy arenas for nationally led development planning and coordination, Agenda 2030 enables cross-sectoral and multi-stakeholder exchange in which gender equality advocates engage as more legitimised actors navigating and strategically challenging traditional paradigms of global development. Dubbed gender mainstreaming 2.0, this emergent strategy is embedded in and contributes to new paradigms of global cooperation that valorise local gender expertise and national ownership. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1058-1076 Issue: 5 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2174848 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2174848 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:5:p:1058-1076 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2081399_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Correction Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1098-1099 Issue: 5 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2081399 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2081399 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:5:p:1098-1099 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2174510_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Alexander Jung Author-X-Name-First: Alexander Author-X-Name-Last: Jung Author-Name: Ezgi Irgil Author-X-Name-First: Ezgi Author-X-Name-Last: Irgil Author-Name: Isabell Schierenbeck Author-X-Name-First: Isabell Author-X-Name-Last: Schierenbeck Author-Name: Andrea Spehar Author-X-Name-First: Andrea Author-X-Name-Last: Spehar Title: Navigating through depoliticisation: international stakeholders and refugee reception in Jordan and Turkey Abstract: The reception of Syrian refugees has dominated negotiations between neighbouring host states, such as Jordan and Turkey, and donors in the Global North. Despite the growing literature on external funding, how international stakeholders navigate the domestic context is understudied. This article employs the lens of depoliticisation and analyses tools employed by international stakeholders manoeuvring domestic contexts in centralised states. We argue that international stakeholders adopt a depoliticised approach that portrays them and the actors they work with as service providers while working with national governments that engage in rent-seeking. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with donors and international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) as international stakeholders in Jordan and Turkey, the contribution of the article is two-fold. First, although the ‘local’ is ever present in policy and research discussions, research and policy often conflate regional organisations, national governments and municipalities. We therefore further disentangle the power relations between the various actors categorised as ‘local’. Second, we offer a conceptual understanding of how international stakeholders navigate the dynamics of local power relations and the domestic politics in centralised states with rent-seeking behaviours. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1021-1038 Issue: 5 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2174510 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2174510 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:5:p:1021-1038 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2159802_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Maritza Paredes Author-X-Name-First: Maritza Author-X-Name-Last: Paredes Title: The weak institutionalisation of prior consultation in Peru: ambivalent cooperation between indigenous organisations and state activists Abstract: This paper explains how a comparatively weak Indigenous movement succeeded in establishing a precedent of Indigenous prior consultation reform in a national context adverse to Indigenous rights. The in-depth study of Peru shows that alliances between civil society actors and people inside certain state institutions who supported Indigenous claims can explain this outcome. The paper focuses on the collaboration of many human rights lawyers who became part of the Peruvian state. Still, the analysis also shows the limits and challenges of these alliances, particularly in the regulation phase. The paper shows that progressive state activists without strong ties to social movements, and the barriers they face inside institutional settings, can also contribute to the reproduction of weak institutions, particularly during the regulation phase of approved norms. The paper is based on long-term qualitative research in Peru. Data is culled from various source documents and semi-structured interviews with key actors, bureaucrats, Indigenous leaders and human rights professionals. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 839-855 Issue: 5 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2159802 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2159802 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:5:p:839-855 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2167706_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ifesinachi Marybenedette Okafor-Yarwood Author-X-Name-First: Ifesinachi Marybenedette Author-X-Name-Last: Okafor-Yarwood Author-Name: Freedom C. Onuoha Author-X-Name-First: Freedom C. Author-X-Name-Last: Onuoha Title: Whose security is it? Elitism and the global approach to maritime security in Africa Abstract: Africa’s marine environment and resources that lie beneath it are central to the continent’s sustainable development and actualising the ambitions set out by the African Union in its Agenda 2063, where the oceans are described as the frontier of Africa’s development. The continent’s maritime domain and resources are also attractive to foreign partners relying on its oceans to enhance their economic development and geostrategic interests. Serving the interests of all parties, especially the 38 coastal states and the Small Island Developing States (SIDS) and land-linked countries on the continent that benefit from the maritime sector, comes with challenges, some of which manifest as threats to the sustainable resource extraction and safety of those that use the maritime domain. We explored the literature, policy documents and maritime security reports database, together with our experiences as African maritime governance and security experts, to critically examine maritime security in Africa and unravel how extra-regional actors have securitised maritime threats. We show how the selective framing of what constitutes threats and associated resourcing of responses to counter them, often dictated by foreign interests, is an elite project that undermines a holistic notion of maritime security that would benefit the African people. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 946-966 Issue: 5 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2167706 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2167706 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:5:p:946-966 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2161358_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: İnci Aksu Kargın Author-X-Name-First: İnci Author-X-Name-Last: Aksu Kargın Author-Name: Ibrahim Sirkeci Author-X-Name-First: Ibrahim Author-X-Name-Last: Sirkeci Title: Understanding Syrian refugees in Turkey from an environment of insecurity and the conflict model of migration perspective Abstract: Human mobility has been a topic of interest for migration scholars. Despite a growing literature, we are still far from clarity and consensus on motivations and mechanisms of migration. In this paper, we discuss the case of Syrian refugees in Turkey from a perspective of insecurities as proposed by one of the novel approaches to contemporary human mobility. This approach offers a better understanding of Syrian exodus and their experiences with strong references to the links between structural and agency level drivers. The model accounts for key drivers and root causes of migration while also highlighting the role of perception and the moderators in an attempt to cover both mobility and immobility. In this study, we apply this model in an attempt to understand the experiences of Syrian refugees settled in Gaziantep, a city in southern Turkey bordering Syria and with a majority Syrian population. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 856-871 Issue: 5 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2161358 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2161358 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:5:p:856-871 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2162380_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Choo Chin Low Author-X-Name-First: Choo Chin Author-X-Name-Last: Low Title: Migtech, fintech and fair migration in Malaysia: addressing the protection gap between migrant rights and labour policies Abstract: This paper suggests that digitalisation fills the protection gap between labour policies and practices on migrant rights. Digital technologies have shaped how the Malaysian state views its migrant protection policy. Malaysia has tapped into the potential of migration technology (migtech) and financial technology (fintech) to address various challenges faced in its labour migration governance. Malaysia, a migrant-receiving country in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), has improved its migrant protection policy by digitalising migration management governance, wage payments, and financial services for migrant workers. This paper thus contributes to ongoing debates on fair migration by looking at how technology interventions could bridge the long-standing protection gap resulting from states’ institutional limitations, defective migration systems, unethical recruitment by intermediaries, and implementation gaps (i.e. discrepancies between labour legislation and implementation by state and non-state actors). Digitalisation addresses migrant protection gaps through preventing unethical recruitment, offsetting barriers to regular migration, monitoring labour law infringements, and ensuring employer compliance with immigration and labour laws. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 872-891 Issue: 5 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2162380 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2162380 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:5:p:872-891 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2163232_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ömer Aslan Author-X-Name-First: Ömer Author-X-Name-Last: Aslan Author-Name: Mehmet Özkan Author-X-Name-First: Mehmet Author-X-Name-Last: Özkan Title: When do civilians resist military coup attempts? Abstract: When do ordinary civilians mobilise to resist military coup attempts? Existing literature based largely on single case studies puts forward three variables: political culture, popular support for the government, and material (economic) dependency between the government and its supporters. Finding these explanations insufficient, we first utilise existing military coup data sets and identify the universe of cases of civilian resistance (19) to military coups. Taking our next cue from social movement and mobilisation studies, we focus on mobilisation networks and leadership as possible causal conditions. We also follow the approach of searching for the causes-of-effects, working backward from the outcome of interest (civilian resistance) to look for additional causal conditions. A comparative analysis of eight positive (civilian resistance) cases shows that collective yearning for change, transformative leadership, resistance by the leadership and robust mobilisation power in the state capital and largest cities may together carry more explanatory power. Validation of evidence provided by six negative (no civilian resistance) cases indicates that while a collective desire for change and transformative leadership may set the stage for resistance, it is ‘mobilisation power’ and ‘leadership resistance’ that exert more impact on the causal process of emergence of civilian resistance to military coups d’état. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 892-910 Issue: 5 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2163232 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2163232 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:5:p:892-910 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2174847_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Osondu C. Ugochukwu Author-X-Name-First: Osondu C. Author-X-Name-Last: Ugochukwu Title: State apologies, postcolonial resistance and ontological insecurity: the Matabeleland massacre Abstract: Building on the causal relationship between ontological (in)security and state apology, this article explores the Zimbabwean government’s refusal to apologise for the state-sanctioned Matabeleland massacre. First, I situate the Zimbabwean government’s response to the demand for an apology within the multifarious ontological insecurities it is grappling with in its relationship with both domestic and international actors. Second, I argue that the Zimbabwean government has refocused and repurposed this ontological insecurity-induced refusal to apologise to fulfil contemporary ontological and political exigencies. It has become a site for postcolonial resistance and domestic legitimisation in which well-rehearsed anti-Western sentiments, anti-imperialism and faux Pan-Africanism are built around the apology discourse to switch the focus from rectifying the wrongs of the past to opposing the unfinished Western civilising project. Such postcolonial posturing contains internal contradictions, particularly in reproducing oppressive and exclusionary politics domestically, and endangering the victims’ ontological security. Moreover, the continuous demands for a national apology by surviving victims and families of the deceased threaten the state’s sense of self. The article thereby identifies the practice of state apologies, particularly the refusal of apology, as a critical discursive site where contemporary postcolonial politics are negotiated, reproduced and sustained. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1039-1057 Issue: 5 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2174847 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2174847 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:5:p:1039-1057 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2171391_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Hüsna Taş Yetim Author-X-Name-First: Hüsna Author-X-Name-Last: Taş Yetim Title: Informal imposed hierarchies in world politics and internal instabilities in subordinate states: the Afghanistan and Iraq cases Abstract: In international relations, hierarchy is generally understood as the relational contract by which two states legitimately acknowledge their superior and subordinate ranks. Empirical studies, however, show that some states experience distinctive hierarchical patterns, such as military intervention and nation-building. This study calls them the ‘informal imposed hierarchy’ (IIH after this) because they all install favoured leaders, governmental structures and/or troops in target states without the consent of the target states’ population. Using state clusters from 1945 to 2003, we found that four sorts of states experienced IIHs: those having counter-hegemonic actors, signalling a move to the rival hierarchy, seeking an exit door from the current hierarchical system, and perceived to present new security risks (e.g. terrorism). IIH likely generates instability since it installs and protects illegitimate rulers in the target state. It can aggravate internal war in subordinate states with single-party governments or heterogeneous communities. In order to assess the model’s and the arguments’ explanatory power, the study selects the relevant universe cases. The next, it examines pre- and post-Soviet eras in Afghanistan and the 2001 and 2003 US invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq as control cases. These cross-cases illustrate the change of IIH’s motives over time and across hierarchies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 985-1002 Issue: 5 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2171391 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2171391 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:5:p:985-1002 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2171392_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Thomas Demmelhuber Author-X-Name-First: Thomas Author-X-Name-Last: Demmelhuber Author-Name: Antonia Thies Author-X-Name-First: Antonia Author-X-Name-Last: Thies Title: Autocracies and the temptation of sentimentality: repertoires of the past and contemporary meaning-making in the Gulf monarchies Abstract: The scholarly debate on the durability of autocracies is vivid. It has explored a broad spectrum of regime types and respective sources and mechanisms of regime survival. A bias towards the strong effect of material means of regime survival, for example repression, cooptation or output-legitimation, is striking. In resource-rich Middle East and North African (MENA) countries, this has been deeply rooted in the logic of rent economies. Only recently have nonmaterial factors of authoritarian power such as emotional engagement or affective behaviour of the populace gained more prominence in the literature, since autocrats are, for example, increasingly trying to strengthen societal bonds by referring to the past. In order to deconstruct this phenomenon in twenty-first-century autocracies, this article introduces sentimentality as a conceptual approach that allows a more fine-grained analysis of contemporary meaning-making attempts on a national level for the sake of regime survival. We assume three dimensions in which forms and functions of sentimentality can be seen – actors, spaces and media – and provide empirical evidence from the Gulf monarchies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1003-1020 Issue: 5 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2171392 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2171392 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:5:p:1003-1020 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2166482_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Renee Lynch Author-X-Name-First: Renee Author-X-Name-Last: Lynch Author-Name: Jason C. Young Author-X-Name-First: Jason C. Author-X-Name-Last: Young Author-Name: Chris Jowaisas Author-X-Name-First: Chris Author-X-Name-Last: Jowaisas Author-Name: Joel Sam Author-X-Name-First: Joel Author-X-Name-Last: Sam Author-Name: Stanley Boakye-Achampong Author-X-Name-First: Stanley Author-X-Name-Last: Boakye-Achampong Author-Name: Maria Garrido Author-X-Name-First: Maria Author-X-Name-Last: Garrido Author-Name: Chris Rothschild Author-X-Name-First: Chris Author-X-Name-Last: Rothschild Title: ‘The tears don’t give you funding’: data neocolonialism in development in the Global South Abstract: This paper examines the knowledge politics and cultures that shape data relations between international aid organisations and Global South public institutions, taking African libraries as an example. International organisations increasingly rely on data from the Global South, purportedly as a resource for development, which has raised valid concerns about the emergence of new practices of data colonialism. One proposed solution is to expand the capacity of Global South institutions to control their own data processes, so they can likewise control the politico-economic relationships that draw on their data. A pan-African library organisation representing 34 countries is exploring this possibility though a multiyear research project to increase library capacity to use data to partner with development aid organisations. However, this work revealed that data colonialism precedes practices of value extraction. In focus groups, a survey of library systems and interviews with aid organisations, aspects of the data cycle are epistemically framed by aid organisations to undercut Global South control, and subtle neocolonial mechanisms encourage libraries to shape their own data cultures according to desires of aid organisations. This underscores the need to expand data neocolonialism as a frame for confronting epistemic injustice by highlighting Western rationalities embedded in data relations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 911-929 Issue: 5 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2166482 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2166482 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:5:p:911-929 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2170224_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Vasja Badalič Author-X-Name-First: Vasja Author-X-Name-Last: Badalič Title: Trapped in the underground economy: Syrian refugees in the informal labour market in Turkey Abstract: By combining theories on informal work with data collected through interviews with 39 Syrian refugees, this article provides a comprehensive analysis of the various factors driving Syrians, both ordinary workers and employers, into the informal labour market in Turkey. The study shows the differences between the factors pushing Syrian workers into the informal sector (eg administrative obstacles, monetary and non-monetary benefits, unfamiliarity with labour regulations) and the reasons why Syrian business owners and self-employed worked informally (eg the desire to hire Syrian workers, inability to comply with labour regulations, and fear of deportation). By focusing on the reasons behind Syrian employers’ decisions to remain in the informal sector, the article shows that such decisions were often based not on profit-seeking but on solidarity with fellow Syrians. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 967-984 Issue: 5 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2170224 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2170224 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:5:p:967-984 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2178889_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jamelia Harris Author-X-Name-First: Jamelia Author-X-Name-Last: Harris Title: Exploring donor-driven skills development as a channel of continued aid dependency Abstract: This article examines donor-driven skills training programmes and projects at the technical and vocational level in post-war Sierra Leone, using dependency theory as an analytical framework. Based on qualitative data collected from fieldwork in 2017, it emerges that such programmes and projects are driven by donor strategies and largely detached from local market demands, are oftentimes based on convenience and historical relationships in regions/sectors rather than evolving needs of the country, promise employment but instead deliver informal self-employment and focus heavily on outputs rather than outcomes. From these empirical observations, it can be argued that donor-driven skills development, as it has manifested in Sierra Leone, is unlikely to create skills that can meaningfully contribute to national growth and development. Instead, these interventions may drive outcomes that lead to continued aid dependency. The article thus presents a renewed argument for skills for self-reliant development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1249-1268 Issue: 6 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2178889 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2178889 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:6:p:1249-1268 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2176298_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sara Mejia-Muñoz Author-X-Name-First: Sara Author-X-Name-Last: Mejia-Muñoz Author-Name: Sally Babidge Author-X-Name-First: Sally Author-X-Name-Last: Babidge Title: Lithium extractivism: perpetuating historical asymmetries in the ‘Green economy’ Abstract: The ‘Green economy’, a central plank of the sustainable development political and economic international agenda, relies on industrial extraction of water, minerals and other earths to produce ‘green energy’ to feed capitalist growth. The term Green extractivism describes a global problem that we examine through the case of lithium extraction in the territory of Atacameño-Likanantay (Indigenous) peoples in the Salar de Atacama, Chile. Green extractivism is a multiscalar logic and practice justified in international sustainable development policies, responding to the demands of capital, modifying international and national legal and political instruments, and permeating social, ecological and political realities in the territories of extraction. Green extractivism has many consistencies with the asymmetries of power and economic dependency that characterises the history of extractivism in Chile and Latin America. As such, Green extractivism provides a new logic to sustain consistencies in transnational capitalism. This paper traces national political and legal histories of lithium from the mid-twentieth century, demonstrating the long extractivist relationship between the state and the lithium companies that operate in the Salar de Atacama. We consider, in particular, the dynamics of Atacameño-Likanantay peoples’ participation in and refusals of industry and state processes, which trouble extractivist logics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1119-1136 Issue: 6 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2176298 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2176298 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:6:p:1119-1136 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2181155_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Chao Zhang Author-X-Name-First: Chao Author-X-Name-Last: Zhang Title: Fixing China’s humanitarian aid architecture: what are the lessons from the European Union and the United States? Abstract: The global humanitarian situation has deteriorated drastically since the outbreak of COVID-19 and the Russian–Ukrainian war. The European Union and the United States are forerunners to providing global humanitarian aid, but China’s visibility and role in global humanitarian affairs has significantly increased. Although China has been contributing more, its humanitarian aid concept remains vague, its aid mechanism is fragmented, and its approach to providing aid is rigid. These factors make China unprepared for tackling future humanitarian challenges. There are notable divergences in terms of concepts and mechanisms for and approaches to humanitarian aid among the European Union, the United States and China. Despite the pitfalls in the humanitarian aid architectures of the European Union and United States, China can learn from them to strive for an architecture that can help it aid more effectively. In particular, China should build coherence and consistency among aid concept, mechanism and approach, streamline aid mechanism, and give full play of non-governmental actors. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1345-1362 Issue: 6 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2181155 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2181155 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:6:p:1345-1362 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2177631_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tom De Herdt Author-X-Name-First: Tom Author-X-Name-Last: De Herdt Author-Name: Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan Author-X-Name-First: Jean-Pierre Author-X-Name-Last: Olivier de Sardan Title: Development anthropology and social engineering: a plea for critical reformism Abstract: While ethnographic research can be carried out from a variety of political positionings, we plead for a ‘critical reformist’ stance, on the intersection of pure, applied and radical anthropology. We trace this positioning back to Max Weber and Karl Popper, for whom the essence of social science was to critically accompany policy processes by identifying all intended and unintended outcomes of policies. We also situate it in relation to various strands of contemporary policy ethnography. Our approach starts from the conception of a policy, reform, intervention or project as a space of confrontation of a variety of strategic groups at all stages in the policy cycle. The principle of epistemic equity tells us to give equal weight to all actors’ representations and practices. We also argue that the dimension of ‘going public’ needs to be given as much weight as the dimensions of fieldwork and writing in ethnographic research. The conception of social engineering as a political arena will also help researchers to think more strategically about how and when to engage with different types of publics in different stages of the research process. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1174-1191 Issue: 6 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2177631 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2177631 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:6:p:1174-1191 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2177633_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Francisco Gutiérrez-Sanín Author-X-Name-First: Francisco Author-X-Name-Last: Gutiérrez-Sanín Title: Politicians: the sinews of counterinsurgent governance in Colombia Abstract: This article discusses the role of politicians in counterinsurgent governance in Colombia, especially in the period of vigorous paramilitary expansion from the mid-1990s to 2006. Using several archival sources and new data and cases, I show that politicians were a fundamental cog in the machinery of Colombian paramilitary governance, precisely because they did what politicians usually do: aggregate and process their constituents’ demands – including demands for violence – link different territorial levels, produce legitimising rhetoric, and articulate and coordinate different actors. The analysis has analytical implications and fills a lacuna in the rebel governance literature, which has hardly found a place for politicians in the understanding of armed group territorial control in general, and of counterinsurgent control in particular. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1211-1229 Issue: 6 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2177633 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2177633 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:6:p:1211-1229 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2181154_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Feliciano de Sá Guimarães Author-X-Name-First: Feliciano Author-X-Name-Last: de Sá Guimarães Author-Name: André Felipe Miquelasi Author-X-Name-First: André Felipe Author-X-Name-Last: Miquelasi Author-Name: Gustavo Jordan Ferreira Alves Author-X-Name-First: Gustavo Jordan Author-X-Name-Last: Ferreira Alves Author-Name: Irma Dutra Gomes de Oliveira e Silva Author-X-Name-First: Irma Dutra Gomes Author-X-Name-Last: de Oliveira e Silva Author-Name: Karina Stange Calandrin Author-X-Name-First: Karina Author-X-Name-Last: Stange Calandrin Title: The evangelical foreign policy model: Jair Bolsonaro and evangelicals in Brazil Abstract: The article proposes an evangelical foreign policy model to analyse the relationship between evangelical groups and conservative governments in foreign policymaking. Using Brazil as a case study, we argue that the model is defined by the convergence of views and interests between conservative cabinet members and domestic evangelical groups on four foreign policy issues that are critical to evangelicals worldwide – the relationship with Israel, persecution of Christian minorities, abortion rights, and evangelical missions in Africa. To analyse the convergence, we use an original database of 207 speeches from Brazilian evangelical parliamentarians (Evangelical Parliamentary Front) and 1992 discourses from Jair Bolsonaro’s cabinet members from January 2019 to July 2022, as well as multiple documents from the main evangelical groups in Brazil. In the case of Brazil, this is the first time that typical religious considerations have been officially adopted by the country’s foreign policy, indicating the growing importance of evangelical thinking in Brazilian politics. This is also one of the first analyses, not centred in the United States, that shows how views and interests of evangelical groups and conservative governments converge in international affairs, broadening perspectives on the political participation of the ever-growing evangelical movement in the Global South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1324-1344 Issue: 6 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2181154 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2181154 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:6:p:1324-1344 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2177632_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Göktuğ Kıprızlı Author-X-Name-First: Göktuğ Author-X-Name-Last: Kıprızlı Author-Name: Seçkin Köstem Author-X-Name-First: Seçkin Author-X-Name-Last: Köstem Title: The onset of BRICS cooperation on climate change: material change, ideational convergence and the road to Copenhagen 2009 Abstract: What explains the convergence among Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) on climate change? While Brazil, India, China and South Africa caught attention due to their economic dynamism in the 1990s and accelerating momentum as of the early 2000s, Russia progressed to increase its influence in the twenty-first century. This shift in the material capabilities of BRICS has increased their significance in global climate governance. Merging governmentality and social constructivist approaches, this article argues that material changes in the post-Cold War period led Brazil, India, China and South Africa to experience a change in their ideational framework, repositioning themselves at the international level, recognising new responsibilities, and reaching a common point on the road to the Copenhagen Climate Change Conference in 2009. Therefore, they went through a convergence process, bringing them closer to Russia, whose position invited major developing states to take tangible actions for emissions reduction. This process of convergence marked the onset of the future BRICS partnership on climate change. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1192-1210 Issue: 6 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2177632 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2177632 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:6:p:1192-1210 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2176299_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Maria de Lourdes Rosas-Lopez Author-X-Name-First: Maria de Lourdes Author-X-Name-Last: Rosas-Lopez Author-Name: Vincent Guilamo-Ramos Author-X-Name-First: Vincent Author-X-Name-Last: Guilamo-Ramos Author-Name: Jorge Mora-Rivera Author-X-Name-First: Jorge Author-X-Name-Last: Mora-Rivera Title: Joining a migrant caravan: herd behaviour and structural factors Abstract: The largest migrant caravan headed from the Northern Triangle of Central America to the southern border of the United States left Honduras on 13 October 2018. When it crossed the border into Mexico, many people wondered why more than 7000 Central Americans were moving to a country with such adverse immigration policies. This research answers the question by interviewing migrants from the Caravan during their travel through Mexico, and combining previously documented factors, such as the search for jobs, better wages, preserving their lives from threats from criminal groups, migration policies and economic interests, with novel explanations derived from herd behaviour in the Caravan. This theoretical addition of herd behaviour allows us to better understand the aggregation of individual preferences that have economic incentives and contributes to the academic debate on the factors that drive collective migrations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1137-1154 Issue: 6 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2176299 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2176299 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:6:p:1137-1154 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2180355_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jack Basu-Mellish Author-X-Name-First: Jack Author-X-Name-Last: Basu-Mellish Title: UN Resolution 1514: the creation of a new post-colonial sovereignty Abstract: What role did the post-colonial world play in shaping the contemporary norm of sovereignty? Challenging the traditional understanding of the development of sovereignty as a norm that expanded from Europe, this article recentres the post-colonial contribution to the development of sovereignty. This article first presents the Western powers’ understanding of the norms of sovereign recognition in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, before outlining the post-colonial states’ efforts to develop new norms in favour of equal sovereignty for the post-colonial world. It does this first by analysing the contribution of the post-colonial world in the shaping of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and how these normative documents were taken up by the post-colonial world to argue for an end of colonial rule. It then provides a history of the normative ideas developed in the post-colonial world in the 1950s, expressed at the Bandung conference (1955) before being normalised into our contemporary understanding of international sovereignty through the passage of United Nations Resolution 1514: The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in 1960. This work addresses the radical disjunctures and enduring continuations between ideas of sovereignty in the colonial and post-colonial eras of international relations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1306-1323 Issue: 6 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2180355 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2180355 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:6:p:1306-1323 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2178408_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Anneke Newman Author-X-Name-First: Anneke Author-X-Name-Last: Newman Title: Decolonising social norms change: from ‘grandmother-exclusionary bias’ to ‘grandmother-inclusive’ approaches Abstract: This paper contributes to decolonising global health and development by exposing how coloniality in knowledge production informs dominant approaches to shifting social norms underpinning female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) and child marriage. Major organisations in this field demonstrate systemic grandmother-exclusionary bias, namely sidelining grandmothers as change agents compared to adolescent girls, women of reproductive age, men and boys, and religious leaders. Grandmother-exclusionary bias stems from two assumptions: grandmothers do not influence FGM/C or child marriage; grandmothers only exert harmful influence and cannot change their views. These assumptions reflect Eurocentric constructions of modernity, and limited understanding of cultural contexts where seniority confers authority on female elders in relation to sexual and reproductive health (SRH). Grandmother-exclusionary bias goes against evidence that grandmothers wield authority over these practices; insights from meta-evaluations and systems/socioecological approaches that social norms change requires engaging people who wield authority over those norms; and proof that grandmothers can lead change if engaged respectfully. Instead, I present the ‘grandmother-inclusive’ Girls Holistic Development programme in Senegal, developed by the non-governmental organisation The Grandmother Project, as a decolonial option. It uses cultural renewal and participatory intergenerational dialogue to support grandmothers in shifting SRH-related norms and healing the damage Western modernity has inflicted on their communities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1230-1248 Issue: 6 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2178408 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2178408 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:6:p:1230-1248 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2178890_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jürgen Rüland Author-X-Name-First: Jürgen Author-X-Name-Last: Rüland Title: The long shadow of the developmental state: energy infrastructure and environmental sustainability in Southeast Asia Abstract: Energy infrastructure is a major factor in Southeast Asia’s current drive for enhanced connectivity. By focusing on the construction of hydropower dams and coal-fired power plants, this article examines the environmental sustainability of energy projects in the region. Based on an analytical framework informed by historical institutionalism and practice theory, I argue that the implementation of large-scale energy infrastructure projects by investors from China, Japan, South Korea and, to a lesser extent, Thailand and Malaysia is driven by path dependencies and the developmental practices these countries established as developmental states at the time of their own economic takeoff. These legacies explain why ongoing energy projects in the region suffer from a severe lack of environmental sustainability. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1269-1287 Issue: 6 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2178890 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2178890 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:6:p:1269-1287 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2175657_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Cevdet Acu Author-X-Name-First: Cevdet Author-X-Name-Last: Acu Title: A double crisis: the gendered impacts of COVID-19 on Syrian refugee women in Jordan Abstract: This study explores the impact of coronavirus (COVID-19) and its accompanying measures, such as lockdowns, business closures and social distancing, on refugee women’s working and living conditions. Based on semi-structured interviews with Syrian refugee women and representatives of national and international organisations in Jordan, the research highlights the extent of structural power imbalances in gender. The research findings show that COVID-19 and its associated restrictions have severely impacted Syrian refugee women’s economic security and well-being because of existing inequalities and post-migration vulnerabilities. The findings also suggest that the inequalities regard to the structural power imbalances in gender roles made Syrian women more vulnerable compared to their male counterparts in the face of the COVID-19 crisis in Jordan. Furthermore, the COVID-19 restrictions led refugees to confinement at home, with an increased risk of domestic violence. Finally, the findings suggest that a gendered analysis of the vulnerabilities is required when government agencies or humanitarian organisations plan their programmes and services during a global health crisis. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1101-1118 Issue: 6 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2175657 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2175657 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:6:p:1101-1118 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2179983_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Alessandra Costagliola Author-X-Name-First: Alessandra Author-X-Name-Last: Costagliola Title: ‘Allow her to flourish and grow’: commodifying gendered handicraft labour in conscious capitalist brand imagery on Instagram Abstract: Much of development policy centred around women over the last 50 years has increasingly emphasised women’s engagement in the formal labour force. In more recent years, the emergence of Western ‘conscious capitalist’ and ‘fair trade’ brands have sought to bridge this gap by employing women from the Global South in their supply chains. Although this has provided increased opportunities for women, especially those from poor communities, through the process of defetishising their labour vis-à-vis the exposure of this labour through branded advertising and imagery, the images of these women effectively become commoditised themselves. Using a content analysis of 300 Instagram images from three conscious capitalist handicraft brands, this paper will explore how this imagery is shaped around stereotypical thematic constructions of ‘developing women’ from the Global South, and how conscious capitalist brands characterise the representations of producers in their advertising. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1288-1305 Issue: 6 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2179983 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2179983 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:6:p:1288-1305 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2177149_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Manu Lekunze Author-X-Name-First: Manu Author-X-Name-Last: Lekunze Title: Insurgency and national security: a perspective from Cameroon’s separatist conflict Abstract: This study examines the nature and factors associated with the onset of the conflict in Cameroon’s North West and South West regions to contribute to conceptual, theoretical and methodological debates in war/conflict studies. It used an explorative approach, examining the immediate political tensions prior to hostilities and major government policy areas. It shows that teachers’ and lawyers’ protests (beginning in 2016) and strategic miscalculations by the government and rebels are the immediate factors associated with the onset of the conflict. The underlying factors include greed, colonial heritage, a history of insurgencies, an internal geography conducive to group conflict and guerrilla warfare, poor macroeconomic performance, the ability to finance authoritarianism without relying on taxes, political decay, slow political development, a turbulent regional neighbourhood and unfavourable international relations. The results enable four main contributions to longstanding debates in war/conflict studies. First, an insurgency is a distinct type of war. Second, insurgencies occur due to several immediate and underlying factors unique to each case. Third, studying insurgencies requires a holistic approach, examining immediate and underlying factors. Finally, although rebel victory is impossible in an insurgency, multiple and widespread insurgencies can nullify the essence of a state, making insurgencies important national security threats. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1155-1173 Issue: 6 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 6 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2177149 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2177149 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:6:p:1155-1173 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2183190_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Laura Porras-Santanilla Author-X-Name-First: Laura Author-X-Name-Last: Porras-Santanilla Author-Name: Friederike Fleischer Author-X-Name-First: Friederike Author-X-Name-Last: Fleischer Title: Bogotá street vendors using tutela as a sword: the symbolic power of law in practice Abstract: In this article, we examine the efficacy of tutela, a legal injunction intended to give people easier access to the justice system in Colombia since 1991. Based on long-term ethnographic research with Bogotá street vendors, we show how structural barriers continue to present formidable obstacles to disadvantaged populations. This allows local leaders, who intervene on street vendors’ behalf in patron-client relationships, to gain political capital. Yet, once street vendors learnt about the (symbolic) power of the law, they skilfully appropriated the injunction to defend what they considered their rights. Focussing on people’s everyday practices, their ideas of law and the tutela injunction, the article contributes to debates about the ways in which structural and social factors condition access to legal tools and rights. At the same time, based on discussions about the effectiveness of litigation and insights from socio-legal research, we highlight the material and symbolic power of the law, underprivileged people’s agency in appropriating it, and its often-unintended effects. The research thus points beyond the formal-informal dichotomy of rules and norms, showing that the law’s efficacy goes beyond specific rulings and has to be understood in the wider cultural, economic and political context it occurs. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1489-1505 Issue: 7 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2183190 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2183190 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:7:p:1489-1505 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2189580_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Soledad Vieitez-Cerdeño Author-X-Name-First: Soledad Author-X-Name-Last: Vieitez-Cerdeño Author-Name: Roser Manzanera-Ruiz Author-X-Name-First: Roser Author-X-Name-Last: Manzanera-Ruiz Author-Name: Olga Margret M. M. Namasembe Author-X-Name-First: Olga Margret M. M. Author-X-Name-Last: Namasembe Title: Ugandan women’s approaches to doing business and becoming entrepreneurs Abstract: Uganda ranks first in female entrepreneurship in Africa, and Kampala is one of the country’s most important urban/commercial hubs. The markets of Kalerwe, Mulagoo-Nsooba, Nakasero, Ntinda and Seguku constitute the research setting. Important trading centres, these markets are also relevant social spaces for locals to interact with each other. This research addresses Ugandan women’s approaches to doing business and being entrepreneurs, offering a typology: business owner, survival entrepreneur, opportunity entrepreneur and transitional entrepreneur. Based on a qualitative methodology, 16 female entrepreneurs were interviewed during fieldwork (2019–2021). Data were collected through open-ended interviews, and a thematic analysis followed. By addressing female businesses from a postcolonial African perspective, the connections between culture and entrepreneurship are made explicit in understanding women’s entrepreneurship, thus filling a gap in the existing literature which has mostly focussed on the informal/popular economies (as safe haven for victims of neoliberalism) or the African economic creativity (as panacea for development). Whether driven by necessity or opportunity, the results show that Ugandan women’s entrepreneurial initiatives are grounded in cultural and social values that overcome the structural constraints they face. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1435-1454 Issue: 7 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2189580 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2189580 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:7:p:1435-1454 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2189581_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Yaso Nadarajah Author-X-Name-First: Yaso Author-X-Name-Last: Nadarajah Title: From field to theory: rethinking development studies through study tours Abstract: Drawing on the author’s experiences of running study tours to Malawi and India, this article argues that leaps can be made to decolonise development studies from the ‘ground up’ when study tours are centred on pedagogical processes of embodied insights, self-reflexivity and working with difference. Such pedagogical processes offer opportunities where students engage with questions of epistemic violence at the intersections of North/South tensions, while deconstructing their own onto-epistemic positionalities. In this way, study tours offer rich experiential-learning avenues, not only for resisting development studies’ colonial/positivist tendencies but also for opening spaces for teaching and learning centred on a plurality of knowledges. Designing study tours on notions of differences, learning through the body as well as a constant interrogation of our own onto-epistemic positionalities in relation to one and another, allows for this co-creation of vital spaces where plural systems of knowledges – alternative to the modern sciences – can not only be recognised but can also enter into articulations with the latter, leading to crafting new configurations of mutually enriching and transformative teaching and learning processes and practice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1472-1488 Issue: 7 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2189581 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2189581 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:7:p:1472-1488 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2197204_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ginbert Permejo Cuaton Author-X-Name-First: Ginbert Permejo Author-X-Name-Last: Cuaton Author-Name: Yvonne Su Author-X-Name-First: Yvonne Author-X-Name-Last: Su Title: Potentials and pitfalls of social capital ties to climate change adaptation: an exploratory study of Indigenous Peoples in the Philippines Abstract: Climate change’s impacts vary across different geographical regions and societies, thus, underpinning the value of context-specific adaptation strategies grounded in local knowledge, social cohesion and community dynamics. This paper explores the potentials and pitfalls of social capital to climate change adaptation – an underexplored area of inquiry on climate change and Indigenous development literature. A qualitative case study design was used to conduct interviews and a focus group discussion with 14 Mamanwas and two government social workers in Eastern Visayas, the Philippines, from 2018 to mid-2019. Our findings suggest that while Mamanwas’ substantial bonding social capital ties contribute to their communal safety from weather extremes and adaptation to climate change, it has also unintentionally resulted in potentially adverse conditions, as can be deduced from their fragile bridging and linking capital ties with the broader community and government institutions. This research argues that social capital constitutes a vital social aspect of adaptation; therefore, policymakers and development workers must account for multiple scales and forms of adaptation, as well as acknowledge the importance of engaging, empowering and incorporating the political voice of Indigenous Peoples in crafting solutions on issues they consider relevant and urgent to their human development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1565-1585 Issue: 7 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2197204 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2197204 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:7:p:1565-1585 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2186849_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Headman Hebe Author-X-Name-First: Headman Author-X-Name-Last: Hebe Title: Otherness without boundaries: an autoethnographic perspective from an aboriginal South African survivor of local xenophobia Abstract: In this article, I interrogate the concept of othering by foregrounding xenophobia, which has been ‘trending’ since the dawn of democracy in South Africa. I use lived experiences to assert that xenophobia is not confined to tussles between ‘foreign’ nationals and South African ­citizens but also manifests as ‘local xenophobia’ where South African citizens from ‘elsewhere’ in the country are maligned by ‘locals’ in areas to which they migrate. To underscore the ubiquitous and multifaceted nature of othering, and because it resonates with literature on ­xenophobia, I discuss sobriquets/nicknames as one example among various manifestations of otherness. Furthermore, I contend that self-subjugation as an unconscious process is, possibly, the pillar of othering and, that every human is a tacit or overt otherer. In conclusion, I assert that Ubuntu as an architectonic capability should be redefined and used to drive collective human efforts towards addressing othering. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1417-1434 Issue: 7 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2186849 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2186849 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:7:p:1417-1434 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2189579_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Seifudein Adem Author-X-Name-First: Seifudein Author-X-Name-Last: Adem Author-Name: Adamu Waziri Babagana Author-X-Name-First: Adamu Waziri Author-X-Name-Last: Babagana Title: Is Africa China’s neo-dependency in the making? Abstract: The rise of China as a new great power and the evolving patterns of Sino–African relations have generated different interpretations of the ambitions of China in Africa and the consequences for the continent. In this article, we outline the dominant trends in China’s activities in Africa in the last 25 years and compare them with those of Europe in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. We do so, first, in order to identify and highlight the areas of convergence and divergence between the two. We then infer from the analysis the outcome of Sino–African interactions. But we begin with an exploration of aspects of the scholarship of Africa’s great conceptualiser, Ali Mazrui, that focus on Africa and the West, in order to adapt some of his conceptual categories to gain comparative insights into the changes and continuities in, on the one hand, China’s emerging system of empire, or neo-dependency, in Africa, and, on the other hand, Europe’s colonial empires. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1363-1379 Issue: 7 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2189579 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2189579 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:7:p:1363-1379 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2193320_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Martta Kaskinen Author-X-Name-First: Martta Author-X-Name-Last: Kaskinen Author-Name: Eija Ranta Author-X-Name-First: Eija Author-X-Name-Last: Ranta Title: Just fundraising? Campaigning gendered inequalities in changing CSO fundraising markets in Finland Abstract: Civil society organisations (CSOs) often communicate global gendered inequalities simplistically from a fundraising framework to Global North audiences. While the stereotypical and racialising portrayals of women and girls in the Global South have been widely criticised, the diverse perceptions and experiences of development professionals regarding contested campaigning practices have been less discussed. Furthermore, literature has focussed on the Anglo-Saxon world, while the complex relations between gendered representations and neoliberal fundraising have been less studied in the Nordic context, where the marketisation of development apparatus is a fairly recent phenomenon. Drawing on a poststructuralist critique of development apparatus and postcolonial feminist reading on representations of the Global South, this article investigates how CSOs discursively frame gendered inequalities in their fundraising campaigns. By examining three fundraising campaigns in Finland, we demonstrate how CSOs are not only turning towards the use of a technical and neoliberal gender discourse, but doing so within an unforeseen advertising framework, in times of right-wing populist politics and a collapse in development funding. Basing our findings on qualitative data, we argue that CSOs are pressured to create simplified knowledge on gendered issues, which has provoked critical views not only from activists, but also from within CSOs. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1586-1605 Issue: 7 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2193320 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2193320 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:7:p:1586-1605 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2197205_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Durukan Imrie-Kuzu Author-X-Name-First: Durukan Author-X-Name-Last: Imrie-Kuzu Author-Name: Alpaslan Özerdem Author-X-Name-First: Alpaslan Author-X-Name-Last: Özerdem Title: Keeping Syrian refugees in Turkey is not a good idea: a new concept of ‘reluctant local integration’ Abstract: Whilst the state of precarity negatively impacts Syrian refugees in Turkey, an increasing number of scholars suggest that Syrians are integrating well in that country due to cultural similarities and relatively ‘liberal’ refugee policies. This paper asks why this discrepancy occurs between studies that depict a positive picture of integration and the reality on the ground that approximately 40% of Syrians in Turkey want to go to a country other than Syria and Turkey. The article explains this contradiction by introducing a new-grounded theory of ‘reluctant local integration’. Based on a sequential research design that is composed of a thematic analysis of original fieldwork with 106 participants in the city of Gaziantep and a follow-up theory-guided process tracing in wider Turkey between 2015 and 2021, the article identifies original links between three intertwined themes that lead to reluctant local integration. These are not only a by-product of temporary protection, and unevenly distributed precarity in the economic milieu, but also a result of similar types of ideological, ethnic and religious sectarianism that is deeply rooted in both refugee and host communities in Turkey. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1606-1624 Issue: 7 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2197205 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2197205 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:7:p:1606-1624 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2197206_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: T. A. (Mieke) Lopes Cardozo Author-X-Name-First: T. A. (Mieke) Author-X-Name-Last: Lopes Cardozo Title: Walking the talk: autoethnographic reflections on co-creating regenerative education within international development studies Abstract: In this article, I reflect on what it means to walk the talk of regenerative forms of education that foster more vitality within the communities, institutions and societies we live in. I discuss my experiences as a lecturer and initiator of a regeneratively designed co-created education innovation project that I worked on with research master’s students of international development studies. The project was initiated in 2016 to serve the needs of an international community of learners at the University of Amsterdam. It is designed based on regenerative design principles and serves as a space for students to explore, critique and increase ownership over their educational journeys. Drawing on regenerative, transgressive, social justice, contemplative, relational, creative, ­decolonising and anti-oppression pedagogies, the project Critical Development and Diversity Explorations (CDDE) aims to co-create a non-hierarchical and more engaged, embodied learning space to develop students’ – and my own – critical reflective potential as agents of change. Applying an auto-ethnographic methodology, and drawing on a hybrid-epistemological approach, I aim to illustrate my insights on the cause, purpose and aspirations of the CDDE project and invite you as the reader to bring such reflections alive in your own thinking in a real-life context of your own. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1625-1642 Issue: 7 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2197206 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2197206 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:7:p:1625-1642 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2183835_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Rocío Fajardo Fernández Author-X-Name-First: Rocío Author-X-Name-Last: Fajardo Fernández Author-Name: Rosa M. Soriano-Miras Author-X-Name-First: Rosa M. Author-X-Name-Last: Soriano-Miras Author-Name: Antonio Trinidad Requena Author-X-Name-First: Antonio Author-X-Name-Last: Trinidad Requena Title: Intersections between the global economy and gender structures in the workforce in relocated industries Abstract: This study examines the impact of industrial relocation on gender relations in the Tanger–Tetouan–Al Hoceima region of Morocco. Having detected the importance of diversity among workers in relocated industry, our objective is to show how the global process shapes the local. To this end, we carried out 114 biographical interviews with relocated industry workers in the aforementioned region, which we analysed using grounded theory, identifying the ways in which gender relations are interconnected with global dynamics. The key dimensions that emerged in our analysis as interacting with gender were marital status, occupational status, and the status of being an internal migrant to a major industrial city or a native. This intersectional perspective acquires meaning in a theoretical scheme that shows the global–local interconnection and the importance of social action. We identify two profiles located at opposite poles in terms of privilege and access to resources, as well as a range of cases in between that illustrate the configuration of social and employment realities in the relocated industry: married men with middle to high occupational status, born in Tangier or Tetouan, and single women with low occupational status born in depressed areas of the country. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1455-1471 Issue: 7 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2183835 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2183835 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:7:p:1455-1471 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2193319_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Mariano Rojas Author-X-Name-First: Mariano Author-X-Name-Last: Rojas Title: Is there a religious explanation for high life satisfaction in Latin America? Abstract: Recent initiatives call for the incorporation of subjective well-being measures in the assessment of development. Latin Americans do report, on average, very high life satisfaction levels, which are also higher than what would be predicted for their socio-economic situation. Within this context, it becomes relevant to explore some arguments that have been proposed to explain high life satisfaction in Latin America within a not so favourable socio-economic context. This paper studies the soundness of the religious explanation for high life satisfaction in Latin America; the argument is based on modernisation theories, and it states that higher-than-expected life satisfaction in Latin America is explained by high religiosity in the region. The investigation relies on representative surveys applied in three high life-satisfaction Latin American countries (Colombia, Costa Rica and Mexico), as well as to the non-Hispanic White population in the United States. A cross-regional methodology is implemented to study the role of religious practice, religious-events participation, and religious affiliation in explaining higher-than-­expected life satisfaction in Latin America. It is found that religious variables do not explain the high life satisfaction levels in the Latin American countries under study. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1506-1525 Issue: 7 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2193319 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2193319 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:7:p:1506-1525 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2188186_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Babatunde F. Obamamoye Author-X-Name-First: Babatunde F. Author-X-Name-Last: Obamamoye Title: Beyond neo-imperialist intentionality: explaining African agency in liberal peace interventions Abstract: The extant critical literature on international interventions has not only discussed liberal peace interventions from Western subject positions but has also explained its drivers principally from the intention of Western actors to perpetuate neo-imperialism. This analysis, while not illogical, ignores the non-Western involvement in the liberal peace project and, therefore, cannot offer insights into how and why some non-Western actors equally commit to this enterprise. This article moves beyond Western subject positions of this discourse to focus on how and why African interveners engage in liberal interventions despite its Western neo-imperialist instrumentality. Drawing on official documents, interview data and the framework of hegemony, it uncovers African regional actors as practitioners of liberal peace interventions. It argues that they became involved in this practice mainly because they consented to the hegemony of the liberal world order as the only social vision suitable for maintaining domestic stability. Overall, the study offers a broad lens for understanding why the undertaking of liberal projects in many non-Western societies, especially in Africa, cannot be solely explained from the standpoint of Western neo-imperial intentions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1380-1397 Issue: 7 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2188186 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2188186 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:7:p:1380-1397 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2190505_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Damien Bazin Author-X-Name-First: Damien Author-X-Name-Last: Bazin Author-Name: Augendra Bhukuth Author-X-Name-First: Augendra Author-X-Name-Last: Bhukuth Author-Name: Abir Khribich Author-X-Name-First: Abir Author-X-Name-Last: Khribich Author-Name: Ani Wulandari Author-X-Name-First: Ani Author-X-Name-Last: Wulandari Title: Subcontracting to the informal economy in East Java, Indonesia Abstract: This article examines the subcontracting arrangements that apply to microenterprises operating in the informal economy in East Java, Indonesia. A qualitative study was carried out in which the snowball technique made it possible to obtain the details of both the formal and informal company owners, who were then interviewed with the purpose of gaining a deeper understanding of the subcontracting relations. Formal export companies outsource to micro family businesses in the subcontracting market as a way to optimise production. Our study highlights the fact that formal and informal companies are located in the same communities. Subcontracting relations are hence based on trust and cooperation, which are key to minimising production costs. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1546-1564 Issue: 7 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2190505 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2190505 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:7:p:1546-1564 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2192400_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Kelechukwu Charles Obi Author-X-Name-First: Kelechukwu Charles Author-X-Name-Last: Obi Author-Name: Victor Chidubem Iwuoha Author-X-Name-First: Victor Chidubem Author-X-Name-Last: Iwuoha Title: Untold story of the expanding armed banditry in Nigeria’s Northwest: linking the communal-level collaborators Abstract: This study interrogates the often de-emphasised and understudied communal-level dimension of the armed banditry in Nigeria’s Northwest region. Data collection was based on mixed methods and documentary evidence. The study dissects the communal dimension of the expanding armed banditry in Nigeria’s Northwest from three communal-level perspectives, namely (1) wholesale farmland allocation, (2) poor vigilante governance and (3) bandits’ covert alliance with some traditional authorities for intelligence and benefits sharing. It concludes that these underlying communal-linked factors are implicated in the pervasiveness of armed banditry in Nigeria’s Northwest region. The study recommends livestock reformation by implementing all the extant grazing reserves, forestry laws and policies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1398-1416 Issue: 7 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2192400 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2192400 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:7:p:1398-1416 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2189582_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Angela Navarrete-Cruz Author-X-Name-First: Angela Author-X-Name-Last: Navarrete-Cruz Author-Name: Athena Birkenberg Author-X-Name-First: Athena Author-X-Name-Last: Birkenberg Author-Name: Regina Birner Author-X-Name-First: Regina Author-X-Name-Last: Birner Title: Agrarian change and land dispossession linked to the armed conflict in Colombia – a review Abstract: Violent conflict can accelerate the development of capitalism in rural areas, entailing the transformation of land distribution patterns. However, this transformation via land grabbing in wartime is under-addressed in the literature. This paper explores the case of land dispossession (LD) in Colombia, defined as land grabbing by taking advantage of the armed conflict, a process that affected mainly smallholders and ethnic communities. By conducting a literature review it was found that agrarian elites, networking with public servants and right-wing paramilitary militias, engaged in LD by using violence but also various symbolic devices that justified LD and assisted the legalisation of usurped land. Two main paths of LD are identified, and a typology of symbolic devices used to justify LD is proposed, showing how the armed conflict hastened agrarian capitalism through land accumulation. The opportunistic participation of civilians in the armed conflict setting, the interlaces between symbolic devices and violence, and the role of the state are highlighted as factors fostering a specific path of agrarian change in wartime characterised by the marginalisation of small-scale farming. