Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1796255_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Terje Østebø Author-X-Name-First: Terje Author-X-Name-Last: Østebø Author-Name: Kjetil Tronvoll Author-X-Name-First: Kjetil Author-X-Name-Last: Tronvoll Title: Interpreting contemporary Oromo politics in Ethiopia: an ethnographic approach Abstract: Decades of both non-violent and armed struggle did not bring much result to the Oromo quest for political power over the Ethiopian state, and contemporary Oromo politics often appear recondite and discordant. When Abiy Ahmed came to power as the new Prime Minister in April 2018 as the first Oromo politician entering the former imperial palace, many believed it was the Oromo’s turn to rule. Developments since then have, however, revealed a far more complex picture, where previous internal divisions have resurfaced, and where the inherently fragmented nature of Oromo politics seems to have prevailed. Drawing on recent interviews, in this article, we argue that the current divisions and positions in Oromo politics may be made explicable by applying a multilayered ethnographic approach to identify their provenance and grassroots anchoring. With the three main positions found within Oromo politics – the unitarist, secessionist, and federalist – as our point of departure, we unveil the deeper connections between the current political positioning and their historical trajectories and ethnographic anchoring, and we capture overlooked and competing power discourses informing Oromo politics. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 613-632 Issue: 4 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1796255 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1796255 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:4:p:613-632 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1831848_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tomáš František Žák Author-X-Name-First: Tomáš Author-X-Name-Last: František Žák Title: Building a culture of resistance: securitising and de-securitising Eastleigh during the Kenyan government’s Operation Usalama Watch Abstract: This paper focuses on Operation Usalama Watch, a counter-terrorism crackdown that was conducted in Eastleigh, the predominately Kenyan-Somali neighbourhood of Nairobi, in April 2014. Using the response to the operation as a case study, it seeks to build on criticisms of the Copenhagen School by arguing that the notion of the ‘speech act’ is limiting when considering alternative media through which subtle forms of dissent are channelled and counter-narratives are expressed. Moreover, it argues that conventional securitisation theory has predominately focused on discursive attempts to construct rather than deconstruct security threats. By drawing together, criticisms of securitisation theory, the scholarship on subaltern studies and the literature on youth politics in Africa, the political agency and forms of resistance used by young people that do not resort to overt contestation through speech become apparent. This paper argues that during the operation, young people in Eastleigh used novel and often informal mediums to speak back to power, challenge convention and ultimately contribute to a process of de-securitisation by creating a culture of resistance. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 743-762 Issue: 4 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1831848 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1831848 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:4:p:743-762 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1831846_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Elisabeth King Author-X-Name-First: Elisabeth Author-X-Name-Last: King Author-Name: Daphna Harel Author-X-Name-First: Daphna Author-X-Name-Last: Harel Author-Name: Dana Burde Author-X-Name-First: Dana Author-X-Name-Last: Burde Author-Name: Jennifer Hill Author-X-Name-First: Jennifer Author-X-Name-Last: Hill Author-Name: Simon Grinsted Author-X-Name-First: Simon Author-X-Name-Last: Grinsted Title: Seeing like students: what Nairobi youth think about politics, the state and the future Abstract: While Kenyan youth comprise the majority of the Kenyan electorate, they are typically either stereotyped as criminals or marginalized, rather than taken seriously as politically important actors. The importance of youth in Kenya, and the gaps in our knowledge about this group, prompt us to investigate their views at the cusp of political becoming. Reporting on a survey of 4,773 secondary school students in Nairobi, we argue that understanding this youth population’s perspectives and relationship to the state – ‘seeing like students’ – is critical to any understanding of Kenya today and its future. Our study shows empirically that secondary school youth in Nairobi are perceptive about the challenges facing the country, civically engaged, and hopeful about the future. With views that often differ by ethnicity, gender, or socio-economic background, our findings highlight the importance of acknowledging youths’ complex on-the-ground realities and challenging dominant discourses about youth. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 802-822 Issue: 4 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1831846 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1831846 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:4:p:802-822 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1831146_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sishuwa Sishuwa Author-X-Name-First: Sishuwa Author-X-Name-Last: Sishuwa Title: Patronage politics and parliamentary elections in Zambia’s one-party state c. 1983–88 Abstract: Much of the scholarly work on politics in Zambia’s one-party state stresses the non-competitiveness of its parliamentary elections and holds that politicians were unable to cultivate the power of patronage because the political system was heavily weighted against the practice. This article uses a case study of Michael Sata, an individual politician who was twice elected Member of Parliament in Zambia’s capital city in the 1980s, to offer a two-fold reassessment of elections and patronage politics during the one-party state. First, it reveals how Sata successfully built links with leading business elites who, in the expectation that he would help them secure their businesses, financed his electoral campaigns. Second, it shows how Sata, who also simultaneously served as Governor of Lusaka, secured his re-election by using public resources to establish patronage support networks, expressed through the construction of housing units for his constituency’s burgeoning population. More broadly, the article demonstrates that it was possible under the one-party state to mobilise political support outside the party structures and build patronage networks that challenged the logic of centralised control. For the most part of one-party rule, however, these power bases were not visible and can only be uncovered through detailed case studies. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 591-612 Issue: 4 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1831146 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1831146 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:4:p:591-612 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1831850_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Wangui Kimari Author-X-Name-First: Wangui Author-X-Name-Last: Kimari Author-Name: Luke Melchiorre Author-X-Name-First: Luke Author-X-Name-Last: Melchiorre Author-Name: Jacob Rasmussen Author-X-Name-First: Jacob Author-X-Name-Last: Rasmussen Title: Youth, the Kenyan state and a politics of contestation Abstract: This paper introduces the Special Collection ‘Youth, the Kenyan state and a politics of contestation'. It focuses on youth and the heterogenous ways this social category responds to inordinate state action. Specifically, we foreground the various roles the Kenyan state has played in the construction and politicization of Kenyan youth across time and space. The introduction frames the papers in the Special Collection within a three-pronged argument: First, while we present youth as heterogeneous social category, we argue that their similar experiences of state surveillance and violence warrant analyzing them through a comparative lens. Secondly, we reject ahistorical renderings of youth politics often presented in youth bulge studies, arguing that such analyses have served to disregard and delegitimize the political grievances of Kenyan youth and flatten the diversity of their political activities. Finally we call for an approach to the study of youth politics, which seeks to expand ‘the parameters of the political’, taking oft-neglected informal spaces of youth political activity as important discursive and material sites of investigation. Taking these spaces seriously as objects of analysis, the papers provide a nuanced assessment of youth as political actors, which problematize reductive dichotomous narratives of youth politics that pit resistance against co-optation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 690-706 Issue: 4 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1831850 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1831850 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:4:p:690-706 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1831849_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jacob Rasmussen Author-X-Name-First: Jacob Author-X-Name-Last: Rasmussen Author-Name: Naomi van Stapele Author-X-Name-First: Naomi Author-X-Name-Last: van Stapele Title: ‘Our time to recover’: young men, political mobilization, and personalized political ties during the 2017 primary elections in Nairobi Abstract: In this article, we show how youth groups in Nairobi’s poor settlements engage with politics while carving out a political space for themselves and providing a livelihood. In doing so, we challenge dominant neo-patrimonial narratives of youth radicalization and instrumentalized youth mobilization in relation to electoral processes. Based on long-term ethnographic engagements, we argue for more complex dynamics between local youth groups and politicians; dynamics informed by differently situated understandings and diverse experiences of democracy. We follow the emic use of the term kupona (Kiswahili word meaning recovery or healing) to approach youth’s political engagements along lines of participation, recognition, and re-distribution, which all in different ways express demands for social recovery. Empirically, the article draws on events and examples from the primary elections in 2017, which provide a privileged frame for investigating local politics and responses to the recently initiated devolved government structure. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 724-742 Issue: 4 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1831849 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1831849 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:4:p:724-742 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1831847_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Wangui Kimari Author-X-Name-First: Wangui Author-X-Name-Last: Kimari Title: War-talk: an urban youth language of siege in Nairobi Abstract: In this article, I detail how youth in poor urban settlements in Nairobi use a vernacular that I term war-talk. This is a speech, anchored in the Swahili derived urban slang language Sheng, which includes words that reference combat situations. If Sheng, as has been argued, is a generational articulation of unequal spatialized relations in Nairobi, war-talk further indexes the siege that those who live within the margins of the city experience every day, and that appears to be worsening. In addition, I put forward that war-talk is shaped by specific situated identities taken up in the East of Nairobi, subjectivities that chronicle what are seen as ongoing violations of the poor, particularly by the police. At the same time, while it bears witness to “war,” war-talk does not position its speakers solely as victims, and is performed as a language that offers deft situated escapes that portend vernacular and material agency for those who continue to be its progenitors in the margins of this city. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 707-723 Issue: 4 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1831847 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1831847 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:4:p:707-723 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1832293_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Stephanie Lämmert Author-X-Name-First: Stephanie Author-X-Name-Last: Lämmert Title: Fear and mockery: the story of Osale and Paulo in Tanganyika Abstract: This article analyses the popular story of the two ‘social bandits’ Osale and Paulo who caused insecurity and fear in Tanganyika’s Usambara Mountains during the 1950s. By comparing various oral accounts of the story and supplementing the sparse archival material available, the paper reveals a narrative of multiple anxieties haboured by the residents of Shambaai during a time of rapid transformation under late colonial rule. As they reworked the racialized colonial hierarchy through their narratives, African story-tellers dealt with anxieties concerning settler colonialism, Mau Mau, land scarcity and the colonial administration’s disastrous soil conservation policy. The article demonstrates the importance of taking seriously oral histories for our understanding of African responses to the anxieties of the late colonial period. Furthermore, it sheds new light on the relations between white settlers and Africans in the Usambara Mountains in the light of the administration’s rigorous intervention into African agriculture. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 633-650 Issue: 4 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1832293 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1832293 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:4:p:633-650 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1740480_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Correction Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 689-689 Issue: 4 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1740480 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1740480 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:4:p:689-689 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1832292_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Bram J. Jansen Author-X-Name-First: Bram J. Author-X-Name-Last: Jansen Author-Name: Milou de Bruijne Author-X-Name-First: Milou Author-X-Name-Last: de Bruijne Title: Humanitarian spill-over: the expansion of hybrid humanitarian governance from camps to refugee hosting societies in East Africa Abstract: The impact and effects of protracted refugee camps on their host environments in East Africa has been the subject of much academic attention since the late 1990s. Such camps are often viewed as exclusionary spaces that isolate refugees from their host societies. Recent analyses, however, posit such camps as hybrid spaces, with fluid boundaries, that provide socio-economic opportunities and are potential drivers of development. Less thinking has gone into how forms of (humanitarian) governance emanate from such camps and impact their host environments. This paper is based on ethnographic research in and around refugee camps in Kenya and Tanzania. Grounded in a spatial analysis of camp development processes, this paper explores the notion of ‘humanitarian spill-over’. It argues that camps’ specific governmental processes and bureaucratic power come to co-govern and co-shape socio-spatial relations beyond the boundaries of the camp and the initial targets of humanitarian concern. By analysing the socio-spatial effects of long-term humanitarian governance, this paper contributes to, debates about camps as hybrid spaces and locates experiments with developmental approaches to camp environments in East Africa in a history of a more organic process of spill-over. We show how the spill-over is increasingly posited as intention rather than effect. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 669-688 Issue: 4 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1832292 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1832292 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:4:p:669-688 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1831851_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Harald Aspen Author-X-Name-First: Harald Author-X-Name-Last: Aspen Author-Name: Bedemariam Woldeyesus Author-X-Name-First: Bedemariam Author-X-Name-Last: Woldeyesus Title: Priceless land: valuation and compensation of expropriated farmland in the Amhara region, Ethiopia Abstract: In Ethiopia, farmland belongs to ‘the people’ (the state) and cannot be sold or bought, but compensatory measures have been introduced for land expropriated for infrastructure and industry. The article analyses processes of valuation and compensation of land in Kombolcha district in the Amhara region of Ethiopia. Here numerous projects have affected highly productive farmland