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1526-1545 Issue: 7 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2189582 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2189582 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:7:p:1526-1545 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2205120_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: David Mitchell Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Mitchell Title: Rescuing reconciliation: finding its role in peace research and practice Abstract: A rich and complex literature on reconciliation has emerged in response to political transitions since the 1990s, yet reconciliation’s value as a concept within peace studies is unclear. Definitions are contested, impressionistic or overlap with other concepts, while ‘reconciliation’ remains politically contested in many conflict-affected societies. This article considers the four leading understandings of reconciliation: reconciliation as peacebuilding, reconciliation as transitional justice, reconciliation as forgiveness, and reconciliation as identity change. Each is assessed according to whether it is (1) conceptually coherent, and (2) likely to be credible to people in conflict. The article argues that by restricting reconciliation’s meaning to a modified version of the fourth understanding – reconciliation as transformed social identity – the term can hold a distinct meaning in the peace studies field and direct a clear research agenda, as well as attract much less political criticism and misunderstanding. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1737-1753 Issue: 8 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2205120 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2205120 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:8:p:1737-1753 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2198696_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Birce Demiryontar Author-X-Name-First: Birce Author-X-Name-Last: Demiryontar Author-Name: Ahmet İçduygu Author-X-Name-First: Ahmet Author-X-Name-Last: İçduygu Title: The politics around safe zones: a comparative perspective on return to Northern Syria Abstract: Safe zones, initially established as practical tools for refugee protection, have evolved into diplomatic instruments. Through the case of Northern Syria in a historical-comparative perspective, this article explains the link between border politics and host state-induced return to the safe zones; and questions the viability of return within this politicised environment. Considering the earlier experiences of six cases in Sri Lanka, Iraq, Somalia, Bosnia, Rwanda, and Afghanistan, it shows how safe zones and refugee return have become venues for power struggles, not only between the origin and host states but also amongst regional and global powers; established with respect to their economic, political and strategic interests. The Northern Syrian case is distinguished by Turkey’s pressure for returns during the conflict, which makes conditions for return dependent on Turkish military presence. Without international support or a UNSC decision, Turkey’s self-proclaimed safe zone lacks international legitimacy, and refugee returns remain dependent on unilateral efforts by the Turkish government. Lack of security, rule of law, access to basic services, reconstruction, and overall prospects undermine the feasibility of safe, voluntary and sustainable returns. And as all actors involved place their military objectives above civilian governance, conditions for security in the safe zone remain precarious. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1754-1769 Issue: 8 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2198696 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2198696 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:8:p:1754-1769 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2208060_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Pablo Navarrete-Hernández Author-X-Name-First: Pablo Author-X-Name-Last: Navarrete-Hernández Author-Name: Matthew Alford Author-X-Name-First: Matthew Author-X-Name-Last: Alford Author-Name: Fernando Toro Author-X-Name-First: Fernando Author-X-Name-Last: Toro Title: Inclusive informal-to-informal trade: the poverty alleviation potential of street vendors’ trade networks in Santiago de Chile Abstract: The economic inclusion benefits of trade integration between formal and informal markets constitute an increasingly important debate in development studies, especially regarding poverty reduction. Recent international development efforts focus on strengthening informal-to-formal (I2F) links as a win-win developmental strategy to eradicate poverty, while building upon informal-to-informal (I2I) trade relations are seen to preserve poverty. Nevertheless, research comparing these approaches is scarce. This article compares street market vendors’ integration into I2F and I2I trading links, assessing their associated economic benefits and market power dynamics. Using mixed methods, we empirically test theoretical hypotheses on a representative sample of Santiago de Chile’s street market vendors and follow the trade networks of branded and unbranded street market products through 50 in-depth interviews. The results suggest that street vendors’ I2I trade can constitute a highly ­specialised, structured and nationwide trade network that can rival the poverty alleviation potential of I2F trade networks. Compared with I2F trade links, I2I networks reduce opportunities for exploitation and allow street vendors to obtain higher income. Consequently, building a more robust articulation of street vendors and informal firms into trade ­networks merits more attention in development studies as a potential alternative to I2F strategies when fostering street vendors’ economic inclusion. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1844-1864 Issue: 8 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2208060 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2208060 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:8:p:1844-1864 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2211931_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Pedro M. R. Barbosa Author-X-Name-First: Pedro M. R. Author-X-Name-Last: Barbosa Author-Name: Ligia Fabris Author-X-Name-First: Ligia Author-X-Name-Last: Fabris Author-Name: Lorena Abbas Author-X-Name-First: Lorena Author-X-Name-Last: Abbas Author-Name: Gabriela Caruso Author-X-Name-First: Gabriela Author-X-Name-Last: Caruso Author-Name: Victor Giusti Author-X-Name-First: Victor Author-X-Name-Last: Giusti Author-Name: Beatriz Coimbra Author-X-Name-First: Beatriz Author-X-Name-Last: Coimbra Title: Moving away from familism by default? The trends of family policies in Latin America Abstract: Within the care regime literature, Latin American countries have often been classified as familist or familist by default, characterised by the absence of policies to support families in the function of caring for their dependents. Drawing on novel data, this paper investigates the development of policies to support family care responsibilities for children, in Latin America, during the 2010s. Using a descriptive comparative method, it identifies an increase in the family policy effort across the region, despite favouring targeted programmes for the poor, with an emphasis in some cases on the service provisions (Chile, Colombia, and Peru) and in others on cash benefits (Argentina and Brazil). However, these efforts have been insufficient, particularly when compared to the average level of provision among Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and European Union (EU) countries. We argue that only Uruguay has actually moved away from the pattern of familism by default, promoting an extensive state co-responsibility for the caring function. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1865-1883 Issue: 8 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2211931 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2211931 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:8:p:1865-1883 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2197586_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Dério Anselmo Lourenço Chirindza Author-X-Name-First: Dério Anselmo Lourenço Author-X-Name-Last: Chirindza Title: Challenges to the relational integration of urban refugee children into the national education system of Mozambique Abstract: This article draws from a qualitative case study, focussing on the educational experiences of urban refugee children in Mozambique. The fieldwork conducted in Maputo and Nampula during 2018–2020 found that urban refugee children fail to relationally integrate into Mozambican schools as they are subjected to stereotypes, bullying and discrimination at schools and its surroundings. This is critical since effective integration entails more than sharing education structures. Therefore, the government of Mozambique must implement policies that maintain social cohesion and belonging among refugees and their native peers. Only then will refugee education in Mozambique provide urban refugee children with security, stability and protection. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1718-1736 Issue: 8 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2197586 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2197586 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:8:p:1718-1736 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2213204_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ioana Pantilimon Author-X-Name-First: Ioana Author-X-Name-Last: Pantilimon Title: ‘Nuestro Green New Deal’: the Ecosocial Pact of the South and the emergence of biocentric green transitions Abstract: This paper deals with the vocabulary of sustainability born in the struggles against extractivism in Latin America and the Caribbean, by focussing on the Pacto Ecosocial e Intercultural del Sur/Ecosocial and Intercultural Pact of the South – an initiative launched in 2020 by a group of critical scholars and activists. In the era of Green New Deals, the Pact calls for a socially conscious green transition benefiting the many. The article shows that the Pact is a counter-hegemonic proposal with a strong biocentric component. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1901-1918 Issue: 8 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2213204 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2213204 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:8:p:1901-1918 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2202848_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sören Stapel Author-X-Name-First: Sören Author-X-Name-Last: Stapel Author-Name: Fredrik Söderbaum Author-X-Name-First: Fredrik Author-X-Name-Last: Söderbaum Title: European foreign aid to regional organisations in Africa: bullies, overseers, micromanagers and samaritans Abstract: How do external actors promote regional international organisations (RIOs) through their regional foreign aid? Whereas most leading theories of regionalism stipulate that RIOs are designed and shaped by intra-­r­egional actors from ‘within’, this study develops a novel framework for exploring donor involvement in RIOs during various stages of the foreign aid policy cycle. The research design is based on a comparison of the four largest European donors of regional foreign aid (EU, Germany, Sweden and the UK) towards the largest recipient in Africa (African Union). The comparative analysis reveals considerable variation and each donor employ their own distinct approach, which we conceptualise as Bully (EU), Overseer (UK), Micromanager (Germany) and Samaritan (Sweden). This comparative design enables us not only to escape the EU-centrism that currently distorts the research field but also to analyse the different ways by which European donors try to influence and even control RIOs in Africa through their foreign aid. The deep donor involvement in RIOs in Africa challenges us to rethink external intrusion, the meaning of ownership as well as conventional boundaries of ‘inside’/’outside’ in the study of regionalism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1699-1717 Issue: 8 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2202848 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2202848 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:8:p:1699-1717 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2208031_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Reidar Staupe-Delgado Author-X-Name-First: Reidar Author-X-Name-Last: Staupe-Delgado Author-Name: Olivier Rubin Author-X-Name-First: Olivier Author-X-Name-Last: Rubin Title: What makes an acute emergency? Temporal manifestation patterns and global health emergencies Abstract: In this article, we consider the role that onset patterns play in shaping how acute global events are taken to be, drawing on illustrative cases from the field of global health emergencies. We identify four temporal manifestation patterns that we argue display distinct political dynamics. First, an emergent onset pattern (e.g. the H1N1 health emergency), with political dynamics dominated by novelty-induced uncertainty and lack of information as well as familiar analogies. Second, an anticipatory onset pattern (e.g. the risk of a global avian flu health emergency), with a political dynamic characterised by dread of an as-of-yet unrealised high-consequence risk. Third, a cyclical onset pattern (e.g. Ebola), with a political dynamic characterised by a sense of familiarity and expectedness, unless eventual ‘unexpected’ or ‘unprecedented’ aspects manifest themselves. Lastly, a perpetual onset pattern (e.g. antimicrobial resistance), with political dynamics characterised by incrementalism and low political salience. We argue that acuteness is often associated with a departure from expected manifestation patterns, such as an escalation or other traits that make events appear unfamiliar. Whilst drawing on global health emergences in this paper, the four categories theorised here may also be used on a range of other adversities at the global or local level. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1790-1806 Issue: 8 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2208031 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2208031 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:8:p:1790-1806 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2200159_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Paul Michael Brannagan Author-X-Name-First: Paul Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Brannagan Author-Name: Jonathan Grix Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan Author-X-Name-Last: Grix Title: Nation-state strategies for human capital development: the case of sports mega-events in Qatar Abstract: The paper makes an original contribution to knowledge in three ways. First, through interviews with experts in Qatar, we uncover the role major sports events seek to play in the development of Qatar’s indigenous population. Our findings show that, alongside seeking to achieve various international objectives, these events are also intended to have a positive impact on the state’s human capital development at home. Specifically, in this regard, there is a desire to use sports events to address issues related to the health of Qataris, and to try to engage citizens in a process of maturity, whereby they are encouraged to confront the outside world, and become less reliant on the state. Second, our paper adds to understanding the role of aspirations, motivation and ambition in the human capital development process, which, as we show, is an area to which a growing literature is devoted. Third, the paper is the first academic analysis to provide insight into how sports events can be used in an attempt to overcome the ‘resource curse’, referring to the evidential long-term human capital development deficiencies that are commonly experienced by natural resource-rich states across the Middle East, Asia and Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1807-1824 Issue: 8 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2200159 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2200159 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:8:p:1807-1824 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2206555_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Rouf Dar Author-X-Name-First: Rouf Author-X-Name-Last: Dar Title: The politics of finding facts Abstract: Article 370 of the Indian constitution granted the State of Jammu and Kashmir ‘special status’ in the Indian Union. It was read down in a unilateral move by the Indian government in 2019. The State was stripped of its statehood and split into two Union Territories. The whole event was carried out without the consent of the people. The State’s political leadership was detained and an information blockade was imposed. The local media could not function. Kashmir became like a blackhole from which no information was allowed to escape. Several Indian fact-finding teams visited Kashmir during this period, as they did during previous uprisings, to reveal facts from the ground situation. This paper examines multiple reports produced by these teams and seeks to understand the values and concerns that animate them. It considers of immense significance the professional and personal engagement of the authors with the politics of Kashmir and examines whether, and how, their identity, citizenship or ideological inclinations hamper their ability to produce unbiased reports. In doing so, the paper argues that such partisan teams and their biased reports contribute to a decontextualised and hierarchical (re)production of knowledge about Kashmir and its people. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1664-1679 Issue: 8 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2206555 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2206555 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:8:p:1664-1679 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2205579_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Cagla Demirel Author-X-Name-First: Cagla Author-X-Name-Last: Demirel Title: Exploring inclusive victimhood narratives: the case of Bosnia-Herzegovina Abstract: Narratives are essential tools for communicating thoughts about competitive and inclusive victimhood socially and politically. In reconciliation processes, promoting narratives of inclusive victimhood (an understanding that ‘we all suffered together’) has been suggested as one way to overcome competitive victimhood (the idea that one ethnoreligious group or nation is the sole or primary victim in a conflict or war). However, the notion of inclusive victimhood remains understudied in post-war contexts in which exposure to violence was relatively imbalanced between former adversaries. This article traces the potential narrative variation from competitive to inclusive victimhood in post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina. It draws on (1) the competitive victimhood typology as an analytical tool and (2) a mapping of narrative sites as a methodological tool for tracing collective victimhood. The article scrutinises less competitive and inclusive accounts of victimhood identities in Bosnia-Herzegovina by examining the narratives that recognise outgroup victimhood and acknowledge ingroup responsibility for harmdoing. It suggests that there is potential for peaceful coexistence realised through the narrative of shared suffering, especially in post-war contexts where the exposure to violence was not entirely unidirectional. However, shared responsibility is less likely to be observed when the exposure to violence was highly asymmetrical. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1770-1789 Issue: 8 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2205579 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2205579 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:8:p:1770-1789 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2213176_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Joseph J. García Author-X-Name-First: Joseph J. Author-X-Name-Last: García Title: The struggle for water in rural Paraguay: a ‘perverse confluence’ analysis of subversive participation Abstract: In March 1999, the people of Paraguay found themselves at an historical crossroads. At the national level and in rural communities, the legacy of the 35-year Stroessner dictatorship continued to limit the ability of democratic actors to make social and political change in the country. The old one-party rule of the Colorados confronted by international and local pressure for transformation, led to a political crisis that challenged both neoliberal development policies and the lingering authoritarian populism of the dictatorship. This essay explores a municipal infrastructure and water project sponsored by the Paraguayan government, the Peace Corps and the Inter-American Development Bank, in which the joint effort revealed tensions between emergent forms of democratisation and the goals of campesinos and their allies in the Catholic Church. Struggles for improved quality of life through infrastructure development intertwined with neoliberal modes of governance and efforts to overcome years of local authoritarian rule. Local communities sought a more active role in governing their affairs, which led to the successful implementation of Juntas de Saneamiento or ‘sanitation councils’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1884-1900 Issue: 8 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2213176 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2213176 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:8:p:1884-1900 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2211009_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Julian Boys Author-X-Name-First: Julian Author-X-Name-Last: Boys Author-Name: Antonio Andreoni Author-X-Name-First: Antonio Author-X-Name-Last: Andreoni Title: Does regionalism increase industrial policy space? An analytical framework applied to the East African textiles and apparel sector Abstract: We introduce a multidimensional and multilevel framework for industrial policy space as the set of legally permitted, economically viable and politico-institutionally feasible policy options for industrial development, given constraints at the national, regional and global levels. This is applied to the East African Community (EAC) textiles and apparel (T&A) sector, using data from policy documents and semi-structured interviews. The EAC customs union nominally transfers trade policy sovereignty to the regional level, but we present evidence showing how the duty remission scheme allows governments to provide targeted trade policy rents to domestic T&A firms, maintaining national legal policy space. This comes at a cost, because firms benefiting from national duty remission rents may not sell their goods duty free in other EAC countries, so the expanded economic policy space offered by regional integration is curtailed. In the political-institutional sphere, the EAC allowed a new policy option to emerge at the regional level – import substitution of used clothes – but global-level policy space constraints prevented implementation when US authorities threatened to remove trade preferences underpinning thousands of jobs. Regional integration policies should take into account tensions between different dimensions and levels of industrial policy space to maximise prospects for sustainable development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1680-1698 Issue: 8 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2211009 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2211009 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:8:p:1680-1698 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2208045_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Madhushree Sekher Author-X-Name-First: Madhushree Author-X-Name-Last: Sekher Author-Name: Paul Hodge Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Hodge Author-Name: Balbir Singh Aulakh Author-X-Name-First: Balbir Singh Author-X-Name-Last: Aulakh Title: Strengths-based Gram Sabhas? Challenges and radical possibilities when ‘measuring’ poverty in India Abstract: Poverty as an object of study in India continues to be the domain of economists, statisticians and demographers. The National Sample Survey Organisation (NSS) serves as the main instrument of data collection to measure poverty relative to economic indicators. In this paper we draw on strengths-based research undertaken in an Indian village to foreground alternative ways of conceptualising and practising data collection when measuring poverty. Explored through an analytics of biopolitics, asset-mapping exercises with young people and women revealed new subjectivities that emerged via illustrative meaning-making and dialogue. This approach to poverty measurement facilitated methods and produced outcomes that were less calculated and predefined than the NSS, and encouraged participation, even questioning of the status quo, in the ‘doing’ of the methodology itself. A strengths orientation to poverty opens up radical possibilities, particularly in India where the state-sanctioned self-­governing body, the Gram Sabhas, has a mandate to provide for the most marginalised groups. And while this governing body is not free from power imbalances, the potential it offers, when combined with strengths-based approaches (SBA) that value people for the expertise they already have, demands renewed attention in practitioner and policy debates in the country. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1643-1663 Issue: 8 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2208045 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2208045 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:8:p:1643-1663 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2203380_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Hannes Warnecke-Berger Author-X-Name-First: Hannes Author-X-Name-Last: Warnecke-Berger Author-Name: Hans-Jürgen Burchardt Author-X-Name-First: Hans-Jürgen Author-X-Name-Last: Burchardt Author-Name: Kristina Dietz Author-X-Name-First: Kristina Author-X-Name-Last: Dietz Title: The failure of (neo-)extractivism in Latin America – explanations and future challenges Abstract: The article scrutinises the failure of neo-extractivism in Latin America. Parallel to the global super cycle of commodity prices, many Latin American governments turned to the left and promised redistribution and development, particularly for the poor. Empirically we show that neo-extractivism has become a veritable development model since the beginnings of the 2000s for many Latin American societies. We further show that the recent favourable commodity conjuncture did not translate into diversification and a shift towards non-extractivist sectors away from neo-extractivism, however. In short: neo-extractivism failed. Analysing this failure needs to focus on the underlying political economic conditions that make such a development model possible in the first place, that are reinforced by that very model, and that are prone to crisis; that is, economic rents and their appropriation. We state that the root cause of the emergence as well as the failure of neo-extractivism in Latin America lies in the prevalence of rents. We call for a renewed interest in rent theory and a shift towards political economy in the analysis of development Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1825-1843 Issue: 8 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2203380 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2203380 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:8:p:1825-1843 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2221190_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Maryann Bylander Author-X-Name-First: Maryann Author-X-Name-Last: Bylander Title: Migration speculation: microfinance and migration in the Global South Abstract: Across the Global South, microfinance providers have begun offering formalised pre-departure loans as part of their broader efforts to promote migrant financial inclusion. This article critically examines the logic behind these migration loans, drawing on data from Bangladesh to denaturalise the discursive shifts justifying these programs. Advocates of formalised migration loans view them as enabling the ‘worthwhile investment’ of migration, while reducing migration costs and risks. Yet these claims ignore the systemic precarity of migrant labour, the potential for abuse and dispossession via microcredit, and the ways that formal debt can heighten vulnerability for migrants. In making these claims, I draw attention to the infrastructures that have enabled contemporary forms of migration lending, highlighting that migration loans are now possible precisely because financial institutions have found ways to reshape the risks of lending to mobile populations. As such, I make the case for seeing migration loans as a form of migration speculation—in which migrant experiences become a site of investment and profit for microfinance institutions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2136-2153 Issue: 9 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2221190 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2221190 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:9:p:2136-2153 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2213171_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Luqman Ọpẹ́yẹmí Muraina Author-X-Name-First: Luqman Ọpẹ́yẹmí Author-X-Name-Last: Muraina Author-Name: Abdulkareem J. Ajímátanraẹjẹ Author-X-Name-First: Abdulkareem J. Author-X-Name-Last: Ajímátanraẹjẹ Title: Gender relations in Indigenous Yorùbá culture: questioning current feminist actions and advocacies Abstract: Gender hierarchy and inequality are attributes of Western colonialism enforced in several colonised societies. Similarly, feminism (Western), as the antithesis of European sexism, has permeated colonised societies and has been assimilated without proper reflection. This is concretely evident among the Yorùbá people of south-western Nigeria. Before European colonisation, Yorùbá culture was gender-neutral and gender-silent; women were seen as complementary and not subordinate to men. Hence, according to Oyěwùmí’s work on The Invention of Women, caution and reflections must be raised on the continual adoption of mainstream Western feminist philosophy in Yorùbá culture. In essence, the colonial imposition of the Western gender binary in Yorùbá society and women’s anti-colonial and feminist activities are discussed. Furthermore, the paper challenges some feminist approaches and ideologies in Nigeria, while advocating for a communal, transformative, and Pan-African feminism in Yorùbá and African societies. The decolonisation of Africa and the Yorùbá education system are recommended, alongside a proper history of Indigenous Yoruba people and knowledges. Contemporary feminist campaigns (including digital feminisms) and movements must also develop a ‘shared text of blackness’. The duo should align and improve the worth of women based on the indispensability and esteemed status offered to women in ‘pre-colonial’ Yorùbá society. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2031-2045 Issue: 9 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2213171 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2213171 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:9:p:2031-2045 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2220662_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Carlos Pulleiro Méndez Author-X-Name-First: Carlos Author-X-Name-Last: Pulleiro Méndez Author-Name: Daniel Morales Ruvalcaba Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Morales Ruvalcaba Title: Latin American structure and Pan-Am Games: analysing the medal table from International Relations Abstract: This paper studies Latin American sport from an International Relations perspective. Considering that systemic imperatives are overlooked in most sports studies and that power is not conceived as a comprehensive element that drives state action, the focus here is to study the relationship between the international power structure and sports performance, analysing the correlation between the World Power Index (WPI) and the medal table of the Pan-American Games from the edition of Mexico City 1975 to Lima 2019. The results show that there is a positive and strong correlation in the different periods of time evaluated, but even with that, we do not defend that there is an automatic conversion of national power into the medal tables at the Pan-American Games. In conclusion, this article argues that from International Relations, the International Structure configures the medal plans of countries, namely, where they want to be positioned in the final rankings, which in the end, shapes the medal table of sports competitions. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2115-2135 Issue: 9 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2220662 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2220662 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:9:p:2115-2135 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2217766_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jewellord T. Nem Singh Author-X-Name-First: Jewellord T. Author-X-Name-Last: Nem Singh Title: The advance of the state and the renewal of industrial policy in the age of strategic competition Abstract: Many developing countries have recently adopted a swathe of development strategies ranging from extremely selective to non-discretionary, functional policies – some if not all of which constitute what we may term ‘industrial policy’. The collection provides an overview on the state of the art about new industrial policy and the place of politics in contemporary analysis of state intervention in the global political economy. This introduction revisits the importance of state-backed economic policies not simply as a reaction to the limitations of market reforms implemented in the 1980s and 1990s, but as a radically new development strategy moving on to the twenty-first century. The task of the paper is two-fold: first, it maps out the lessons from East Asian industrial policy and demonstrates how a new generation of political economy scholars have brought in a more political approach to industrialisation; and second, it synthesises the political economy literature to build a framework that incorporates new aspects of industrial policy, notably on the significance of economic linkages and rent management as a way of addressing global value chains. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1919-1937 Issue: 9 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2217766 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2217766 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:9:p:1919-1937 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2216140_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jewellord T. Nem Singh Author-X-Name-First: Jewellord T. Author-X-Name-Last: Nem Singh Title: Recentring industrial policy paradigm within IPE and development studies Abstract: The article makes the case for a distinctive intellectual tradition of the industrial policy paradigm to examine state strategies in the twenty-first century. Specifically, it outlines three key lessons for political economy scholarship: first, it points to the need to study complementary institutions and the longer-term horizon in political cycles; second, it notes that scholars must seek innovative methodologies in examining sectoral development; and, third, it calls for a rethinking of state capacity in the new phase of globalisation, marked by strategic competition and neo-mercantilism. In so doing, the article opens a new research agenda for the next generation of scholars focussed on how industrial policy might help – or fail – to promote the creation of new comparative advantages and the advancement of internationally competitive firms and sectors, and, importantly, to deliver better quality of life for citizens in most of the Global South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2015-2030 Issue: 9 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2216140 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2216140 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:9:p:2015-2030 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2107901_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Michael E. Odijie Author-X-Name-First: Michael E. Author-X-Name-Last: Odijie Title: Tension between state-level industrial policy and regional integration in Africa Abstract: How does industrial policy currently interact with Regional Economic Communities in Africa? This article examines the tension between Regional Economic Communities and state-level industrial policy in Africa through two main problems: (1) how state industrial policies undermine Regional Economic Communities through a crisis of implementation and (2) how Regional Economic Communities undermine industrial policies through crisis of coordination. In discussing these issues, using indicative examples from the regions, especially the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the East African Community (EAC), the article brings together industrial policy and regional economic integration in Africa. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1997-2014 Issue: 9 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2107901 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2107901 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:9:p:1997-2014 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2142551_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ling Chen Author-X-Name-First: Ling Author-X-Name-Last: Chen Author-Name: Buhe Chulu Author-X-Name-First: Buhe Author-X-Name-Last: Chulu Title: Complementary institutions of industrial policy: a quasi-market role of government inspired by the evolutionary China Model Abstract: China has achieved rapid economic growth over the past four decades, and industrial policy is widely considered an important driving force in the process. This paper traces the evolutionary process of China’s industrial policies in the transition of the economic system, and summarises the complementary institutions behind the successes and failures of using industrial policies. China’s industrial polices evolved through four stages, namely the initial stage, the building stage, the outreach stage and the upgrading stage. Typical sectors – light industry, the automobile industry, the mobile telecommunication industry and the platform industry – are examined. The study finds that although China’s industrial policies have been inefficient or even failed in micro-level interventions for choosing winners, they have achieved success at the macro level such as market shaping and structural adjustment. We conclude that in transition economies with imperfect market mechanisms, the government can act as a ‘quasi-market’ and provide autonomous, competitive and inclusive institutions, thereby giving play to the mechanism of trial and error, discovering knowledge and mutual learning. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1981-1996 Issue: 9 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2142551 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2142551 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:9:p:1981-1996 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2219607_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Funda Gençoğlu Author-X-Name-First: Funda Author-X-Name-Last: Gençoğlu Title: Once there was and once there wasn’t: the tale of intellectuals and the state in Turkey Abstract: This article presents a taxonomy of various conceptions of the intellectual and then analyses the changing official discourse on intellectuals in Turkey with reference to this taxonomy. The taxonomy developed here is an original contribution to the existing literature on intellectuals. It distinguishes six conceptions of the intellectual: (i) as the gadfly and the gift of god, (ii) as the philosopher, (iii) as parrhesiastes, (iv) as the activist, (v) as the exile and (vi) as the persona non grata. During the single-party years, the dominant approach oscillated between the intellectual as gadfly, God’s gift and philosopher; during the 1960s and 1970s, it was replaced by a conception of the intellectual as the activist; during the aftermath of the 1980 coup d’état, the intellectual was the exile. During the 1990s and 2000s, the intellectuals were mainly the critics of the hegemonic Kemalism, thus they were the epitomisation of parrhesia. This study argues that variations within the official discourse on intellectuals give important clues about how a hegemonic configuration is installed/challenged/displaced/replaced/re-installed, and since the current hegemony in Turkey stands on anti-intellectualism, the intellectual is now persona non grata. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2098-2114 Issue: 9 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2219607 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2219607 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:9:p:2098-2114 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2217757_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Javid Ahmad Ahanger Author-X-Name-First: Javid Ahmad Author-X-Name-Last: Ahanger Author-Name: Muzamil Yaqoob Author-X-Name-First: Muzamil Author-X-Name-Last: Yaqoob Title: The politics of rhetoric: examining popular discourse in Jammu and Kashmir Abstract: This study examines diverse political slogans in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) from 1947 to 2019. It discusses the rhetorical impacts of these slogans and how they impacted and shaped the diverse ideological orientations across the different regions of J&K. Building on the rhetorical function that political assertion serves through the use of slogans, the article analyses slogans that have shaped the cultural and political trajectory of J&K since 1947. The analysis is insightful for understanding the political history of J&K and the role of institutions and processes like the party system and elections in the smooth functioning of democracy. Though considerable literature exists on J&K’s politics and conflict, however, the subject of slogans has remained largely neglected, despite the significance that they hold for a comprehensive historical understanding of the region. Studying this subject, we believe, not only opens a political window to analyse regional history differently but also highlights how the rhetorical functions of political assertions shape popular opinions and hold the potential to impact thought patterns and cultural settings. Strategies to develop slogans and how the political parties and other groups used them will be analysed contextually and the developments that have shaped the modern political history of J&K. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2080-2097 Issue: 9 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2217757 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2217757 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:9:p:2080-2097 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2236873_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Correction Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2191-2191 Issue: 9 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2236873 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2236873 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:9:p:2191-2191 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2215173_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Yake Liu Author-X-Name-First: Yake Author-X-Name-Last: Liu Author-Name: Chui Ying Lee Author-X-Name-First: Chui Ying Author-X-Name-Last: Lee Author-Name: Shinji Kaneko Author-X-Name-First: Shinji Author-X-Name-Last: Kaneko Author-Name: Niraj Prakash Joshi Author-X-Name-First: Niraj Prakash Author-X-Name-Last: Joshi Title: Intergenerational education effect of child marriage in marginal settlements of Nepal Abstract: This paper examines the intergenerational effect of child marriage on education. While most of the literature focuses on child marriage generations, the spillover effects on offspring require close attention to terminate the endless loop of child marriage-related issues. By employing coarsened exact matching (CEM), the authors analyse how child marriage impacts the education of the offspring of child-married mothers in marginal areas in Nepal. This study utilises the Nepal Marginal Settlements Survey: Household 2014/15 data set, with a finalised sample size of 2681 children. The authors use ‘overage’ as an outcome variable to reflect the comprehensive education attainment situation. In this paper, ‘overage’ refers to the difference between students’ observed age and the standard schooling age of his or her current grade defined by Nepal’s government. The estimated results show that being born to a mother married before 18 years of age increases female children’s overage by 0.352 years and male children’s overage by 0.498 years. This intergenerational effect of child marriage on education differs distinctly by gender. The effect becomes more severe as the marriage age of the mother decreases. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2046-2062 Issue: 9 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2215173 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2215173 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:9:p:2046-2062 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2215705_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Stephan Ortmann Author-X-Name-First: Stephan Author-X-Name-Last: Ortmann Title: When protests become a threat to authoritarian rule: the case of environmental protests in Viet Nam Abstract: This paper argues that the decision of an authoritarian regime to use repression depends both on the repressing agent and the costs as well as the threat perception. This is illustrated in the comparison between two environmental protests in Viet Nam. In 2015, the Vietnamese press reported that police had used tear gas against protesters opposing massive pollution by the Vinh Tan 2 thermal power plant but later treated the violent protesters with leniency. In contrast, the 2016 protest against the Formosa Ha-Tinh Steel Corporation was widely censored in the press and numerous peaceful protesters were arrested and harshly punished. The Vinh Tan case was not perceived as a threat and the costs of repression were judged to be high, while in the case of Formosa, the initial denials of responsibility raised the costs for the regime and the movement that emerged eventually was perceived to be a threat to the regime. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2063-2079 Issue: 9 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2215705 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2215705 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:9:p:2063-2079 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2223125_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Rahime Süleymanoğlu-Kürüm Author-X-Name-First: Rahime Author-X-Name-Last: Süleymanoğlu-Kürüm Author-Name: Elif Gençkal-Eroler Author-X-Name-First: Elif Author-X-Name-Last: Gençkal-Eroler Title: Alternative modernities and epistemic struggles for recognition in Turkish media: deconstructing Eurocentrism? Abstract: The concept of modernity and its association with the West and secularism is being challenged with the rise of religious movements in the age of globalisation. This provides a fertile ground for alternative modernities, disconnected from the West and secularism, to surface. This paper provides a theoretical explanation for the emergence of alternative modernities by drawing on insights from epistemic injustice and recognition theory, through an analysis of Turkish media outlets. Turkey serves as an illustrative case to examine the emergence of alternative modernities due to its long-standing tradition of incorporating Western modernity and its complex liminal identity between the boundaries of the East and the West. This paper argues that the period from 2005 to 2020 presented a window of opportunity for an alternative modernities paradigm to engage in epistemic struggles for recognition, supported by the ideological context of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi or AKP) government. This period paved the way for questioning the superiority and uniqueness of Western modernity. However, it also indicates the birth of a new form of epistemic injustice as counter-narratives defending the superiority of Islamic civilisation emerged, seeking to establish epistemic hegemony for Islam and its association with modernity. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2154-2172 Issue: 9 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2223125 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2223125 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:9:p:2154-2172 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2009739_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jostein Hauge Author-X-Name-First: Jostein Author-X-Name-Last: Hauge Title: Manufacturing-led development in the digital age: how power trumps technology Abstract: In this article, I analyse challenges to manufacturing-led development in the Global South in the context of digitalisation. I look at three phenomena in particular: (1) the rise of digital services as an alternative to manufacturing in achieving economic development; (2) the impact of digital automation technologies on job creation in the manufacturing sector; (3) manufacturing-led development in the context of digital and global value chains. I make two important arguments. The first argument is that the rise of digital services or digital automation technologies do not require a serious reformulation of manufacturing-led development strategies. The second argument is that the expansion of digital and global value chains are empowering transnational corporations headquartered in the North at the expense of industrialisation in the South. Industrial policy and international politics can play a part in mitigating the challenge underscored by my second argument. At the national level, the establishment of state-owned enterprises is a good alternative to development strategies that rely purely on linking up to transnational corporations. At the international level, we need change within organisations that enforce rules of trade in favour of the North, and we need to support agreements and initiatives established by and for the South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1960-1980 Issue: 9 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.2009739 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.2009739 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:9:p:1960-1980 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2226607_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Olga Demetriou Author-X-Name-First: Olga Author-X-Name-Last: Demetriou Author-Name: Costas M. Constantinou Author-X-Name-First: Costas M. Author-X-Name-Last: Constantinou Author-Name: Maria Tselepou Author-X-Name-First: Maria Author-X-Name-Last: Tselepou Title: Lateral colonialism: exploring modalities of engagement in decolonial politics from the periphery Abstract: This article contributes to an understanding of how the world outside the Global North is complicit in the visibility politics that render spaces of harm relevant or irrelevant to the reproduction of racism. Extending insights from decolonial theorising, we examine the colonial matrix that produces ongoing legacies of violence and racism through the case of Cyprus. As a peripheral location, Cyprus has been invisible to this story yet had a role in the distribution and mitigation of colonial violence through the institution of what we call lateral colonialism. Through this concept, we explore how peoples otherwise situated and outside the purview of these violences (non-colonisers and non-Blacks) were also enveloped and complicit in them. The case of Cypriots in Africa helps delineate three modalities of this involvement: governmental, entrepreneurial and religious. Lateral colonialism, we argue, is indispensable in linking decolonial possibilities to a global political agenda. The paper re-scripts Africa into Cypriot histories and Cyprus-qua-periphery into the decolonial narrative. In this double sense, lateral colonialism excavates connections that have been forgottern and obscured. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2173-2190 Issue: 9 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2226607 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2226607 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:9:p:2173-2190 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_1984876_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Lukas Schlogl Author-X-Name-First: Lukas Author-X-Name-Last: Schlogl Author-Name: Kyunghoon Kim Author-X-Name-First: Kyunghoon Author-X-Name-Last: Kim Title: After authoritarian technocracy: the space for industrial policy-making in democratic developing countries Abstract: Many developing countries have, in recent years, adopted structural transformation strategies and strengthened state economic activism. While prima facie reminiscent of the post-war era’s developmentalist strategies, contemporary industrial policies have resurfaced in a different environment: they are often designed and implemented in (newly) democratic, rather than authoritarian, political regimes. This paper argues that when democratic developing countries seek to (re)deploy industrial policies, governments must navigate the specific demands arising in an institutional setting in which political power is constrained and contestable. Therefore, the focus of the classical industrial policy literature on instrumental-rational, top-down, technocratic ­policy-making, with centralised state–business relations, needs to adapt to this environment. This paper discusses how challenges to secure fiscal space, reach parliamentary consensus, and address diverse societal demands in a formal democratic institutional setting influence industrial policies in developing countries. We exemplify this using Indonesia as a case study. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1938-1959 Issue: 9 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1984876 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1984876 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:9:p:1938-1959 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2263260_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Correction Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: I-I Issue: 10 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2263260 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2263260 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:10:p:I-I Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2106965_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Alexandra Arabadzhyan Author-X-Name-First: Alexandra Author-X-Name-Last: Arabadzhyan Title: A message to the Global South? Che Guevara’s view on the NEP and the law of value Abstract: This paper reveals the theoretical framework and practical experience of Ernesto Guevara, investigating how he got involved in the specific task of building socialism in Cuba. Guevara studied Marxist literature extensively, and the changes experienced by socialist bloc countries in the 1960s. He elaborated the Budgetary Finance System which was opposed to the auto-financing defended by Carlos Rafael Rodrígues. This opposition was embodied in the Great Economic Debate. A crucial point of the discussion was the view on planning and the law of value. For Guevara, the latter could not be used to build socialism, whilst centralised planning was the ‘defining category’ of socialism. Explaining the context and the main measures of the New Economic Policy (NEP) applied in Soviet Russia in 1920s, this paper investigates Guevara’s critical view on it, based on his methodological approach to Das Kapital. Guevara revealed a link between the NEP and market experiments of the 1960s, forecasting a return to capitalism in the USSR. Guevara’s radical political economy is crucial for understanding his legacy holistically and may be considered a message to the countries and social movements of the Global South in their struggle for socialism, warning them away from distortion of Marxism. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2300-2317 Issue: 10 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2106965 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2106965 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:10:p:2300-2317 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2115884_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Elise Boyle Espinosa Author-X-Name-First: Elise Author-X-Name-Last: Boyle Espinosa Author-Name: Adam Ronan Author-X-Name-First: Adam Author-X-Name-Last: Ronan Title: Rojava’s ‘war of education’: the role of education in building a revolutionary political community in North and East Syria Abstract: Since the beginning of the Syrian war and Rojava revolution, a new education system has been evolving. Foundational to this education is the ideology of Democratic Nation, which has its roots in the Kurdish political movement from Turkey, and to which radical democracy, women’s liberation and ecology are fundamental. In this article, we explore the makeup of Rojava’s formal education structures, and demonstrate how education has contributed to the creation of a political community whose sense of nationhood stems from the diversity of peoples in the region, united by their shared democratic values, and opposed to the nationalist Syrian regime and broader expansion of ‘capitalist modernity’. We first describe the structure and content of the new education system, and discuss how it has strengthened, and shaped, the political community it engenders. We go on to discuss the implications of its implementation, including the ways in which it both lives up to and contradicts its own ideals, concluding that within the teachings exists the potential for participants to continually reflect and improve. Our analysis of this emancipatory education system contributes to the literature on education and political community. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2281-2299 Issue: 10 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2115884 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2115884 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:10:p:2281-2299 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2231854_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Bruno De Conti Author-X-Name-First: Bruno Author-X-Name-Last: De Conti Author-Name: Patricia Villen Author-X-Name-First: Patricia Author-X-Name-Last: Villen Title: Emancipatory movements in Latin America: challenges and impetus arising from the historical formation of the region Abstract: This article aims to investigate whether the interpretation of the social movements which emerged in the turn of the century as movements defined by their struggles against neoliberalism is applicable for Latin America. With this purpose, the text follows a methodology based on the discussion of some of the main social movements that are currently active in the region, through an analytical scheme, which prioritises the understanding of the historical formation of this subcontinent and its position in the world economy. The hypothesis is that these elements are crucial for a proper appreciation of the material and ideological ground in which these movements carry out their struggles, as well as the huge socioeconomic contradictions, which may create obstacles, but also impetus for contestation. Finally, the text debates the promotion of these movements on regional and international level, taking into consideration the potential of internationalisation related to four axes which were identified in the research—namely livelihood, territory, ethnical identity and sustainability. Through this analysis, the article contributes to the understanding of the raison d’être of these Latin American social movements, but also to the discussions on the emancipatory potential ingrained in their struggles. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2318-2334 Issue: 10 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2231854 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2231854 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:10:p:2318-2334 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2124965_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Gabriel Domingues Author-X-Name-First: Gabriel Author-X-Name-Last: Domingues Author-Name: Sérgio Sauer Author-X-Name-First: Sérgio Author-X-Name-Last: Sauer Title: Amazonian socio-environmental frontier: struggles, resistance and contradictions in confronting the agrarian extractive frontier Abstract: Considering the advancement of the agrarian extractive frontier in Brazil, the research question was ‘what were the elements that enabled the formation and resistance of a socio-environmental frontier in the Amazon’? This extractive frontier has been related to the deforestation and environmental degradation caused by the expansion of predatory activities (logging, extensive cattle ranching, soybean cultivation, mineral extraction and hydroelectricity production), aggravating rather than mitigating climate change. The socio-environmental frontier has been created by the convergence of a diversity of experiences and fronts of struggle resisting the agrarian extractive frontier. Answering the question, the objective is to understand the main fronts of struggles, referred to as the environmentalist, peasant and Indigenist fronts. These fronts established the socio-environmental frontier, leading to the creation of protected territories, including Indigenous lands, extractive reserves and conservation units for sustainable use. It achieved recognition and international support, including financing of projects for protecting and consolidating such territories. Despite these conquests and victories, one cannot ignore the challenges and risks of the Amazonian communities becoming trapped by the logic of accumulation. The increasing demand for natural resources could disconnect them from the fundamental elements of their identities and connections to their territories. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2208-2226 Issue: 10 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2124965 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2124965 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:10:p:2208-2226 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2251422_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Annamária Artner Author-X-Name-First: Annamária Author-X-Name-Last: Artner Author-Name: Zhiguang Yin Author-X-Name-First: Zhiguang Author-X-Name-Last: Yin Title: Towards a non-hegemonic world order – emancipation and the political agency of the Global South in a changing world order Abstract: This introduction presents an overview of this collection. It aims to clarify the making of the modern world order through the dialectic between the will to dominate and the will to resist. As conventional theories of international relations have been largely focused on the dominating powers, we attempt to highlight the constructive power of the countries from the Global South. By analysing the state-making within, and cooperation among, the Global South countries, we argue that the pursuit of human emancipation and national liberation makes countries in the Global South active agents in the creation of the world order and in human history in general. This paper also presents a short historical contextualisation of the terms ‘Third World’ and ‘Global South’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2193-2207 Issue: 10 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2251422 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2251422 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:10:p:2193-2207 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2074391_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Zhiguang Yin Author-X-Name-First: Zhiguang Author-X-Name-Last: Yin Title: ‘World of tomorrow’ Afro–Asian solidarity and the Great Leap Forward of Culture in the People’s Republic of China Abstract: This paper revises the bellicist theory of state-making by examining the interconnection between state-making and nation-building in the Third World. It argues that nation-building mobilisations for the purposes of self-preservation and aversion of unbalanced wars are equally crucial. By focusing on the People’s Republic of China’s involvement in the Afro–Asian cultural cooperation in the 1950s, this paper elaborates on how internationalism plays a role in the state-driven mobilisation of the general public for the purpose of nation-building in China. It looks at the role of transnational exchanges of cultural productions and cooperation in spurring social empowerment and nation-building in the post-World War II Afro–Asian world under the framework of the Afro–Asian solidarity movement. The Afro–Asian cultural cooperation was intended to create alternative visions to the West-centric narratives of modernisation among the general public. These visions in turn inspired the general public to be involved in nation-building movements in respective Global South nations. This synchronic relationship between national independence and internationalism in China is crucial in understanding the state-making in the Global South as a process of political, economic and, more importantly, cultural decolonisation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2263-2280 Issue: 10 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2074391 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2074391 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:10:p:2263-2280 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2106208_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Chungse Jung Author-X-Name-First: Chungse Author-X-Name-Last: Jung Title: Revisiting antisystemic movements in the Global South: struggles against exclusion and struggles against exploitation Abstract: Antisystemic movements have been used as a key concept in world-­systems analysis to explain emancipatory struggles against the dominant structure of the capitalist world-economy. This study attempts to develop a more inclusive concept of antisystemic movements by focusing on the primary themes of emancipatory struggles – exploitation and exclusion – in the Global South. Struggles against exploitation are movements that mobilise people to demand an end to their absolute or relative poverty, austerities, economic grievances and dispossession. Struggles against exclusion are movements that contest processes of exclusion from local, domestic and international communities and polities. Nationalist mobilisations and ethnic conflicts have been the primary issues in these struggles. Struggles against exclusion could extend to mobilisations for democracy and the expansion of citizenship rights. Furthermore, an empirical analysis of popular protests conducted by compiling protest events in the Global South reported in The New York Times from 1870 to 2016 demonstrates that the most widely shared theme was the struggle against exclusion. Over time, the struggles against exclusion as emancipatory movements have remained a central issue in antisystemic activities in the Global South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2227-2245 Issue: 10 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2106208 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2106208 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:10:p:2227-2245 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2171389_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni Author-X-Name-First: Sabelo J. Author-X-Name-Last: Ndlovu-Gatsheni Title: Beyond the coloniser’s model of the world: towards reworlding from the Global South Abstract: The reworlding of the world from the Global South directly challenges the resilient coloniser’s model of the world. The coloniser’s model of the world sustains the contemporary hierarchical and asymmetrical modern world system with Europe and North America at its apex of power. Consequently, reworlding from the Global South materialised as a counter-hegemonic initiative driven by struggles of the wretched of the earth for re-existence, liberation and freedom. The epic Haitian Revolution (1791–1804), which embraced ‘Black’ as an identity of a sovereign people opposed to racism, enslavement and colonialism, forms an ideal genealogy of reworlding from the Global South. This article reflects on evolving ideological, identitarian, cultural, intellectual and pan-African formations and initiatives of resisting empire and remaking the world after the empire. What is highlighted are freedom dreams, self-definition initiatives, critiques of the asymmetrically structured modern world and struggles and visions of re-membering and re-humanisation of the dismembered and dehumanised. The Black Lives Matter and Rhodes Must Fall movements, among many other initiatives and formations, have carried over the struggles for reworlding the world from the Global South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2246-2262 Issue: 10 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2171389 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2171389 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:10:p:2246-2262 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2206555_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Statement of Removal Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: i-i Issue: 8 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 8 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2206555 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2206555 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:8:p:i-i Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2234835_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Angela Pennisi di Floristella Author-X-Name-First: Angela Author-X-Name-Last: Pennisi di Floristella Title: The Everything But Arms (EBA) scheme and the EU’s normative dilemma: the case of Myanmar’s garment sector Abstract: Amid the escalation of the so-called Rohingya crisis and rising human rights concerns, EU institutions have repeatedly threatened a suspension of the Everything But Arms (EBA) trade arrangement with Myanmar, which is conditional on respect for fundamental human and labour rights. Despite Myanmar’s human rights situation having dramatically deteriorated, when in February 2021 the military seized power in a violent coup, the EU has failed to invoke a withdrawal of trade preferences. This article seeks to explore the rationale for the EU trade approach, which has so far received limited attention in the literature. By examining the case of Myanmar’s garment industry, which has been one of the most important sectors benefitting from EBA preferences, this article highlights the fact that, contrary to EU claims of a more assertive trade policy, EU trade decisions have been primarily influenced by normative dilemmas connected to the unwanted consequences of punishing trade instruments. In turn, the article shows that the EU’s normative dilemmas are paving the way for a targeted withdrawal of trade preferences. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2404-2421 Issue: 11 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2234835 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2234835 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:11:p:2404-2421 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2233918_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jinlong Liu Author-X-Name-First: Jinlong Author-X-Name-Last: Liu Author-Name: Chunhong Sheng Author-X-Name-First: Chunhong Author-X-Name-Last: Sheng Title: A historic review of deforestation and afforestation in North Korea Abstract: Forest cover loss in the DPRK is intrinsically related to food insecurity and energy insufficiency. This study used qualitative research methods to understand the deforestation and afforestation history of DPRK. Forest cover in the DPRK decreased during the period of Japanese ­colonisation, increased slightly after liberation, decreased again during the Korean War, increased because of socialist economic progress, and decreased, when Eastern European socialism collapsed after 1990. Between 1990 and 2010, the decrease amounted to 2.2 million ha, while the volume of growing stock continued to decrease by approximately 3% per year. This was due to the copious amounts of fuel wood harvested from forests. Slash-and-burn cultivation of food crops also increased during that time. The decline in forest quantity and quality required comprehensive measures, including favourable international relations, political and institutional reforms, the decentralisation of forest management, and proper technical support for local communities. The forestry issue in DPRK is complex and, therefore, is no longer solely the prerogative of the forestry sector, but is embodied in political, social, cultural, economic, environmental, and other broad development challenges to country faces. Solving the forestry crisis in DPRK requires addressing challenges related to international political engagement and domestic multi-sector coordination and collaboration. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2391-2403 Issue: 11 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2233918 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2233918 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:11:p:2391-2403 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2230901_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Erika Jiménez Author-X-Name-First: Erika Author-X-Name-Last: Jiménez Title: ‘The occupation wants to delete us’: Palestinian youth’s interpretations of and resistance to settler colonialism Abstract: Despite the increased application of settler colonial theory to analyse settler colonial contexts, critical scholars have highlighted its inadequacies – primarily, that it has marginalised Indigenous knowledge and agency. Palestinian scholars have questioned the paradigm’s ability to fully capture the particularities of the Israel–Palestine ­context. This paper seeks to contribute to these critiques by exploring Palestinian youth’s interpretations of settler colonialism in the West Bank. It draws on qualitative research that explored Palestinian youth’s views on and experiences of human rights. This article suggests that Indigenous analyses of settler colonialism seem more relevant to Palestinian youth than the settler colonial analytic. These, along with consideration of the interplay between neoliberalism and ­colonisation, may better assist them to understand and articulate settler ­colonialism and strategise against it. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2351-2369 Issue: 11 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2230901 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2230901 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:11:p:2351-2369 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2231890_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nissim Mannathukkaren Author-X-Name-First: Nissim Author-X-Name-Last: Mannathukkaren Author-Name: Drew MacEachern Author-X-Name-First: Drew Author-X-Name-Last: MacEachern Title: Constructing a Vishwaguru (world teacher): Hindu nationalism, populism and the domestic consumption of Narendra Modi’s global image Abstract: Narendra Modi is a prime example of a right-wing nationalist populist, in his case, trying to create a new India that rejects India’s traditional secular liberalism in favour of a Hindu state. Modi has gained a reputation amongst his supporters as a visionary who is improving India’s standing on the world stage as a great power and making a revolutionary change in India. But Modi has come under increasing international concern and condemnation for his majoritarian nationalist authoritarianism, which has seen India slide on many democracy indicators, a reality which his supporters reject. We argue, thus, that there is a fundamental discrepancy between the image of the Modi regime abroad and at home, that has gone unexplored in scholarship. We also contend that this discrepancy is implicated in post-truth politics. Modi’s populist project is one of asserting a true Hindu Indian identity, the global criticisms of which, under conditions of post-truth, are either irrelevant or, ironically, contribute to its strength. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2370-2390 Issue: 11 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2231890 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2231890 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:11:p:2370-2390 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2229741_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Maxwell J. Fuerderer Author-X-Name-First: Maxwell J. Author-X-Name-Last: Fuerderer Title: Presidential prerogatives, exogenous situations, and Sisyphean IMF loan arrangements: examining fiscal crises in post-Arab Spring Tunisia and Egypt Abstract: Since the Arab Spring’s overthrow of leadership in Tunisia and Egypt in 2011, both states find themselves in severe fiscal crisis due to currency shortages, high external debt and inflation, despite loan arrangements from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Why has a decade of IMF loan programmes been unable to offset these economic imbalances? This article assesses the financial situations in both state cases, outlines the processes and provisions of IMF loan programmes, looks to specific examples of application in post-Arab Spring Tunisia and Egypt, and then articulates whether domestic leadership, exogenous crises, or IMF conditionality arrangements best explain the inability of the IMF to address these fiscal issues. It concludes by placing most of the blame on conditionality of IMF loan programmes, which encourage austerity and increased debt rates, creating a ‘Sisyphean arrangement’ where both states remain continuously inclined to accept further loan programmes, without alternative for economic reform to offset debt. However, effects of domestic leadership actions and exogenous crises remain highly influential on the performance of state economies, illustrating that the IMF’s position as being able to solve most fiscal problems is inhibited by these factors as well. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2335-2350 Issue: 11 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2229741 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2229741 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:11:p:2335-2350 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2240720_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Marlene Solís Author-X-Name-First: Marlene Author-X-Name-Last: Solís Author-Name: Rosa María Soriano-Miras Author-X-Name-First: Rosa María Author-X-Name-Last: Soriano-Miras Author-Name: Cristina Fuentes-Lara Author-X-Name-First: Cristina Author-X-Name-Last: Fuentes-Lara Title: Morocco’s northern border region: gender, labour and mobility Abstract: This paper presents the results of two recent studies on gender, labour and mobility on the borders between Morocco and Spain. Industrial relocation and the feminised labour market was the first focus of our attention. Subsequently, we integrated research on cross-border labour markets, such as the small-scale commercial activity carried out by women. The objective of these studies is to understand the impacts of globalisation processes, such as industrial relocation and border dynamics, on the daily lives of women. Therefore, we consider theoretical approaches to female participation in emerging economic circuits in developing countries as a macro-vision that enables contextualisation at a micro-social level. At the micro level, our analysis draws from the notion of lived precariousness as a perspective that allows us to examine the testimonies and the meaning they give to their experience. The results not only indicate that the complexity of border life and its precariousness represent a challenge for women – who develop different ways of dealing with structural and cultural limits as they strive for more substantial autonomy and empowerment – but also provide a glimpse of a broader trend in female economic participation in these circuits that appears to reproduce gender inequalities and pose new obstacles. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2481-2497 Issue: 12 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2240720 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2240720 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:12:p:2481-2497 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2242793_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ileana Daniela Serban Author-X-Name-First: Ileana Daniela Author-X-Name-Last: Serban Author-Name: Andrea Betti Author-X-Name-First: Andrea Author-X-Name-Last: Betti Title: Has Spanish international development and aid policy done ‘more with less’? Crisis, horizontal cooperation and complexity Abstract: By approaching the question of complexity in international development through governance lenses, this article proposes the use of complexity as an innovative and enabling framework for understanding how policy practices emerge in international development and how their use is consolidated by actors who learn in an adaptive way from their policy environment. To apply this conceptual framework, we discuss the case of Spanish international development. Thus, we aim to understand and explain the policy journey through which Spain has started to use new policy practices related to horizontal cooperation with emerging donors in Latin America. The article proceeds by first analysing the political discourse of the Spanish government on international development. Second, we triangulate the initial findings with information coming from peer reviews and survey data, analysing the impact and perceptions of Spanish international development policies. The analysis shows the relevance of a complexity approach when analysing international development governance mechanisms and emerging policy practices. This sheds light on the challenges of the related learning journey, with potential relevance across policy topics in international development. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2498-2515 Issue: 12 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2242793 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2242793 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:12:p:2498-2515 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2237426_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Meghna Jaglan Author-X-Name-First: Meghna Author-X-Name-Last: Jaglan Author-Name: Amrita Shergill Author-X-Name-First: Amrita Author-X-Name-Last: Shergill Title: Gender and urban poverty in India Abstract: Poverty is a product of various deprivations. Gender discrimination is linked with deprivation in terms of socio-economic and political opportunities. This study explores the link between female-headship of a household and its vulnerability towards urban poverty. Further, the most vulnerable sub-sections among the urban female-headed households are identified. The study is based on the 68th round of Household Consumer Expenditure, and Employment and Unemployment Survey, India. Female-headed households were found to have higher odds to be urban poor as compared to their male counterparts. However, this gender-based difference in odds to be urban poor disappears once educational attainment of household-head is controlled for. This highlights that the discrimination in terms of educational attainment is major cause and solution to urban poverty among female-headed households. Further, female-headed households are not a homogeneous group and exhibit significant differences in their vulnerability to urban poverty across different socio-economic and demographic sub-groups. The negative impact of COVID-19 pandemic on female education in India is expected to create a long-term gender gap in terms of poverty. Thus, the public policy should stress on skill and educational attainment of females and target the poverty alleviation programmes on vulnerable sub-section of the female-headed households. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2462-2480 Issue: 12 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2237426 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2237426 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:12:p:2462-2480 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2236027_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Mónika Szente-Varga Author-X-Name-First: Mónika Author-X-Name-Last: Szente-Varga Title: Constructing the future: solidarity action in Nicaragua Abstract: Hungarian solidarity action was organised in the second half of the 1980s to build an agricultural vocational school in Nicaragua. Even though Hungary and Nicaragua had special relations after the 1979 Sandinista revolution, the time of the construction calls the attention because it formed part of a period characterised by general disenchantment in solidarity actions towards the Third World as well as economic problems and the final years of socialism in Hungary. The motives and the evolution of the construction will be analysed providing an in-depth picture, with the aim of contributing to Cold War studies and investigations on knowledge exchange. The article principally relies on archival and press sources. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2423-2440 Issue: 12 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2236027 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2236027 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:12:p:2423-2440 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2236564_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Joshua Eisenman Author-X-Name-First: Joshua Author-X-Name-Last: Eisenman Title: China’s relational power in Africa: Beijing’s ‘new type of party-to-party relations’ Abstract: Using a Chinese conceptualisation of social capital—Qin Yaqing’s ‘relational theory of world politics’ (i.e. ‘relationality’)—along with informal interviews and two decades of official data this study explains how and why the International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (ID-CPC) is building relationships with African political elites. It shows how the department has become the institutional embodiment of relationality—the primary party organ tasked with enhancing what Qin calls China’s ‘relational power’ with like-minded political partners regardless of their ideology. The ID-CPC offers its African counterparts bilateral and multilateral ‘host diplomacy’ and ‘cadre training’ programs that share Chinese governance methods and rewards them for their praise and political support. Relationality helps explain why the ID-CPC continues to expand and deepen its relationships with African political elites, maintained them virtually during COVID-19, and quickly restarted in-person exchanges as soon as China’s pandemic travel restrictions were loosened in early 2023. The literature on social capital theory has long been based on Western experiences and notions of relationship building. Applying Qin’s distinctly Chinese conception of social capital to systematic empirical data reveal how traditional Confucian sociocultural practices continue to shape China’s contemporary international relations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 2441-2461 Issue: 12 Volume: 44 Year: 2023 Month: 12 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2236564 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2236564 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:44:y:2023:i:12:p:2441-2461 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2243832_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Yahya Sseremba Author-X-Name-First: Yahya Author-X-Name-Last: Sseremba Title: Gender and the bifurcated state: women in Uganda’s traditional authority Abstract: This article introduces Mahmood Mamdani’s bifurcated state theory to the study of gender and power. The purpose is to unveil the structure of the state that produces conflicting experiences of elite women in Africa’s two public spheres, namely, the civil realm and the customary domain. In recent decades, privileged women have occupied political leadership positions in Uganda and Africa. However, things are different in the kingdoms and cultural institutions of the former British colony in which open despotism and the limited inclusion of women in leadership have persisted without causing much alarm. To highlight the coherence of these two seemingly contradictory situations, I extend the notion of the bifurcated state beyond the politicisation of ethnicity—for which the concept was originally formulated—to the politicisation of gender. Not only does the theory illuminate the politicisation of identity, but it also accounts for the differentiated manner in which identity is politicised in different publics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 95-112 Issue: 1 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2243832 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2243832 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:1:p:95-112 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2228715_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Jeffrey S. Bachman Author-X-Name-First: Jeffrey S. Author-X-Name-Last: Bachman Author-Name: Esther Brito Ruiz Author-X-Name-First: Esther Author-X-Name-Last: Brito Ruiz Title: The geopolitics of human suffering: a comparative study of media coverage of the conflicts in Yemen and Ukraine Abstract: A Saudi-led coalition of states initiated an on-going-armed conflict in Yemen on 26 March 2015. Meanwhile, Russia invaded Ukraine on 24 February 2022. Though no two armed conflicts are exactly alike, there is reason to compare US media coverage of the two because: (1) civilians have been victims of both conflicts; (2) both conflicts have undermined food security; (3) the US has provided military support to a party to each of the conflicts; and (4) the conflict in Yemen is in the Global South whereas the conflict in Ukraine is in the Global North. This article comparatively analyses US media coverage of the conflicts in Yemen and Ukraine, via New York Times headlines, by documenting the number of stories and their placement; assessing the types of media frames used; reviewing headlines for attribution of responsibility; and conducting a content analysis to identify the descriptive and normative terminology used. We find extensive biases in coverage and framing, rooted in peripheralism, culturalism and differential geopolitical US positioning. This results in reduced coverage of the war in Yemen, shielded in neutral language and lacking responsibility attribution—serving to devalue the suffering of victims and condemning the crisis to be functionally forgotten. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 24-42 Issue: 1 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2228715 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2228715 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:1:p:24-42 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2240729_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Robtel Neajai Pailey Author-X-Name-First: Robtel Neajai Author-X-Name-Last: Pailey Title: Stopping Firestone and starting a citizen ‘revolution from below’: reflections on the enduring exploitation of Liberian land and labour Abstract: Attempting to reduce America’s dependence on foreign-sourced rubber, Firestone established in 1926 the world’s largest industrial plantation in Liberia under a controversial 99-year-lease agreement. Nearly a century later, backlash against the exploitative nature of corporate hegemony and economic globalisation crystallised in a transnational campaign, Stop Firestone, and class action suit to hold the multinational accountable. I argue in this article that Liberia’s unequal incorporation into global capitalism has configured and reconfigured the set of relations between government and citizens through parallel, albeit interrelated, processes—the globalisation of capital (via trade and investments) and the globalisation of rights (via universalised notions of citizenship as a human right). While the pursuit of foreign direct investment (FDI) in particular placed the interests of investors like Firestone ‘above’ the state thus undermining government–citizen relations, it simultaneously created a politicised workforce and network of Liberian activists thus strengthening citizen–citizen relations. Based on careful review of concession agreements and court proceedings as well as interviews conducted with government officials, activists and legal advocates based in Liberia and the United States, this article is the first to meld historical and contemporary developments, underscoring the twenty-first century implications of Firestone’s enduring exploitation of Liberian land and labour. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 61-78 Issue: 1 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2240729 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2240729 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:1:p:61-78 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2219214_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Afaf Jabiri Author-X-Name-First: Afaf Author-X-Name-Last: Jabiri Title: The continuity of Othering in feminist methodology: activist-scholar and the insider/outsider dynamics Abstract: In this article, I argue for the need to nuance our understanding of insider/outsider relations and challenge self–other dynamics in the research process. Using my own research field experience to set up how Othering occurs, I engage with the rigidity of the insider/outsider dynamic and the inflexibility arising from how ‘Western’ knowledge production processes ask one to maintain objectivity and, therefore, replicate the power dynamics between the self and Other. The aim here is to unpack how this process related to my own position vis-à-vis the community researched, my positionality, and how this interacts with the practices required to ensure research rigidity in Western academia. Thus, this article argues that redefining the self in an ‘either/or’ form essentially speaks to Western questions of objectivity, cultural difference and homogeneity. This article is an attempt to problematise the Othering nature of the process of defining oneself in relation or contrast to research participants – a method that continues to define the entrenched binaries of a reality dominated by hierarchised opposites. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 79-94 Issue: 1 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2219214 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2219214 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:1:p:79-94 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2213636_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Florian G. Kern Author-X-Name-First: Florian G. Author-X-Name-Last: Kern Author-Name: Katharina Holzinger Author-X-Name-First: Katharina Author-X-Name-Last: Holzinger Author-Name: Daniela Kromrey Author-X-Name-First: Daniela Author-X-Name-Last: Kromrey Title: Between cooperation and conflict: tracing the variance in relations of traditional governance institutions and the state in Sub-Saharan Africa Abstract: The relationship between the state and traditional governance institutions (TGI) in contemporary politics has recently received increased scholarly attention. Traditional leaders play important roles in elections, public goods provision or conflict resolution in Sub-Saharan Africa. We analyse under what conditions cooperation or conflict emerge between the state and TGI. We contribute to the understanding of state-traditional relations by studying how governments interact simultaneously with varying TGI of different ethnic groups. We compare state-TGI relations for eight traditional polities in Kenya, Namibia, Tanzania, and Uganda, based on extensive fieldwork and interviews with state and traditional authorities, experts and constituents. We study three factors shaping state relations with different TGI: (1) the significance of TGI – both social and organisational – in each country and ethnic group; (2) the institutional similarity of TGI and state; and (3) the integration of TGI – both legal and political. Our analysis shows TGI with social significance and functional organisations challenge the state more frequently. Constitutional ambiguity fosters conflict between TGI and state. For our cases, relations are less conflictive in countries with more democratic governments. The same governments and TGI often simultaneously engage in cooperative and conflictive relations, highlighting that governments rarely pursue uniform policies with all TGI. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 113-132 Issue: 1 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2213636 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2213636 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:1:p:113-132 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2216135_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Chenchao Lian Author-X-Name-First: Chenchao Author-X-Name-Last: Lian Author-Name: Jinhong Li Author-X-Name-First: Jinhong Author-X-Name-Last: Li Title: Legitimacy-seeking: China’s statements and actions on combating climate change Abstract: This paper proposes a conceptual and analytical framework of states’ legitimacy-seeking to comprehensively investigate the motivation behind China’s climate and environment policy. While previous research has largely overlooked political factors that underlie China’s climate policy, this paper argues that these factors are crucial in understanding China’s policy changes, which are evident at both domestic and international levels. By examining sources such as government documents, leaders’ speeches and authoritative literature, this study contends that China’s climate change initiatives are part of a broader effort to enhance domestic and international legitimacy. The issue of climate change has become highly politicised in China under the leadership of President Xi Jinping, and it serves as a crucial test of the ruling party and the state’s capacity to govern effectively. As such, legitimacy-seeking is the key driver that links China’s domestic measures and international commitments. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 171-188 Issue: 1 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2216135 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2216135 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:1:p:171-188 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2226068_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Carola Ramos-Cortez Author-X-Name-First: Carola Author-X-Name-Last: Ramos-Cortez Author-Name: Timothy MacNeill Author-X-Name-First: Timothy Author-X-Name-Last: MacNeill Title: Truth processes and decolonial transformation: a comparative view of Guatemala, Peru, Chile and Colombia Abstract: This article explores periods of transformative politics in Guatemala, Peru, Chile and Colombia – states that have undergone processes of truth involving Indigenous peoples and have opted for multicultural neoliberal politics. We revisit the idea of decolonial transformation as an ongoing, unfinished process, while refining a framework of four factors that facilitate decoloniality. These factors include: (1) a process of truth or peace; (2) Indigenous leadership with a commitment to community participation; (3) the transfer of administrative autonomy over Indigenous governance and service provision; and (4) redistributive measures that favour Indigenous peoples. This framework is analysed and refined by bringing critiques of reconciliation politics from Indigenous resurgence scholars and decoloniality theories from Latin America into dialogue, and then analysing the above-mentioned Latin American case studies. We argue that processes of truth can open space for decoloniality, but only in circumstances where the strength of the three other factors contributes to the transcendence of neoliberal recognition politics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 208-228 Issue: 1 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2226068 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2226068 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:1:p:208-228 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2218807_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Pauline Eadie Author-X-Name-First: Pauline Author-X-Name-Last: Eadie Author-Name: Chester Yacub Author-X-Name-First: Chester Author-X-Name-Last: Yacub Title: COVID-19 and aid distribution in the Philippines: a patron-clientelist explanation Abstract: Republic Act (RA) 11469, also known as ‘The Bayanihan to Heal as One Act’, and RA 11494 the ‘Bayanihan to Recover as One Act’, or Bayanihan 2, were passed into law in the Philippines as a response to the COVID-19 pandemic. RA 11469 and RA 11494 were fundamentally flawed because they relied on data from Listahanan, the National Targeting System for Poverty Reduction (NHTS-PR). These data gave only partial coverage of those affected by the pandemic and was largely reliant on data gathered in 2009. To plug the gaps data beneficiary identification was devolved to Local Government Units (LGUs) and local government officials. We examine how a lack of state capacity and the technical weaknesses of RAs 11469 and 11494 were capitalised on by an underlying culture of patron-clientelism. This undermined the distribution of relief aid, or ‘ayuda’ to urban poor communities in Metro Manila and adjacent provinces. We also identify instances where strategies were devised to circumnavigate such political failings, which offer hope for future good practice. We argue that robust data and enhanced state capacity are essential for the distribution of future relief aid in the Philippines as a means of promoting social equity and limiting political discretion. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 229-246 Issue: 1 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2218807 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2218807 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:1:p:229-246 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2213642_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Joanne Tomkinson Author-X-Name-First: Joanne Author-X-Name-Last: Tomkinson Title: Origination and Africa’s international relations: gatemaking and airport politics in Ethiopia and Ghana Abstract: This article explores Africa’s shifting international relations through two important international gateways to the continent: Kotoka International Airport in Accra and Bole International Airport in Addis Ababa. Case studies drawing on archival, fieldwork and secondary data examine the history and development of both airports, and find these gates represent a fruitful but neglected vantage point for understanding Africa’s shifting connections to the wider world. Theoretically, whilst the article affirms the value of using such critical nodal points – or ‘gates’ – to understand the international dimensions of African politics, it also highlights the limits of extant concepts such as ‘gatekeeping’ and the typology of the ‘gatekeeper state’. The article instead advances an alternative approach which it calls ‘gatemaking’ to enhance our understanding of Africa’s international relations by looking at how gates such as airports help to make (and remake) Africa’s place in the world (rather than looking only at how gates shape domestic state forms, as in the gatekeeper mould). Evident to different degrees in both airports, this concept foregrounds Africa as a place that both originates and shapes key dimensions of the international, contributing to emerging debates in critical approaches to international relations. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 133-150 Issue: 1 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2213642 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2213642 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:1:p:133-150 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2285566_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Mustapha Kamal Pasha Author-X-Name-First: Mustapha Author-X-Name-Last: Kamal Pasha Author-Name: Shahram Akbarzadeh Author-X-Name-First: Shahram Author-X-Name-Last: Akbarzadeh Author-Name: Morten Bøås Author-X-Name-First: Morten Author-X-Name-Last: Bøås Author-Name: Matt Davies Author-X-Name-First: Matt Author-X-Name-Last: Davies Author-Name: Jing Gu Author-X-Name-First: Jing Author-X-Name-Last: Gu Author-Name: Ingrid Harvold Kvangraven Author-X-Name-First: Ingrid Harvold Author-X-Name-Last: Kvangraven Author-Name: Rirhandu Mageza-Barthel Author-X-Name-First: Rirhandu Author-X-Name-Last: Mageza-Barthel Author-Name: Marianne H. Marchand Author-X-Name-First: Marianne H. Author-X-Name-Last: Marchand Author-Name: Sam Okoth Opondo Author-X-Name-First: Sam Okoth Author-X-Name-Last: Opondo Author-Name: Heloise Weber Author-X-Name-First: Heloise Author-X-Name-Last: Weber Author-Name: Tiffany Willoughby-Herard Author-X-Name-First: Tiffany Author-X-Name-Last: Willoughby-Herard Title: Legacies and futures for Global South research Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1-5 Issue: 1 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2285566 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2285566 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:1:p:1-5 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2219213_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Obert Hodzi Author-X-Name-First: Obert Author-X-Name-Last: Hodzi Author-Name: Özge Zihnioğlu Author-X-Name-First: Özge Author-X-Name-Last: Zihnioğlu Title: Beyond ‘networked individuals’: social-media and citizen-led accountability in political protests Abstract: The accessibility of social media and communication platforms such as WhatsApp in sub-Saharan Africa has expanded exponentially over the past decade. The benefits are that new communities of ‘networked individuals’ outside of the traditional geographic localities have emerged. The capacity of ordinary citizens to autonomously gather, process and publish information has taken away states’ monopoly over information, enabling citizens to form alternative narratives and influence the course of political discourse. Local conflicts and grievances have also been globalised, building a critical base for evidence-based advocacy. Yet not all communities have achieved these ideals, partly because citizens have remained ‘loosely connected individuals’ unable to transform their ­‘networks’ into agents of change and reform. This article is aimed at exploring how this transformation can be achieved. Based on field research on social media activism and internet-based movements in Zimbabwe and Ethiopia, this article explores how social media as a tool for citizen-led accountability can be institutionalised and transformed from ‘networked individuals’ to change agents able to hold government to account. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 43-60 Issue: 1 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2219213 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2219213 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:1:p:43-60 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2215724_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Wadee Alarabeed Author-X-Name-First: Wadee Author-X-Name-Last: Alarabeed Title: Qatar’s approach across the Triple Nexus in conflict-affected contexts: the case of Darfur Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to document Qatar’s recent contribution of humanitarian, development, and peace-related efforts to the Sudanese in Darfur. It delves deeply into Qatar’s involvement in Darfur by tracing the flow of foreign assistance provided between 2011 and 2018, while analysing the relevant mediation efforts to settle the conflict in the region. The paper calls for adopting the Triple Nexus approach – or humanitarian development-peace nexus in dealing with Qatar’s role as a third party in Darfur both as a donor and mediator. Contextualising Qatar’s role in this context necessitates considering its foreign assistance and peace-related efforts in conflict-affected contexts and its positioning in relation to the Triple Nexus. While Qatar has not publicly committed itself to the Triple Nexus reforms directed to OECD-DAC donor countries, the paper argues that adopting the Triple Nexus approach might develop the prevailing humanitarian and development and peace-related assistance practices in Qatar. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 6-23 Issue: 1 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2215724 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2215724 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:1:p:6-23 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2251895_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Sumercan Bozkurt Gungen Author-X-Name-First: Sumercan Author-X-Name-Last: Bozkurt Gungen Title: Revisiting neoliberalism and new developmentalism: lessons from Turkey and Argentina Abstract: This article contributes to ongoing efforts to clarify and differentiate between neoliberal and new developmentalist strategies pursued in the early twenty-first century by shifting the focus of analysis away from the ‘degree’ to the ‘form’ of state activism. Relying on a case-based strategy of enquiry, it compares the development strategies pursued in Argentina and Turkey in the aftermath of the devastating economic crises that erupted in both in 2001. It argues that while both neoliberal and new developmentalist strategies rely on state interventionism, they differ in the role they assign to the state (1) in distributing the social costs linked to the processes of capital accumulation and wealth creation, and (2) in incorporating labouring classes into structures of governance. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 189-207 Issue: 1 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2251895 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2251895 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:1:p:189-207 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2250285_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Flavia Fabiano Author-X-Name-First: Flavia Author-X-Name-Last: Fabiano Author-Name: Benoit Daviron Author-X-Name-First: Benoit Author-X-Name-Last: Daviron Title: China reshaping green value chain initiatives: between global and Southern standards Abstract: The paper contributes to the growing debate about how China drives change in institutions and norms of global governance. It analyses the case study of China’s approach to transnational voluntary sustainability standards as concrete tools of Western-sponsored green value chain initiatives, between integration and contestation. Engaging international political economy scholarship, the paper shows that China participates in such initiatives by reshaping their focus away from contested market-based approaches to more internationally consensual state-led ones. This stance indicates that China’s reshaping of international norms and institutions conveys claims made by Global South alliances. These alliances are increasingly important for China, not only politically and militarily but also economically and for the success of key initiatives, like the Belt and Road Initiative. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 151-170 Issue: 1 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2250285 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2250285 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:1:p:151-170 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2170874_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Fisseha Fantahun Tefera Author-X-Name-First: Fisseha Fantahun Author-X-Name-Last: Tefera Title: Ethiopia’s 1984/85 famine and the Red Terror Trials Abstract: Processes of justice and accountability have long overlooked the death and suffering resulting from famines. This article examines how various domestic and international actors involved in the Red Terror Trials (1992–2010) framed the 1984–1985 famine in Ethiopia and what explains the absence of famine-related cases from the trials. Based on archival sources and interviews, the article discusses how the Red Terror Trials offered an opportunity to prosecute famine-related cases. The study shows, however, that despite the framing of the famine as ‘political’ and an act of crime by various actors, the Red Terror Trials were silent about the famine. One explanation is the difficulty of establishing a legal case based on famine-related casualties, coupled with a lack of incentive as there were already enough criminal cases to prosecute former Dergue regime officials. The complicated political history of the famine and its causes, which might implicate various domestic and international actors and not just the Dergue officials, can also explain the absence of the famine-related cases from the trials. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 420-438 Issue: 2 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2170874 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2170874 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:2:p:420-438 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2221183_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Zahra Edalati Author-X-Name-First: Zahra Author-X-Name-Last: Edalati Author-Name: Majid Imani Author-X-Name-First: Majid Author-X-Name-Last: Imani Title: Imperial wars and the violence of hunger: remembering and forgetting the Great Persian Famine 1917–1919 Abstract: The Great Persian Famine of 1917–1919 is one of the greatest calamities in the history of Iran. While some scholarly work has explored the causes and dynamics of the famine, less attention has been paid to its memorialisation. This paper aims to understand how the Great Persian Famine is remembered – or not – in public and personal spheres in Iran. Discussing the historical events that have been silenced, neglected or publicly recognised and commemorated before and after the Islamic Revolution, the paper focusses on the processes that hinder public and private memorialising of hunger violence. Drawing on existing literature, personal diaries, artistic representations, and interviews with persons whose parents or grandparents experienced the Great Persian Famine, we discuss why it has not figured prominently in the national historiography or commemorative practices, except during a brief period (2008–2013) when it found its way into the prevailing political discourse. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 350-366 Issue: 2 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2221183 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2221183 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:2:p:350-366 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2184336_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Ram Krishna Ranjan Author-X-Name-First: Ram Krishna Author-X-Name-Last: Ranjan Title: Negotiating caste-subaltern imaginations of the 1943 Bengal famine: methodological underpinnings of a creative-collaborative practice Abstract: The Bengal famine of 1943 is one of the most catastrophic and violent outcomes of British colonial rule in India. Recently, there has been a surge in understanding the famine from an anti-colonial perspective. However, the relation between the impact of the famine and caste-based subalternities has not received adequate attention. The immediate concerns that arise with the task of filling this gap are ethical-methodological and narrative: even from the lens of caste-subaltern consciousness, how does one arrive at and share stories of the famine, and can they ever be ‘recovered’ and ‘represented’? This paper narrates the story of fieldwork-filming, carried out as part of ongoing research in artistic practice, which attempts to understand and engage with caste-subaltern (especially Dalit) experiences of the Bengal famine of 1943 and to explore methodologically how these experiences can be creatively and collaboratively imagined and negotiated. The paper proposes that there is a need to shift away from ‘recovery’ and ‘representation’ of the ‘authentic’ caste-subaltern experiences of the famine and towards negotiated imagination. To illustrate and make a case for this shift, this paper provides a detailed description and analysis of methodological processes and their implications that emerged during the fieldwork-filming. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 367-384 Issue: 2 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2184336 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2184336 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:2:p:367-384 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2236954_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Camilla Orjuela Author-X-Name-First: Camilla Author-X-Name-Last: Orjuela Author-Name: Swati Parashar Author-X-Name-First: Swati Author-X-Name-Last: Parashar Title: Memory and justice after famines: an introduction Abstract: Famines in the Global South have claimed staggering numbers of lives, but are rarely the focus of scholarship on, or practices of, memorialisation and justice. The articles in this collection investigate how past famines have been dealt with – or silenced – in Cabo Verde, China, Brazil, East Timor/Timor-Leste, Ethiopia, India, Iran, Nigeria and Rwanda. This introductory essay first discusses why famines and hunger should be conceptualised as violence and mass atrocities, caused by human action. Thereafter, we outline some of the main insights that have emerged from the collection of articles. We show how and why mass starvation is often written out of official accounts of history, famine victims are rarely publicly commemorated and those responsible are not brought to justice. Yet the contributions also highlight that efforts to represent and commemorate famines, and to seek justice, take place in many – sometimes unexpected – spaces. The silence around historical famines may be broken in official justice processes or statements by powerholders, or through initiatives and practices ‘from below’, including in social media, songs and artistic work. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 247-258 Issue: 2 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2236954 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2236954 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:2:p:247-258 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2187373_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Lisa Åkesson Author-X-Name-First: Lisa Author-X-Name-Last: Åkesson Author-Name: Alícia Borges Månsson Author-X-Name-First: Alícia Borges Author-X-Name-Last: Månsson Title: The lyrics of hunger: Cabo Verdean music as a space for organic remembering Abstract: In the Atlantic Ocean island state of Cabo Verde, silence about hunger is perennial. Elderly people who lived through devastating famines during Portuguese colonialism seldom talk about their memories, and contemporary experiences of food deprivation are buried in silence. Yet there is one space in which the silence is broken: music. Exploring that space, this article analyses representations of drought and hunger in Cabo Verdean music and explores the social contexts, positionalities and sentiments that the lyrics evoke. The article portrays the everyday listening to and singing of the lyrics as a kind of ‘organic remembering’ and demonstrates how it contributes to a view of hunger as a key symbol of the nation at the same time as the experience of hunger is surrounded by silence in everyday life. Furthermore, the article brings up the silencing of the Portuguese’ colonial responsibility for the sufferings. It also presents some reasons for this, including Cabo Verde’s hybrid position in the Portuguese empire as an uneasy mixture between a distant and neglected appendage to the metropole and a colony. Finally, it argues that not blaming the ex-colonisers has been an important way forward for the small and dependent postcolonial state. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 277-293 Issue: 2 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2187373 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2187373 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:2:p:277-293 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2167704_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: David Mwambari Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Mwambari Title: Vernacular memories: recalling Rwanda’s 1943–44 famine during the Covid-19 hunger crisis Abstract: This article explores how the vernacular memory of the 1940s-era Ruzagayura famine was deployed to critique the contemporary Covid-19-induced hunger crisis in Rwanda. It methodologically advances memory studies scholarship by emphasising the importance of textual analyses of oral histories, poetry, proverbs and panegyrics, especially when transmitted on social media. This crucial revision can begin to redress the Eurocentric knowledge production approaches prevalent in memory studies. Transgenerational vernacular memories run parallel to, in relation with, and in competition with Rwanda’s official memorialisation of historical crises. While the Ruzagayura famine and related narratives are forgotten in the official rewriting of history, they re-emerge and find new life online to be transmitted across generations and geographies. I consider how ‘born-digital’ youth revitalise oral histories of the famine as a form of resistance against official policy, and how powerful actors attempt to suppress these narratives. Thus, this paper contributes to broader literatures on resistance and memory politics in Rwanda and beyond. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 294-313 Issue: 2 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2167704 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2167704 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:2:p:294-313 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2182283_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Obinna Chukwunenye Nweke Author-X-Name-First: Obinna Chukwunenye Author-X-Name-Last: Nweke Title: Hunger as a weapon of war: Biafra, social media and the politics of famine remembrance Abstract: This article explores the role of social media in the memorialisation of the Biafra famine. It argues that given the absence of Biafra famine narratives in the official post-Civil War memory spaces in Nigeria, social media has emerged as a site where silence and hegemonic discourses around the Biafra famine are disrupted, contested and unmoored. Thus, the study contributes to the contemporary debates on digital media and memorialisation of mass atrocities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 314-331 Issue: 2 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2182283 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2182283 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:2:p:314-331 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2108782_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Vannessa Hearman Author-X-Name-First: Vannessa Author-X-Name-Last: Hearman Title: Challenges in the pursuit of justice for East Timor’s Great Famine (1977–1979) Abstract: Despite its devastating impact on the population, the 1977–1979 famine in East Timor scarcely features in global studies of hunger. This article traces how the famine was dealt with in international politics during the Indonesian occupation (1975–1999), and in Timor-Leste during the United Nations administration and as an independent nation-state. The East Timor case extends our knowledge of the workings of conflict-induced famines, provides insights into the attempts by transnational activists and diasporic actors to mobilise international action on crises such as famine, and examines the options for dealing with famine and its community-wide legacies in post-conflict societies including under a transitional justice model. By analysing the activities of the country’s transitional justice institution, the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (Comissão de Acolhimento, Verdade e Reconciliação, CAVR) and its successor, the Centro Nacional Chega! (CNC), as well as grassroots initiatives, the article outlines some of the challenges of delivering justice for famine victims and survivors in post-conflict societies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 385-402 Issue: 2 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2108782 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2108782 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:2:p:385-402 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2190506_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Thiago Lima Author-X-Name-First: Thiago Author-X-Name-Last: Lima Title: The concentration camps for famine victims in Brazil and the struggle for their public memorialisation Abstract: After the ‘Grande Seca’ of 1877, the deadliest famine recorded in Brazil, the government installed so-called concentration camps to prevent famine migrants from the dry Northeastern backlands from reaching Fortaleza, capital of the Ceará state in 1915 and 1932. Officially, the camps were depicted as relief centres, but their inhumane conditions earned them the nickname of ‘death camps’. After their closure, the camps and their famine victims fell into oblivion. Recently, however, both government and civil society actors have taken initiatives to commemorate them. In 2019, the Patu Concentration Camp (the only one for which physical remains can still be found) and the Walk of the Drought (a religious pilgrimage) were officially recognised as heritage sites. This article introduces the research by emphasising how famines are rarely publicly commemorated and describes investigation initiatives that contribute to breaking the silence around famine victims in Brazil. To conclude, the article refers to background literature, document analysis and interviews to discuss the efforts that have been put into public memorialisation so far, as a means to overcome the marginalisation of the memories of peasants from the Northeastern backlands. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 332-349 Issue: 2 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2190506 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2190506 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:2:p:332-349 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2219609_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Alex de Waal Author-X-Name-First: Alex Author-X-Name-Last: de Waal Title: Memory and the social meanings of famine Abstract: Famine theory has overlooked the role of memory in constituting the social meaning of famine. This seminal collection of papers restores the cross-disciplinary study of famines, foregrounding social anthropology, history and comparative politics, in the question of how famines are understood by those in the afflicted societies, and how memories and meanings are shaped by social and political context. The collection plays an important role in focussing attention on transitional justice mechanisms for starvation crimes. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 439-443 Issue: 2 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2219609 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2219609 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:2:p:439-443 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2106966_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Jingyang Rui Author-X-Name-First: Jingyang Author-X-Name-Last: Rui Title: Finding the ‘other’ from within: how the CCP survived the legitimacy crisis after China’s Great Leap Famine Abstract: Much of the literature echoes the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s official explanation of the Great Leap Famine (1959–1961) to argue that the Party survived the legitimacy crisis posed by the famine by blaming the weather. While several have suggested that the CCP held the local cadres responsible for generating the famine, little evidence had been gathered to show how this was done. This article reconciles the above arguments by asserting that the CCP, by exploiting the urban–rural informational asymmetry, employed a dual propaganda approach that combined an urban explanation that blamed the weather with a more important rural strategy that admitted the famine’s man-made nature but shifted the blame onto local leaders, to direct the responsibility away from the Party centre. By leveraging local government archives in Henan Province’s Nanyang Prefecture, this study analyses how the Party propagated the rural explanation through the Rural Party Rectification Movement (1960–1961) to placate immediate peasantry discontent and reconstruct long-run famine memories. Interviews conducted in 2021 show that the re-engineering of the famine narrative contributed to the peasants’ distrust of local cadres. This perception persisted over time, at least partially affecting the peasants’ willingness to cooperate with local policies in the 1990s. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 403-419 Issue: 2 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2106966 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2106966 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:2:p:403-419 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2200928_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Camilla Orjuela Author-X-Name-First: Camilla Author-X-Name-Last: Orjuela Title: Remembering/forgetting hunger: towards an understanding of famine memorialisation Abstract: Although famines have historically claimed millions of lives, they are rarely publicly remembered through monuments, commemorative events or museums. This article investigates the apparent silence around famine memory by asking if there is something about famines that makes them less ‘commemorable’ than other mass-atrocities, and in which circumstances famines become the object of public memorialisation. Bringing together a rather fragmented literature on famine memory, the article outlines seven ways that famine memorialisation is impeded or made possible. First, it draws attention to the divisiveness of famines and their lack of clearly defined heroes and perpetrators. Second, shame and culpability shape how individuals and states talk – or keep quiet – about hunger victims. Third, earlier commemorative traditions and other traumatic events can inspire or crowd out famine memory. Fourth, for famines to be officially remembered, a break with the past tends to be necessary. The article also, fifth, discusses how famine memory can be used to construct national unity, or, sixth, instrumentalised in domestic and international politics. Finally, it highlights the role of activism and memory projects from below. While famines may not easily lend themselves to public commemoration, political contestation, nation-building or civil society initiatives can enable their memorialisation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 259-276 Issue: 2 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2200928 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2200928 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:2:p:259-276 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2276820_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Stefan Vicedom Author-X-Name-First: Stefan Author-X-Name-Last: Vicedom Author-Name: Rachel Wynberg Author-X-Name-First: Rachel Author-X-Name-Last: Wynberg Title: Power and networks in the shaping of the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) Abstract: AGRA (formerly known as the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa) was founded in 2006 by the Rockefeller Foundation and the Gates Foundation to initiate agricultural transformation in Africa. Although critics have argued that AGRA’s approach insufficiently addresses the needs of African smallholder farmers, there has been little analysis of the broader politics and networks that shape AGRA, a gap this paper aims to fill. Using a network analysis and key informant interviews, we identify the actors that constitute AGRA’s network, and describe related power constellations. Our paper illustrates that AGRA’s network is dominated by foundations, intergovernmental organisations and corporations, with decision-making located within Global North institutions. We reveal that the alliance displays characteristics of an ideological advocacy network and conclude that it can be considered a neoliberal food regime. We suggest better control mechanisms to hold accountable organisations without a political mandate, and to increase the transparency of their activities. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 567-588 Issue: 3 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2276820 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2276820 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:3:p:567-588 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2278705_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Henrietta Omo Oshokunofa Author-X-Name-First: Henrietta Omo Author-X-Name-Last: Oshokunofa Title: Environmental pollution, variegated violence: the fizzling bond of Delta State diaspora from their homeland Abstract: Since crude oil was discovered in Oloibiri, present-day Bayelsa State in Nigeria’s Niger Delta, its exploration by the multinational oil companies has continued unfettered. With this exploration resulting in wanton environmental destruction, the consequences are manifested in several ways. For instance, in Delta State, one of the constituent states of the Niger Delta, people’s socio-economic lives have plummeted owing to the discontinuance of their traditional farming and fishing trades. Indigenes have continued to migrate in the search for greener pastures, as a way of mitigating their socio-economic challenges. While it is expected that those who move out of the state would express empathy towards the homeland and justify the developmental agency arrogated to them, these migrants (who also fit the bill of diaspora) end up displaying ethnic ambivalence. Following a qualitative research design, data collected from semi-structured interviews conducted with 20 Delta State diaspora living in London, and five victims of environmental pollution in the state, were subjected to descriptive analysis. In addition to the established causes, this study identifies environmental pollution as causal factor of ethnic ambivalence, and concludes that the consequences go beyond the obvious to destroy the relationships that give meaning and essence to human existence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 589-605 Issue: 3 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2278705 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2278705 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:3:p:589-605 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2275675_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Jess Marinaccio Author-X-Name-First: Jess Author-X-Name-Last: Marinaccio Title: Oceanic diplomacy and foreign-policy making in Tuvalu: a values-based approach Abstract: Recently, scholars of the Pacific region have discussed the concept of Oceanic diplomacy. Oceanic diplomacy focuses on diplomatic practices or principles that belong to Pacific cultures and are distinct from but sometimes work in concert with Western diplomatic practices. The goal of exploring Oceanic diplomacy is examining the current value of these practices and principles, whether within a single country, among Pacific nations, or at the global level. Here, I apply Oceanic diplomacy in analysing Tuvalu’s 2020 Foreign Policy: Te Sikulagi (The Horizon). I first examine the main cultural concepts highlighted in Te Sikulagi – falepili (being a good neighbour) and kaitasi (shared ownership) – and how they function within traditional Tuvaluan diplomacy. I next examine how, after the publication of Te Sikulagi, these concepts were earmarked for use in bolstering relations with other Pacific nations as part of Western or ‘conventional’ diplomatic practices (i.e. signing diplomatic relations). Finally, I outline how these concepts are utilised at the global level in Tuvalu’s activism on climate change. To conclude, I discuss not only how Oceanic diplomacy demonstrates the existence of diplomacies outside the Western diplomatic paradigm but also how these culturally distinctive and antecedent diplomacies are increasingly influencing global diplomatic trends. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 548-566 Issue: 3 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2275675 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2275675 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:3:p:548-566 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2264036_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Correction Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: I-I Issue: 3 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2264036 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2264036 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:3:p:I-I Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2257146_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Huseyin Zengin Author-X-Name-First: Huseyin Author-X-Name-Last: Zengin Title: Instrumentalising the army before elections in Turkey Abstract: This paper argues that the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has instrumentalised the Turkish army by conducting military operations in the run-up to elections. Although ending military tutelage has been interpreted in other countries as a sign of the professionalisation of the army, in Turkey it has done the opposite: the civilianisation discourse and civilian hegemony over military institutions have led to the instrumentalisation of the army. I demonstrate that the number of military operations significantly increased in the lead-up to elections, which strongly indicates the extent of instrumentalisation. Previous studies have primarily focused on the army’s praetorian role, neglecting the instrumentalisation process in which the military is engaged. This paper analyses the operational aspect of the army and introduces the concept of instrumentalisation. I contend that the cessation of military tutelage in Turkey has resulted in the securitisation of both society and politics. The failed coup in 2016, the double elections of 2015, and the heightened interest in the defence sector during election periods provide strong grounds for examining the instrumentalisation hypothesis. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 445-457 Issue: 3 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2257146 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2257146 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:3:p:445-457 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2270507_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Yani Yang Author-X-Name-First: Yani Author-X-Name-Last: Yang Author-Name: Yizheng Zou Author-X-Name-First: Yizheng Author-X-Name-Last: Zou Title: Development and national security: Indonesia’s Natuna Island and the South China Sea issue Abstract: This article analyses the demands and interests of the Natuna Regency of Indonesia and interprets the disputes in the South China Sea from the perspective of local factors. Based on an analysis of numerous documents and reports, as well as field research trips to Natuna and online interviews with local government leaders, members of nongovernmental organisations and businesspeople, the study concludes that the securitisation of Natuna Regency, with its rich resources and special strategic position, has attracted great attention. The local government has no authority over the waters around Natuna, and while it can share a small portion of the profits made from local resources, it cannot promote local economic development or protect the rights of fisheries. The local government can only promote the policies of the central government in economic development and cooperate with the military to ensure the safety of the surrounding waters and local fishing vessels. The local government continues to actively petition the central government to designate Natuna-Anambas a special province to gain more management rights. The development demands of resource-rich areas drive local leaders to seek cooperation with the military and the international community, increasing the uncertainty of the situation in the South China Sea. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 493-512 Issue: 3 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2270507 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2270507 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:3:p:493-512 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2250727_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Karen Brounéus Author-X-Name-First: Karen Author-X-Name-Last: Brounéus Author-Name: Erika Forsberg Author-X-Name-First: Erika Author-X-Name-Last: Forsberg Author-Name: Kristine Höglund Author-X-Name-First: Kristine Author-X-Name-Last: Höglund Author-Name: Kate Lonergan Author-X-Name-First: Kate Author-X-Name-Last: Lonergan Title: The burden of war widows: gendered consequences of war and peace-building in Sri Lanka Abstract: Research shows that war affects various groups of survivors differently, yet the severe consequences faced by war widows are often overlooked. Combining insights from fieldwork in Sri Lanka with secondary sources, we conclude that the time is ripe for the daunting challenges of war widows to be brought into the limelight. We argue that widowhood after war is conditioned both by the post-war context and society’s gendered constructions. The social expectations that follow pose ­exceptional trials in everyday life for war widows globally. As an important case and illustrative example, we analyse Sri Lanka: a decade ago emerging from civil war; today, in dire need of economic and political transformation. We demonstrate how war widows are caught in the crossfire of demographic change, post-war insecurities, economic hardship, and gender discriminating norms and traditions. This unseen group of survivors play a critical role for the prospects for economic, social and political development in the transition from war to peace, in Sri Lanka and beyond. We conclude by calling for a concerted effort wherein research and policy come together to outline a new research and policy agenda with the aim of lessening the burden of war widows. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 458-474 Issue: 3 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2250727 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2250727 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:3:p:458-474 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2257141_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Ersel Aydinli Author-X-Name-First: Ersel Author-X-Name-Last: Aydinli Title: Theory importation and the death of homegrown disciplinary potential: an autopsy of Turkish IR Abstract: A primary premise of the Global IR initiative is its emphasis on world history as a basis for global IR theorising. While non-Western contributions are thus critical, periphery IR disciplinary communities operate under the dominance and homogenising effect of core IR theories based on Western history and intellectual traditions. An import-­dependent culture takes over periphery disciplinary communities, neutralising their potential for original IR production and theory creation. This study explores these assumptions by focusing on the case of Turkish IR; providing an evaluation of its evolution and current status, and suggesting lessons it might have for other periphery communities and the future of Global IR overall. It offers a longitudinal qualitative investigation of Turkish IR scholars’ perceptions of their community’s evolution. They suggest that Turkish IR has become a dependent ­consumer of core IR theory and devalued its history base, leaving it bifurcated between a minority ‘core-of-the-periphery’ who operate as ‘compradors’, copying and marketing global core knowledge, and a majority ‘periphery-of-the-periphery’, who remain voiceless, disconnected and resentful. Ultimately, the local community is unable to offer original contributions to the globalisation of IR, and the global IR movement is structurally diminished through the exclusion of large portions of the scholarly community. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 513-530 Issue: 3 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2257141 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2257141 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:3:p:513-530 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2267986_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Fariborz Arghavani Pirsalami Author-X-Name-First: Fariborz Author-X-Name-Last: Arghavani Pirsalami Author-Name: Arash Moradi Author-X-Name-First: Arash Author-X-Name-Last: Moradi Author-Name: Hosein Alipour Author-X-Name-First: Hosein Author-X-Name-Last: Alipour Title: A crisis of ontological security in foreign policy: Iran and international sanctions in the post–JCPOA era Abstract: Since the Islamic revolution, Iran has experienced deep identity changes in its foreign policy. The Islamic Republic redefined the way to interact with the world based on the Shi’ite ideas and the historical memory of Iranians. With the growing tensions between Iran and the West, conflicts can be seen between Iran’s defined identity and its foreign policy actions, to the extent that in cases such as Iran’s policy towards Russia and the path of Iran–China relations, the principles of Iran’s identity have been ignored. This article considers why there is a conflict between the positions and actions of Iran and the identity that this country represents, focusing on the period after the withdrawal of the United States from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Using the descriptive-explanatory method, this article tests the hypothesis that although the intensification of sanctions has strengthened the narrative of anti-Westernism in Iran, the transformation of anti-Westernism into a dominant identity discourse has caused other layers of identity to be marginalised and even ignored in some cases. This situation has created a disconnection between Iran’s actions and its biographical narrative. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 531-547 Issue: 3 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2267986 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2267986 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:3:p:531-547 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2269111_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Selver B. Sahin Author-X-Name-First: Selver B. Author-X-Name-Last: Sahin Author-Name: Stepan Verkhovets Author-X-Name-First: Stepan Author-X-Name-Last: Verkhovets Title: Guns, gender and petroleum: a critical analysis of the underlying dynamics of Timor-Leste’s development trajectory Abstract: This article examines the underlying political economy context of the uneven development outcomes in post-conflict Timor-Leste. We use a modified version of a structural political economy approach that is situated in a Gramscian understanding of the state-society relationship. This approach conceptualises development as a process of historically specific class-based and gender-based contestations over the distribution of resources that result in particular forms of socio-political orders maintained through a combination of institutional and ideological mechanisms of wealth generation. Our analysis of whose interests have been prioritised and marginalised in post-independence Timor-Leste is based on a systematic examination of three major factors: regulation of class relations, organisation of gender relations, and the governance of the petroleum industry. We conclude that despite some important improvements in the formation of formal democratic institutions in Timor-Leste, the processes of the distribution of power and access to resources remain far from being inclusive prioritising a class-based group of male-dominant elites that manipulates institutions to advance their interests and use a hegemonic gender ideology to justify and maintain these existing unequal arrangements in the prevailing socio-political order. Thus, the development outcomes in Timor-Leste are strongly connected to the political-economic processes from a larger historical perspective. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 475-492 Issue: 3 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 2 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2269111 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2269111 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:3:p:475-492 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2200158_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Arnaud Kaba Author-X-Name-First: Arnaud Author-X-Name-Last: Kaba Title: Of glass, skills and life: trade consciousness among Firozabad’s glass workers Abstract: In Firozabad—a city in North India which specialises in glass production and is famous for being the centre of manufacturing for the billions of glass bangles worn by South Asian women—the Sheeshgarh caste used to master the most valuable skills. The transmission of these skills to other castes was a central stake, which highlights the relations between labour and capital, between dominants castes, between Muslims and Hindus. Therefore, this paper proposes the notion of trade consciousness to analyse the processes which shaped caste, gender and class relations around the common consciousness to be part of the same activity, the same community of practices. The paper then argues that understanding the way skills are introduced, transmitted and reproduced through master/apprentice relations, the everyday conviviality in the shopfloor, or in the mohallā, constitutes a crucial thread to understand the social transformation in Firozabad. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 771-789 Issue: 4 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2200158 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2200158 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:4:p:771-789 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2156855_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Grace Carswell Author-X-Name-First: Grace Author-X-Name-Last: Carswell Author-Name: Geert De Neve Author-X-Name-First: Geert Author-X-Name-Last: De Neve Title: Training for employment or skilling up from employment? Jobs and skills acquisition in the Tiruppur textile region, India Abstract: This paper explores how skills for garment work are acquired in the rural hinterland of Tiruppur, one of India’s largest garment manufacturing clusters. Drawing on a quantitative survey and qualitative interviews with garment workers in Tiruppur’s hinterland, we document the informal pathways of skill acquisition for garment work and advocate a demand-driven approach to vocational training. Such an approach, first, unsettles linear policy assumptions about direct linkages between training, skills acquisition and access to decent and rewarding employment. We show how rather than being formally trained for employment, villagers gained skills from employment and upskilled themselves on the job. Such upskilling took the form of self-directed learning rather than formal training, and involved spatial and job mobility between companies and sectors. Second, a demand-driven perspective reveals how access to more advanced skills and more desirable jobs is shaped by the structural inequalities of gender, age and caste, which curtail the opportunities of women and the elderly in particular. Finally, policy and research would benefit from a demand-driven approach to training and recruitment that prioritises the skill development needs of local populations and that supports those whose participation in training and labour markets remains constrained by gender, age or caste. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 715-733 Issue: 4 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2156855 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2156855 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:4:p:715-733 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2152788_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Geoffrey Gowlland Author-X-Name-First: Geoffrey Author-X-Name-Last: Gowlland Title: Skilling Indigenous futures: crafts and resilience among the Paiwan people of Taiwan Abstract: For Indigenous people, what one knows and how one gets to know what one knows are political issues that have repercussions for self-determination and cultural resilience. This article reflects on the intersection of skilled practices and the politics of indigeneity among the Paiwan people, one of the 16 officially recognised Indigenous peoples in Taiwan. The revitalisation of crafts have for some years been key to cultural revitalisation efforts, as well as an avenue for Paiwan people to gain an income, importantly allowing individuals to work in the community and avoid migration to the cities to find wage labour. The article presents an ethnographic vignette of the activities of an initiative pairing knowledge holders with apprentices, before setting this initiative in social and historical context. The theoretical thread of the article develops Clifford’s ideas about ‘articulation’, the notion that Indigenous people are constantly engaged in the negotiation of needs that are often at odds, namely the desire for cultural continuity and self-determination, and the need to adapt to the demands of life in a settler colonial society. I argue here that it is fruitful to understand the social life of skills in Indigenous communities as shaped by such processes of articulation. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 624-639 Issue: 4 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2152788 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2152788 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:4:p:624-639 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2223133_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Aditya Ray Author-X-Name-First: Aditya Author-X-Name-Last: Ray Title: Professionalism as a soft skill: the social construction of worker identity in India’s new services economy Abstract: Once a popular buzzword for multinational corporations, ‘professionalism’ has now become a common catchphrase in India’s emerging services economy. Today, youth aspiring to join entry-level services roles such as those in call centres, retail, and coffee shops undergo intense and regimented trainings to become ‘professional’, learning to regulate their bodies, behaviours, language, and overall identities, to fit into diverse and fast-paced ‘servicescapes’. Whereas literature exploring notions of professionalism in India’s growing services sectors has emphasised their corporate-western and disciplinary-ideological dimensions, more recent scholarship has begun to document how workers themselves perceive, experience and shape these notions. Drawing from this scholarship and ethnographic research conducted in a skills training centre in Pune city in western India, this paper explores how professionalism has increasingly become entwined with the discourse of ‘soft skills’ even at the margins of India’s new services economy, and how it is being transmitted, questioned, and (re-)interpreted. The paper thus offers a grounded social constructivist view of professionalism, as not something that is simply imposed unimpeded upon passive neoliberal subjects by a powerful state and corporate actors, but rather as continually inflected by those who profess, teach and embody it, in line with local lived realities, experiences, values and belief systems. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 790-809 Issue: 4 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2223133 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2223133 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:4:p:790-809 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2219615_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Trent Brown Author-X-Name-First: Trent Author-X-Name-Last: Brown Author-Name: Geert De Neve Author-X-Name-First: Geert Author-X-Name-Last: De Neve Title: Skills, training and development: an introduction to the social life of skills in the global South Abstract: ‘Skills’ and ‘skill development’ feature evermore prominently in international development discourse and in the policies of governments across the global South. Yet, these discourses and policies often proceed with a weak conception of the social circumstances and everyday processes by which skills are acquired, disseminated, and used. This tends to result in approaches to skill development that are simultaneously unrealistic, in the sense that they overlook the multiple social and institutional impediments to remunerative or empowering forms of skill utilisation, and overly restrictive in the sense that they fail to consider the multiple ways in which skills are valued and deployed by individuals and communities. By drawing attention to what Carswell and De Neve term ‘the social life of skills,’ contributions to this collection expand conceptions of skills and skill development, particularly in relation to four key themes: (1) the social and political construction of certain forms of work as ‘skilled’ or ‘unskilled’; (2) the social processes of skilling in formal, informal and non-formal settings; (3) the political economy of skills and skill development, including their imbrication in forms of exploitation and intersecting inequalities; and (4) the role of skills in the expression of aspirations, identity and agency. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 607-623 Issue: 4 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2219615 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2219615 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:4:p:607-623 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2080046_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Trent Brown Author-X-Name-First: Trent Author-X-Name-Last: Brown Title: Hāth se sīkhna: geographies of practical learning and India’s agricultural skills agenda Abstract: A significant challenge of skill development in the Global South is providing meaningful opportunities for practical learning. While previous studies have explored this as a pedagogical challenge, in this paper, I take a geographical perspective, arguing the barriers to practical learning extend beyond pedagogy and often relate to socio-economic conditions. I draw on a study of a new agricultural skill development scheme in the states of Punjab and Himachal Pradesh in north India. Trainees enrolled in the scheme expressed strong desires for opportunities to ‘learn by hand’ (hāth se sīkhna), which training rarely provided and which were often availed in informal settings. The extent to which trainees found useful practical learning opportunities varied based on gender, caste and locality. Drawing on theories of communities of practice, I argue that the desired practical learning was marred not only by the inability or unwillingness of trainers to provide practical classes, but also by regionally specific factors, such as administrative constraints, local agrarian structure and regional patriarchies. This suggests that coordinating effective forms of practical learning requires regional-level strategies that are attentive to social and economic context. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 734-752 Issue: 4 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2080046 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2080046 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:4:p:734-752 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2207006_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Liliana Gil Author-X-Name-First: Liliana Author-X-Name-Last: Gil Title: Becoming a repair entrepreneur: an ethnography of skills training in Brazil Abstract: Santa Efigênia in São Paulo is an important Latin American hub for buying and selling electronics. This article draws on long-term fieldwork to discuss repair training in the neighbourhood. While scholars have looked at formal and informal educational spaces, this article looks at a new kind of institution that creatively combines aspects of street repair and high-end information technology services. Individuals from all over Brazil seek out this popular private school with the expectation of becoming self-employed cellphone technicians. The article starts with a description of repair practices in Santa Efigênia and an analysis of the barriers to and accessibility of repair knowledge, including for the female ethnographer. It then centres on the school’s training sessions, examining how students are prepared to become repair entrepreneurs through a mix of technical skills and para-technical concerns with ­aesthetics, logistical speed and networking. I show that this school redraws communities of practice, bringing new actors into repair while excluding others along social divisions of race, class, and gender. Engaging with critiques of the neoliberal push for entrepreneurship in development, I consider the contradictions of this institution, concluding with a discussion of how this case offers insights into the democratisation and dissemination of repair knowledge. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 640-657 Issue: 4 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2207006 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2207006 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:4:p:640-657 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2077184_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Carol Upadhya Author-X-Name-First: Carol Author-X-Name-Last: Upadhya Author-Name: Supriya RoyChowdhury Author-X-Name-First: Supriya Author-X-Name-Last: RoyChowdhury Title: Crafting new service workers: skill training, migration and employment in Bengaluru, India Abstract: The paper documents the role of skill training centres in Bengaluru, India, in the production of a peripatetic and precarious workforce for India’s new service economy. It describes how semi-educated youth from disadvantaged rural backgrounds are recruited for short-term training courses, which are promoted as a route to economic mobility, but are then placed in undesirable low-end and low-paid urban service jobs. Because the employment offered rarely matches their expectations or aspirations, graduates of training programmes often quit within a few weeks, returning to their home villages or searching for other job opportunities. The findings of the study suggest that skill training centres, rather than fulfilling their expressed goals of lifting rural youth out of poverty, contribute to the creation of a footloose and insecure workforce – thus catering to the requirements of organised service industries rather than the needs of unemployed youth. The paper contributes to current debates on youth unemployment, skill development, and labour precarity in the Global South. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 753-770 Issue: 4 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2077184 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2077184 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:4:p:753-770 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2085549_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Banu Şenay Author-X-Name-First: Banu Author-X-Name-Last: Şenay Author-Name: Faik Gür Author-X-Name-First: Faik Author-X-Name-Last: Gür Title: Rationalising pedagogy: what counts as skill across musical communities of practice in contemporary Istanbul Abstract: Over the last two decades, the skilled practice of learning the ney (Sufi reed flute) has gone through a massive revival in Turkey, as part of a broader interest in the revitalised ‘Sufi music’ genre and in Islamic arts learning. One key step in this process has been the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) government’s incorporation of ney teaching into mass public education through its council-run adult education programme (İSMEK). While this development has been pivotal in broadening access to skill attainment in the metropolitan area of Istanbul in significant ways, it has also led to a rationalisation of pedagogical practices, bringing with it transformed understandings of musical skill. To show what this process of rationalisation involves, this article examines skill training encouraged at government-sponsored lesson sites in tandem with a second mode of learning the ney grounded in apprenticeship pedagogy. The divergences emerging from this comparison reveal two very different paths to becoming an expert ney player, demonstrating, in turn, how pedagogical particularities foster different communities of practice. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 698-714 Issue: 4 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2085549 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2085549 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:4:p:698-714 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2136069_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Abhishek Ranjan Datta Author-X-Name-First: Abhishek Ranjan Author-X-Name-Last: Datta Title: More than language: the work of an English training centre in Delhi Abstract: English language training centres (ETCs) have become increasingly ubiquitous in urban India over the last two decades. Such centres promise individuals not just fluency in the language but also professional ‘success’ in the urban job market, particularly in the retail and service sectors. ETCs seek to reconceptualise the English language as a workplace ‘skill’ and primarily target individuals who did not have access to an education in English. However, the refashioning of English as a skill intersects with the power of English as socio-cultural capital, just as the work of such centres intersects with the aspirations of its learners and the expectations of employers. Teaching English as a ‘skill’ is therefore embedded both in the wider discourse of urban skill-training that aims to produce a desirable labour force, and in the dynamics of language power, cultural capital, class mobility and ideas of desirable personhood. The present ethnographic case study of an ETC in Delhi analyses this convergence and examines whether the reconceptualisation of English as skill democratises access to the language or, conversely, engenders newer registers of inequality. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 810-826 Issue: 4 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2136069 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2136069 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:4:p:810-826 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2086115_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Advaita Rajendra Author-X-Name-First: Advaita Author-X-Name-Last: Rajendra Title: Skills in ‘unskilled’ work: a case of waste work in Central India Abstract: Drawing on Lave’s theorisation of situated learning, this article engages with skills in the so-called ‘unskilled’ domain of waste work. Waste work involves handling diverse material discards, from household vegetable peelings, metal and plastic scraps, to human and animal faecal material and corpses. In India, forms of waste work are toxic, historically stigmatised, burdened on Dalit and Adivasi bodies, and officially categorised as ‘unskilled’ work. Based on fieldwork in a town in central India, the paper draws attention to skills in waste work, documenting social practices that involve processes of learning and acquiring skills. Analysing institutions that mediate skill acquisition in waste work, the paper argues that ‘skilled’ work is politically and socially constructed and materially contingent. The article destabilises reified notions of how work gets classified as ‘(un)skilled’. Further, the paper reflects on the conflicts and paradoxes that a conversation on skills in waste work throws up: valuing and recognising different forms of waste work while also pointing to their toxicities and struggles. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 658-676 Issue: 4 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2086115 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2086115 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:4:p:658-676 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2132929_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Soundarya Iyer Author-X-Name-First: Soundarya Author-X-Name-Last: Iyer Author-Name: Nitya Rao Author-X-Name-First: Nitya Author-X-Name-Last: Rao Title: Skills to stay: social processes in agricultural skill acquisition in rural Karnataka Abstract: Skill development is considered to be critically important for the eradication of poverty and for social inclusion in the Global South. The Indian government launched broad reforms under the Skill India Mission in 2015 to train 400 million Indians by 2022. However, little is known about the social processes of skill acquisition, especially within the agricultural sector in rural India. In 2020–2021, we conducted work-life course interviews with 66 men and women between the ages of 18 and 65 in a village in southern Karnataka to better understand the informal and non-formal processes of skill acquisition in agriculture and allied activities. We argue that in the absence of formal skilling opportunities, the existing informal and non-formal skilling landscapes are filtered through the intersecting identities of gender, generation, caste and class, and are central in shaping farming futures. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 677-697 Issue: 4 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2132929 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2132929 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:4:p:677-697 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2290125_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Franz-Ferdinand Rothe Author-X-Name-First: Franz-Ferdinand Author-X-Name-Last: Rothe Title: The role of the Sustainable Development Goals for digital development professionals: lessons for the post-2030 development goals Abstract: The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are meant to transform the work of anyone working in international development, throughout a vast ecosystem spanning the private and public sectors and beyond. However, little is known about how the SDGs are used in practice by these various change agents. As the SDGs approach their expiration date in 2030, it is crucial to understand how they affect the stakeholders they aim to guide. Such an understanding will be vital to discussions around the post-2030 goals that might succeed them. Focusing on the field of digital development, this article takes a situated approach to understand how different actors in this sector engage with the SDGs in practice. Through expert interviews with experts from UN organisations, non-profit organisations, the public sector, and private sector, we demonstrate how the SDGs are currently used and what drives and confines this engagement. The results show a plurality of motivations and purposes of using the SDGs, as well as a large spectrum of engagement. If the Post-2030 SDGs want to truly unleash their transformative potential, they should take into account the different contexts in which change agents use them, and actively cater to the different needs and motivations at play. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1003-1018 Issue: 5 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2290125 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2290125 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:5:p:1003-1018 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2299802_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Sara Hellmüller Author-X-Name-First: Sara Author-X-Name-Last: Hellmüller Title: Broadening perspectives on inclusive peacemaking: the case of the UN mediation in Syria Abstract: Civil society inclusion has become a widely accepted norm in international peacemaking. Scholars have analysed the impact of inclusion on mediation effectiveness, mediators’ rationales for broadening participation, and the different modalities to include civil society actors. Drawing on the concept of the ‘agency of the governed’ in norms research, this article examines the inclusion norm from the perspective of civil society actors. It conducts a case study of the United Nations (UN) mediation in Syria based on 41 interviews gathered between 2018 and 2020. The article shows how Syrian civil society actors perceived inclusion and compares these views to the dominant international narratives on inclusion. It demonstrates that the link between inclusion and effectiveness is conditional, and that inclusion risks – under certain conditions – to lower legitimacy, disempower civil society, and entrench conflict lines. The article thereby nuances arguments about how inclusion leads to effectiveness by broadening the perspectives on inclusive peacemaking. It has crucial practical implications because mediators may decide on whether and how to design inclusive processes, but civil society actors ultimately determine the effectiveness of such inclusion attempts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 963-980 Issue: 5 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2299802 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2299802 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:5:p:963-980 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2264780_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Swati Mehta Dhawan Author-X-Name-First: Swati Mehta Author-X-Name-Last: Dhawan Author-Name: Kim Wilson Author-X-Name-First: Kim Author-X-Name-Last: Wilson Author-Name: Hans-Martin Zademach Author-X-Name-First: Hans-Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Zademach Title: From financial inclusion to financial health of refugees: urging for a shift in perspective Abstract: Based on new empirical insights gained in a multi-country project with a particular focus on Jordan as a hotspot of international development in the context of forced displacement, the paper in hand stages the relevance of the concept of financial health vis-à-vis financial inclusion to better support the financial lives of refugees. Financial inclusion of refugees – allowing them to store, borrow, and transfer money, insure against shocks, and pay bills through the formal financial infrastructure of host countries – has become a well-established practice in endeavours of economic integration in protracted displacement. Such access is expected to enable refugees to rebuild their livelihoods and become self-reliant. In other contexts, however, there is increasing acknowledgement that financial services are only a means to an end and not the end itself, resulting in a push for a shift in focus to a more holistic approach. Applying this understanding to the context of forced displacement, our research demonstrates that financial services are only one, and often not the most important, input to improve the self-reliance of refugees. In the absence of supportive conditions, such as access to jobs, identity and long-term certainty, financial inclusion investments can only improve refugees’ financial lives at the margins. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 926-945 Issue: 5 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2264780 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2264780 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:5:p:926-945 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2193321_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Alejandra Díaz de León Author-X-Name-First: Alejandra Author-X-Name-Last: Díaz de León Title: Family dynamics, violence and transit migration through Mexico Abstract: I explore how violence and uncertainty affect straight migrant families in the context of their transit through Mexico. Based on 15 months’ of multi-situated fieldwork, I argue that there are multiple ways for people to react to migration. While some men challenge the masculine patriarchal stereotypes and become more caring, others attempt to reinforce traditional gender roles. Women become resourceful and try to build networks with other women. Some male migrants react to the loss of ownership of space and the fear of sexual violence in Mexico by attempting to limit women’s contact with others, deciding unilaterally where to go, and trying to isolate the family from the rest of the migrant community. Women are thus pushed into an ‘invisible’ domestic sphere while migrating. The article illustrates how migrating women often find themselves subject to the same types of violence they encountered at home while concurrently experiencing new forms (such as sexual violence) on the road. However, by rejecting the position of women as passive recipients of abuse, I explore how women understand and use their perceived vulnerability to obtain information about the road and support from strangers, as well as to create solidarity with other women who are migrating. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 888-902 Issue: 5 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2193321 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2193321 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:5:p:888-902 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2216647_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Juliana González Villamizar Author-X-Name-First: Juliana Author-X-Name-Last: González Villamizar Title: Feminist intersectional activism in the Colombian Truth Commission: constructing counter-hegemonic narratives of the armed conflict in the Colombian Caribbean Abstract: The article demonstrates the resistances and barriers of transitional justice to address historical intersecting inequalities and suggests avenues to advance transformative agendas in this framework through an examination of efforts to mainstream intersectionality at the Colombian Truth, Peaceful Coexistence and Non-Repetition Commission (CEV). On-going dialogues and collaboration with feminist activists working as CEV researchers in the Caribbean centrally inform this analysis. The article examines these activists’ understanding of intersectionality as a political project and their strategy of operationalising it as a ‘critical praxis’ to construct counter-hegemonic analyses of the armed conflict that centre the experience of historically marginalised sectors. The operationalisation of intersectionality as a critical praxis in this scenario provides insights for public policy and practice more broadly as it proposes guidelines to decolonise research and public engagement methodologies to produce intersectional knowledge of issues that affect differently situated populations and groups. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 834-852 Issue: 5 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2216647 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2216647 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:5:p:834-852 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2283466_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Renato H. de Gaspi Author-X-Name-First: Renato H. Author-X-Name-Last: de Gaspi Title: Forging alliances: political competition and industrial policy in democratic Brazil Abstract: Most of the literature on the politics of industrial policy describes a policy realm that is dominated by business–state relations. This paper goes beyond this and proposes that, in democratic settings, political competition and civil society actors also play a vital role in industrial policy. Through a lens focused on Brazil during the 2000s, the study delves into the dynamics between the election of a centre-left party and the subsequent industrial policy, highlighting the interplay of democratic mandates, entrenched economic interests, and supportive developmental alliances. Notably, the continuation of a centre-left coalition and consistent institutional frameworks witnessed considerable shifts in industrial policy outcomes, which allows for an in-depth evaluation of interest group influence on policy formation and implementation. By triangulating data from 23 interviews with actors in the industrial policy process, data from the Brazilian National Development Bank (BNDES), and an analysis of industrial policy plans, this paper posits that the prevalence of economic issues in the electoral debate and the participation of societal actors in the policymaking process are enablers of innovation-focused industrial policies; this allows governments to countervail the power of incumbent sectors and undertake policies that are not favoured by the prevailing business interest. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 981-1002 Issue: 5 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2283466 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2283466 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:5:p:981-1002 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2226471_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Aisling Walsh Author-X-Name-First: Aisling Author-X-Name-Last: Walsh Title: Embodied healing and justice in wounded territories: reflections from feminist and decolonial research-activism in Guatemala Abstract: Cuerpo-territorio (the body-territory) is a concept used by Indigenous feminist activists from Iximulew (Guatemala) to frame their struggles for justice, an end to gendered violence and against extraction in their territories. This paper draws on this concept to explore the legacy of colonial and conflict-related woundings in Guatemala, particularly sexualised and racialised violence. I focus on the primarily Ladinx, urban, largely middle-class population who work and study at the Centre for Training, Healing and Transpersonal Transformation – Q’anil, Guatemala. By centring my enquiry on the reflections of staff and participants from Guatemala and Latin America, through observations and interviews completed as part of my PhD, research this paper explores how attending to the racialised and sexualised wounds of the cuerpo supports individual and collective healing. I argue that Q’anil’s processes, which focus on interrogating desire, reconnecting with the body and recovering the erotic as creative life force, can contribute to healing our broken relationship with the territorio. I ­situate this work within the turn towards a vitalist politics and ask how we might expand our understanding of justice in territories wounded by conflict and (neo)colonialism beyond legal frameworks to envision justice from the cuerpo-territorio? Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 853-869 Issue: 5 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2226471 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2226471 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:5:p:853-869 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2315307_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Samuel Ritholtz Author-X-Name-First: Samuel Author-X-Name-Last: Ritholtz Title: Brutality on display: media coverage and the spectacle of anti-LGBTQ violence in the Colombian Civil War Abstract: During the Colombian Civil War, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer people were targeted by armed actors for reasons related to ideology and strategy. Even with the generalised violence in Colombia during this time, there was significant public interest in this specific form of violence, as evidenced by its tabloid coverage. The nation’s main tabloid – El Espacio – covered this violence against LGBTQ people in graphic detail. Twenty years of coverage (1985–2005) includes a range of gory graphics and horrific headlines that show the pain of a persecuted community in a highly violent context. In this article, I focus on this media coverage of anti-LGBTQ violence, notable for its brutality and prejudice, to argue that its spectacle built on a stigma that reinforced the cleavage of its victims from the body politic through a legitimation of the violence. In doing so, the coverage of this violence became a weapon of war that depoliticised the subordination of an entire population in a society beset by an internal armed conflict. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 903-925 Issue: 5 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2024.2315307 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2024.2315307 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:5:p:903-925 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2257612_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Martin Webb Author-X-Name-First: Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Webb Author-Name: Aasim Khan Author-X-Name-First: Aasim Author-X-Name-Last: Khan Author-Name: Venkata Ratnadeep Suri Author-X-Name-First: Venkata Ratnadeep Author-X-Name-Last: Suri Author-Name: Riad Azam Author-X-Name-First: Riad Author-X-Name-Last: Azam Author-Name: Farhat Salim Author-X-Name-First: Farhat Author-X-Name-Last: Salim Title: Between hunger and contagion: digital mediation and advocacy during the COVID-19 emergency in Delhi Abstract: When COVID-19 struck India in March 2020 the central government announced a nationwide lockdown to slow the spread of the virus. In Delhi, the suspension of normal economic and social life precipitated a crisis of hunger for the thousands who depend on daily wage labour to feed their families. Many of these workers were unable to access the city’s Public Distribution System for subsidised food supplies because they lacked the correct paperwork. In response, the Delhi government implemented an online system, known as E-Coupons, through which those affected could apply for emergency rations. However, this digital system proved complicated to navigate for the marginalised people that it was aimed at. In the east Delhi neighbourhood in which this research took place brokers offering digital connections and online form-filling services proliferated in the crisis, but often provided unreliable or incomplete support to those in need. Recognising the need for digital mediation and support for the marginalised we argue that networks of reliable community advocates are required if welfare bureaucracies are to be digitised through mobile governance projects such as E-Coupons. The human mediation and advocacy, which underpins these schemes should be acknowledged and included in system design. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 946-962 Issue: 5 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2257612 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2257612 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:5:p:946-962 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2317968_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Tatiana Sanchez Parra Author-X-Name-First: Tatiana Author-X-Name-Last: Sanchez Parra Author-Name: Sanne Weber Author-X-Name-First: Sanne Author-X-Name-Last: Weber Title: Interdisciplinary perspectives on gendered violence and resistance in Latin America Abstract: Latin America has been the backdrop of colonial extraction, military dictatorships and armed conflicts, while it has also been characterised by its strong social movements, political organising and solidarity. Although these phenomena are gendered, diverse and intersectional gendered experiences have been insufficiently recognised in academic research. This article introduces a collection that questions mainstream understandings of how gendered violence against cisgender women and other feminised bodies, including people with diverse gender identities, expressions and sexual orientations in Latin America can be understood, and what we can learn from resistance against gendered violence. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 827-833 Issue: 5 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2024.2317968 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2024.2317968 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:5:p:827-833 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2276817_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Kiran Stallone Author-X-Name-First: Kiran Author-X-Name-Last: Stallone Title: Love in war? The strategic use of intimacy in armed conflict Abstract: The strategic use of intimacy to achieve concrete objectives during war has not been systematically or comprehensively analysed. This article presents the cases of civilian women in armed conflict situations who acceded to or initiated intimate relationships with armed actors in order to achieve specific objectives. It focuses on ‘strategic intimacy’, analysing it from the perspective of civilian women in areas impacted by Colombia’s armed conflict. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Colombian civilian women who were the intimate partners of armed actors, it demonstrates that in violent contexts where state protection is lacking and armed groups govern large swaths of territory, women civilians may resort to their own devices to achieve objectives that government institutions or other non-state protective entities would have otherwise been responsible for. Due to their status as intimate partners and the subsequent influence they could exert from this positioning, civilian women were able to sway how their armed actor partners behaved as a form of gendered micro-governance: they exerted pressure on them and encouraged them to protect others and to share and gather information. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 870-887 Issue: 5 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2276817 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2276817 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:5:p:870-887 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2152789_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Nina C. Krickel-Choi Author-X-Name-First: Nina C. Author-X-Name-Last: Krickel-Choi Author-Name: Ching-Chang Chen Author-X-Name-First: Ching-Chang Author-X-Name-Last: Chen Author-Name: Alexander Bukh Author-X-Name-First: Alexander Author-X-Name-Last: Bukh Title: Embodying the state differently in a Westphalian world: an ontological exit for the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute Abstract: The endurance of the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute since the 1970s is indicative of the grip that the Westphalian narrative has on the political imagination of academics and practitioners alike. Both materialist and constructivist scholarship has so far struggled to explain the dispute given its limited strategic and unclear symbolic value. Yet recent work in ontological security studies (OSS) has pointed to the intrinsic connection between physical and ontological security, and highlighted how the Westphalian notion of sovereignty constructs territory as part of the state’s body, and therefore as part of its embodied self. While this explains why such tiny islets can become existentially important for states, it offers bleak prospects for solving sovereignty-related conflicts. It seems unlikely that the dispute can be mitigated within the confines of the Westphalian system. Yet the insight that the body is constructed and part of the ontological security-seeking self is still useful. Building on this insight, we draw on East Asian medicine (EAM) to propose an alternative way of constructing the body. EAM’s monist and relational cosmology helps to conceive a post-Westphalian social body shared by the claimants, making various proposed solutions ontologically possible. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1122-1140 Issue: 6 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2152789 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2152789 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:6:p:1122-1140 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_1891878_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Kosuke Shimizu Author-X-Name-First: Kosuke Author-X-Name-Last: Shimizu Author-Name: Sei Noro Author-X-Name-First: Sei Author-X-Name-Last: Noro Title: Political healing and Mahāyāna Buddhist medicine: a critical engagement with contemporary international relations Abstract: This paper introduces Mahāyāna Buddhist medicine into the contemporary international relations (IR) literature. In this paper, we will elucidate the perception towards subjectivity and relationality based upon the non-binary relationality of Mahāyāna Buddhist medicine, and strive to provide a refreshing understanding of the world. In order to achieve this goal, we start this article by focussing upon the way in which the essentialised subjectivity became the norm of contemporary IR even in non-Western regions. Second, we will provide a general introduction to Mahāyāna Buddhism. Here, we will explain the fluid subjectivity of this particular philosophical tradition, particularly its assumptions of subjectivity, relationality and temporality. Third, we will shift our focus to a practical application of this line of thought, Mahāyāna Buddhist medicine. We argue that Mahāyāna Buddhist medicine is extremely suggestive to contemporary colonial/postcolonial relations in the sense that it provides a practical way to cure those who are suffering from fear and anxiety generated by the assumptions of autonomy and independence. Last, we will return to the discourses of IR, in particular a recent discussion on temporality, relationality and ethics, to consider the possible contributions of Mahāyāna Buddhist medicine to IR. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1035-1050 Issue: 6 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1891878 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1891878 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:6:p:1035-1050 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_1892481_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Chin-Kuei Tsui Author-X-Name-First: Chin-Kuei Author-X-Name-Last: Tsui Title: Discourse, medical metaphor and the East Asian medicine approach to conflict resolution Abstract: This article analyses how threats and dangers have been understood through biomedical metaphors in international relations (IR) and US security discourse, suggesting an alternative to such understandings based on an East Asian medicine (EAM) approach to world politics. By conducting a genealogical study of US security discourse, I argue that medical and disease metaphors, such as communism as a disease in the Cold War era and terrorism as a cancer in the post-Cold War period, were broadly utilised by US policymaking elites in the discursive formation of foreign and security policies. This delineated how the specific issues should be understood by ordinary people; it also suggested measures, such as containment, targeted killings, and surgical strikes, to tackle security threats. As real-world policy practices have demonstrated, the Westphalian understanding of security and conflict resolution, characterised by the utilisation of medical analogies and the necessity of coercive responses, may be inherently flawed. To address the security threats and maintain stability in a specific region, the EAM approach to world politics and conflict resolution is proposed, which is defined by non-coercive actions (wuwei); furthermore, transformability should be operated from within, and the yin–yang theory of harmonious relations could contribute to long-term peace. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1051-1069 Issue: 6 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1892481 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1892481 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:6:p:1051-1069 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_1928488_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Jooyoun Lee Author-X-Name-First: Jooyoun Author-X-Name-Last: Lee Title: Healing an abnormalised body: bringing the agency of unseen people back to the inter-Korean border Abstract: Conventional approaches to the ‘North Korea Problem’ underpin the interests of great powers and the Westphalian canon that buttresses the status quo of a divided Korea, normalising and perpetuating the abnormality of the Korean body. This article draws on a postcolonial approach to international relations and uses East Asian medicine (EAM)’s principles and epistemological underpinnings as an analytical framework to examine the effects of the inter-Korean border on Korea’s body politic and to assess the 2018 inter-Korean border crossings. I demonstrate how the inter-Korean border serves as a site that manifests a new possibility and how invisible ordinary people play an indispensable role in mending the abnormalised Korean body, defying the idea of Korea’s intractable conflict. Ultimately, this study rethinks state and non-state interactions, as well as their reciprocal and conflicting relations, in producing, perpetuating and mitigating artificial myths about inter-Korean border conflicts as a conceptual dialogue between state-centred and EAM-inspired approaches towards reconciliation processes. By drawing on the implications of escaping the Westphalian canonical nexus of power-knowledge-discourse, I suggest an alternative way of healing from inside out by de-abnormalising the inter-Korean border and (re)historicising the agency of unseen people in re-imagining the Korean body politic and world politics. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1070-1087 Issue: 6 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1928488 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1928488 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:6:p:1070-1087 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_1937098_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Jungmin Seo Author-X-Name-First: Jungmin Author-X-Name-Last: Seo Title: Diagnosing Korea–Japan relations through thick description: revisiting the national identity formation process Abstract: Existing theories of international relations have failed to interpret the hostile relations between Korea and Japan due to their Cartesian assumptions about the nature of national sovereignty and identity. Such theories view the hostilities between the two states as the result of incorrect policies or unhealthy interactions between domestic norms and foreign policies, because they believe that there are few negative structural elements between Japan and Korea. This study suggests an alternative explanation by utilising the worldview of East Asian medicine. By interpreting the formation of the Japanese and Korean national identities from the late nineteenth century and by viewing the hostility between the two states not as evidence of ‘malfunctioning’ inter-state relations but as a core element of their national identities, this study proposes an alternative understanding of ‘problem-solving’ with respect to Korea–Japan relations that is directed towards healing their relations with a long-term perspective. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1106-1121 Issue: 6 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1937098 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1937098 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:6:p:1106-1121 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2090921_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Andrei Yamamoto Author-X-Name-First: Andrei Author-X-Name-Last: Yamamoto Title: Conflict as imbalance: political healing of and through emotions in Korea Abstract: What is the role of emotions in conflict resolution, and how can a reconceptualisation of emotions in international relations beyond the discipline be used to understand North Korea’s state conduct and conflict on the Korean peninsula? Drawing on the ontology and epistemology of East Asian medicine, this research explores the role of emotions in conflict resolution by using insights from Wuxing, the medical theory of the five elements/phases, its modus operandi of healing emotional imbalance with counter-emotions, and the principles of harmony and proportionality. I propose the following ‘treatment’: uncovering counterproductive roles and relations of American, South Korean and North Korean actors, given the attention to pathogenic factors in East Asian medicine; reconceptualising emotions in non-binary terms and accounting for suppressed and disproportionally expressed emotions and their effect on relations; strengthening the North Korean corpus to increase resilience; and countering emotional imbalance with counter-emotions. East Asian medicine addresses a system of disharmony, relocates misplaced radicals, and re-adjusts roles, powers and responsibilities. Given philosophical and conceptual differences between mainstream/scientific and endogenous academic approaches, the ontology and epistemology of East Asian medicine complement and go beyond existing understandings about the role of emotions in international relations and conflict resolution. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1088-1105 Issue: 6 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2090921 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2022.2090921 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:6:p:1088-1105 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2322087_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Ching-Chang Chen Author-X-Name-First: Ching-Chang Author-X-Name-Last: Chen Author-Name: Astrid H. M. Nordin Author-X-Name-First: Astrid H. M. Author-X-Name-Last: Nordin Author-Name: Peter Karl Mayer Author-X-Name-First: Peter Karl Author-X-Name-Last: Mayer Title: Political healing in East Asian international relations: what, why and how Abstract: The opening article of this collection serves as an invitation to academics and practitioners of international relations to rethink and transform, not merely observe and contain, long-standing conflicts in East Asia and beyond. Traditionally such conflicts, and the violence that has emerged around them, have been understood through the lens of dichotomous frameworks associated with Westphalian modernity. We need alternative paradigms in East Asian political discourse to think and do differently. Here, we contribute to this effort by examining how East Asian medical thought and practice can facilitate political healing in the region. The use of medical analogies and metaphors is not uncommon in academic and policy discussions, and our approach underscores terminologies and thought processes that resonate with many in the region. East Asian medicine (EAM) is rooted in Daoist yin/yang dialectics and the concept of qi, both of which stress attention to balance, ontological parity and inter-connectedness. It offers inspiration for a creative analytical approach, metaphorical imagination and normative inspiration to diagnose ongoing confrontations. Despite apparent divisions, we propose that ongoing conflicts can be treated as ailments afflicting a shared political body. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1019-1034 Issue: 6 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2024.2322087 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2024.2322087 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:6:p:1019-1034 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2267019_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Wan-Ping Lin Author-X-Name-First: Wan-Ping Author-X-Name-Last: Lin Title: Indefinite healing: China’s ‘One Country, Two Systems’ formula over Hong Kong from a Daoist–Zhongyi perspective Abstract: How can liberalist Hong Kong and socialist China coexist without posing a threat to each other? Based on L. H. M. Ling’s Daoist–Zhongyi theory and China’s ‘One Country, Two Systems’ (OCTS) policy over Hong Kong, this article analyses how the differences could be addressed through the Daoist–Zhongyi treatments of political healing, namely mutual resonances with respective legacies and desires, open engagement of parity and comity, power-sharing and trust. However, it also discusses how the Daoist–Zhongyi treatments might be misused for control when principles of healing are abandoned. First, drawing on the Chinese classics Daodejing and Huangdinejing, it outlines healing treatments of the Daoist–Zhongyi theory. Second, by examining the formation of the OCTS in the 1980s, it illustrates how the Daoist–Zhongyi treatments could be practised through mutual recognition, compassion, and trust through political commitments and compromises. Third, it discusses how the recent imposition of China’s National Security Law for Hong Kong exploits the Daoist–Zhongyi approach, making OCTS a tool for control rather than healing. The article concludes by indicating the indefinite nature of the Daoist–Zhongyi approach as a dialectical statecraft. Its potential for healing or control depends on whether the treatments deviate from Dao. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1159-1176 Issue: 6 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2267019 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2267019 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:6:p:1159-1176 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_1960158_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Boyu Chen Author-X-Name-First: Boyu Author-X-Name-Last: Chen Author-Name: Ching-Chang Chen Author-X-Name-First: Ching-Chang Author-X-Name-Last: Chen Title: Rethinking China–Taiwan relations as a yin–yang imbalance: political healing by Taiwanese Buddhist organisations Abstract: For many, relations across the Taiwan Strait appears to be an unresolvable sovereignty-cum-security impasse in the Westphalian world. Drawing analogies and metaphors from East Asian medicine (EAM), we reconceive this apparent zero-sum impasse as an inner imbalance of the China–Taiwan ‘body’ and investigate the possible healing effects of some Taiwanese Buddhist organisations. We identify three interrelated patterns in cross-Strait relations analogous to Spleen qi deficiency, Blood deficiency and yin deficiency. In EAM, the Spleen is associated with holding and its qi deficiency means poor digestion and/or Blood loss. Insufficient Blood is a type of yin deficiency, affecting all the fluids and lubrication of the body. While the cross-Strait movements of people, goods, services and capital have been increasing since the end of the Cold War, the ‘body’ fails to transform such ‘food’ into trust or a sense of ‘we-ness’ as ‘Blood’. We argue that cross-Strait Buddhist exchanges are conducive to conflict transformation, although they do not amount to a cure-all. Specifically, Tzu Chi Foundation’s charity work and Fo Guang Shan’s cultural education in China have cultivated mutual understandings and goodwill at the grassroots level, resembling therapeutic responses that help to relieve some of the symptoms. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1141-1158 Issue: 6 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2021.1960158 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2021.1960158 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:6:p:1141-1158 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2316268_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Saleh Ahmed Author-X-Name-First: Saleh Author-X-Name-Last: Ahmed Author-Name: Elizabeth Marie Eklund Author-X-Name-First: Elizabeth Marie Author-X-Name-Last: Eklund Title: Who owns the land? Socio-cultural and economic drivers of unequal agrarian land ownership in climate-vulnerable coastal Bangladesh Abstract: In agrarian society, land is a critical resource. Not only does access to arable land increase food security and household income, it also provides resources to cope with any environmental stresses. In most cases, in the low-income developing regions land distribution is very heterogeneous. Based on empirical research in coastal Bangladesh, this article explores patterns in land ownership among the local farmers, discussing how gender, ethnicity, religion, and status relate to farm size, playing a critical role in shaping the heterogeneous distribution of land ownership. Historical patterns of inequality and marginality influence land distribution patterns as the historical ‘Zamindar system’ in the region reinforced elite control. Colonial and post-colonial expansion into climate-vulnerable regions fuelled land expropriation. Cultural constructions of gender create challenges for females owning land. These legacies impact current land ownership patterns. Land distribution informs who is struggling with limited resources and who needs financial subsidies or other forms of support in times of crisis. Even though this paper has a regional focus, it provides critical insights and caution about overlooked assumptions of resource distribution, poverty, and development that can be applied to other parts of the Global South facing similar social, economic and postcolonial legacies. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1219-1237 Issue: 7 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2024.2316268 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2024.2316268 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:7:p:1219-1237 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2309241_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Hairong Yan Author-X-Name-First: Hairong Author-X-Name-Last: Yan Author-Name: Barry Sautman Author-X-Name-First: Barry Author-X-Name-Last: Sautman Title: COVID-19 and the racialisation of Chinese wildlife consumption Abstract: Pandemics and food consumption have long been racialised against non-Western peoples. Yellow Peril tropes of Chinese as disease vectors and consumers of ‘weird’ wildlife, such as bats, were conjoined again with COVID-19. US politicians and media have especially deployed these themes to blame Chinese for the pandemic, alongside tropes of Chinese as cruel, deceitful incompetents, thus serving a wider mobilisation against China that fuels a new Cold War and anti-Asian attacks. Wildlife consumption as a spur to COVID’s Wuhan outbreak is, however, an unverified supposition. Many societies consume wildlife, but it was uncommon in China and mostly shunned by the time of COVID-19’s onset. Meanwhile, significant US wildlife consumption continues. Yellow Peril racialisation of the pandemic and demonisation of China also continue, both despite and because of Western politicians’ COVID-19 failings. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1177-1198 Issue: 7 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2024.2309241 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2024.2309241 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:7:p:1177-1198 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2274829_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Andréas Litsegård Author-X-Name-First: Andréas Author-X-Name-Last: Litsegård Author-Name: Frank Mattheis Author-X-Name-First: Frank Author-X-Name-Last: Mattheis Title: Broadening the concept of interregionalism: beyond state-centrism and Eurocentrism Abstract: An increasingly relevant layer of South–South cooperation (SSC) is the proliferation of interactions between regional organisations, in addition to bilateral cooperation. However, studies on interregionalism often exhibit a Eurocentric bias and a state-centric approach, as they frequently overlook non-state actors in their analyses. This article seeks to expand the conceptualisation of interregionalism into a global phenomenon that is interlinked with regionalism in a reciprocal manner, and that is driven by the mutual impact between different stratifications of interregionalism, involving state as well as non-state actors. Using empirical examples from Latin America, Africa, the Arab World and Europe, the article finds that formal cooperation between regional organisations has a more substantial impact on regionalism, particularly in asymmetric settings. Meanwhile, the emergence of interregional civil society cooperation remains closely tied to the existence of state-driven interregionalism whether as a sponsor or a common adversary. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1273-1290 Issue: 7 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2274829 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2274829 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:7:p:1273-1290 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2228722_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Lina Grip Author-X-Name-First: Lina Author-X-Name-Last: Grip Author-Name: Jenniina Kotajoki Author-X-Name-First: Jenniina Author-X-Name-Last: Kotajoki Title: Prison reform in conflict-affected contexts: evidence from Somaliland and Puntland Abstract: Prisons are key institutions for strengthening justice and security and are increasingly targets of international interventions. However, prison reform in conflict-affected settings is understudied. To understand the conditions underpinning successes and pitfalls of international prison reform, this study examines the local conditions under which international prison reform interventions take place. Drawing on unique data from interviews with inmates and staff members in Hargeisa Central Prison and Garowe Prison, we analyse United Nations prison reform cases in Somaliland and Puntland, Somalia. We find that the international prison reform in these contexts not only falls short in delivering on some set objectives but also does not engage with the particularities of local conditions and contexts. Furthermore, existing reform programmes embed a conflict of interest: while the beneficiaries of prison reform are concerned with the mental and physical well-being of inmates, the international actors aim to shape prison practices along international standards and incapacitate a subset of serious offenders. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1256-1272 Issue: 7 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2228722 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2023.2228722 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:7:p:1256-1272 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2318474_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Tobias Tseer Author-X-Name-First: Tobias Author-X-Name-Last: Tseer Author-Name: Kasim Salifu Author-X-Name-First: Kasim Author-X-Name-Last: Salifu Author-Name: Gordon Yenglier Yiridomoh Author-X-Name-First: Gordon Yenglier Author-X-Name-Last: Yiridomoh Title: Land use practices and farmer–herder conflict in Agogo: dynamics of traditional authority and resistance Abstract: The existing literature has extensively explored the causes of farmer–herder conflicts in Ghana. However, there has been limited investigation into the relationship between royal hegemony over customary lands and the persistent nature of farmer–herder conflicts in the country. This study contributes to the understanding of agrarian conflicts in Ghana by examining the interconnectedness of cultural and social practices of land access with the intractability of farmer–herder conflicts in Agogo. The study utilised a qualitative research approach, involving 33 participants recruited through maximum variation purposive sampling. Data was gathered through interviews and focus group discussions. Inductive thematic analysis revealed that social practices of land access hold greater influence than legal provisions, granting significant power over lands to traditional authorities in Agogo. We argue that the on-going intransigence of traditional rulers regarding land access, coupled with the persistent resistance from smallholder farmers through attempts to evict Fulani herders, as well as the resistance demonstrated by the Fulani herders themselves, are key factors contributing to the intractable nature of farmer–herder conflicts in Agogo. This study emphasises the need for a deeper understanding of the cultural and social dimensions underlying land access practices and their impact on farmer–herder conflicts. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1238-1255 Issue: 7 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2024.2318474 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2024.2318474 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:7:p:1238-1255 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2317368_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Thapelo Tselapedi Author-X-Name-First: Thapelo Author-X-Name-Last: Tselapedi Title: Dislodging the hegemony of the white epistemological frame Abstract: In South African public discourse, the concept of gender appears to be cognate with the category of woman. Given the presence of masculinity studies in South Africa, the normative view of gender does include both men and women, but in the South African public discourse, gender is still largely cognate with woman. Accordingly, I am interested in this conceptual disconnect between gender and men, specifically within the Black community. Although this disconnect is attributed to the distribution of opportunities and the prevalence of gender-based violence, both said to largely disadvantage women, I contend that this disconnect is possible because of liberalism’s concealment of anti-Black racism, producing epistemic blindness. In other words, the juridical incorporation of Black people into liberalism not only masked the reality of their ontological domination, it imposed a narrow epistemic trajectory over the concept of ‘gender’. As such, while anti-Black racism is considered non-hegemonic, the gender struggle assumed the fundamental contradiction of the liberal democratic order. However, the gendering of Black people in the 1994 dispensation has a differential impact between Black men and Black women, enabling the latter to capitalise on the concealment of anti-Black racism while the former are crippled by the colonial legacy of Blackness. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1291-1308 Issue: 7 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2024.2317368 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2024.2317368 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:7:p:1291-1308 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: CTWQ_A_2314005_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Valentine M. Moghadam Author-X-Name-First: Valentine M. Author-X-Name-Last: Moghadam Title: The gendered politics of Iran-U.S. relations: sanctions, the JCPOA and women’s security Abstract: I examine the decades of fraught Iran–U.S. relations through a conceptual feminist IR lens, and I situate the relationship within the broader MENA region beset with rivalries, conflicts and crises. The spotlight is on the 2015 Iran nuclear deal Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the unilateral U.S. withdrawal in 2018, the long sanctions regime imposed on Iran, and the gendered effects on women’s welfare and security. I argue that Iran–U.S. mutual hostility has enhanced tensions in the Middle East, reinforced militarised masculinities and bolstered the patriarchal political forces in Iran – which became the target of the 2022 female-led protests. Building on feminist arguments about the connection between domestic and international affairs, the article elucidates the relationship of sanctions to ‘the continuum of violence’. Journal: Third World Quarterly Pages: 1199-1218 Issue: 7 Volume: 45 Year: 2024 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2024.2314005 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/01436597.2024.2314005 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:ctwqxx:v:45:y:2024:i:7:p:1199-1218