over the last decade. Monetary compensation to land holders whose farmland is expropriated is relatively new in Ethiopia, and we explore how peasants and authorities gradually have attained increased competence in dealing with land valuation and compensation, faced with often obscure and contradictory legislation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 651-668 Issue: 4 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1831851 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1831851 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:4:p:651-668 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1832370_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Luke Melchiorre Author-X-Name-First: Luke Author-X-Name-Last: Melchiorre Title: “A new animal”: student activism and the Kenyan state in an era of multiparty politics, 1991–2000 Abstract: This article explores the impact of the reintroduction of multiparty politics at the University of Nairobi in the late-1990s. It argues that the reinstatement of Nairobi’s student union (SONU) in 1998 represented a fundamental turning point in the history of student activism in Kenya. SONU’s return served to open space on campus for national political parties, particularly the ruling party, the Kenya African National Union (KANU), to play a greater role in student politics than they ever had before. The growing influence of these external actors and the support that they provided to candidates vying for SONU positions fundamentally altered the nature and practice of student politics at Nairobi in several important ways: exacerbating internal divisions within the student leadership along party and ethnic lines; contributing to the commercialization of student politics to an unprecedented degree; and driving a spike in intra-student violence through the creation of externally supported “goon squads.” In documenting this history, this article challenges the conventional historical periodization of student politics at African universities in the 1990s and 2000s, which has tended to exclusively understand student activists as key actors in protesting against Structural Adjustment Policies and in promoting processes of democratization. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 780-801 Issue: 4 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1832370 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1832370 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:4:p:780-801 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1833607_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Hannah Whittaker Author-X-Name-First: Hannah Author-X-Name-Last: Whittaker Title: Youth on the margins: criminalizing Kenya's pastoral frontier, c. 1930-present Abstract: The ‘youth bulge’ that has been observed across much of the Global South has resulted in the drawing of young people, especially young men, as a threat to social order. In Kenya, the ‘spectre of youth radicalization’ is particularly prevalent, and young Somali males have been singled out as a volatile youth demographic. While explanations for the correlation between political instability and violence and young men within youth bulge theory tends to focus on economic, political and social structures, this article uses the Kenyan case to emphasise the historical dimensions of the state construction of problematic Somali youth. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 763-779 Issue: 4 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1833607 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1833607 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:4:p:763-779 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1279853_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Richard Vokes Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Vokes Author-Name: Sam Wilkins Author-X-Name-First: Sam Author-X-Name-Last: Wilkins Title: Party, patronage and coercion in the NRM’S 2016 re-election in Uganda: imposed or embedded? Abstract: In the wake of President Museveni’s latest election victory in Uganda, this article provides a critical review of the current literature on his National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime and seeks to affect a paradigm shift. We find that much of this scholarship has tended to track the regime’s increasing authoritarianism over the years with an implicit assumption of social detachment, as if the NRM’s successful electoral machine is one imposed on the voting public in ways that counterbalance Museveni’s declining legitimacy and lack of genuine political support. While agreeing with the substance of many of the points made to this end, we draw on the events of the 2016 election, our own ethnographic evidence from four traditionally pro-NRM districts and the research in the rest of this special issue to outline the ways that the regime’s election strategies rely on a more embedded presence in Ugandan political culture. The article focuses specifically on how three often-cited components of the NRM electoral machine – its dominant party network, its use of patronage as election finance, and its deployment of physical coercion through the security services – can only be understood when viewed with this more grounded approach. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 581-600 Issue: 4 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1279853 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1279853 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:4:p:581-600 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1278322_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Frederick Golooba-Mutebi Author-X-Name-First: Frederick Author-X-Name-Last: Golooba-Mutebi Author-Name: Sam Hickey Author-X-Name-First: Sam Author-X-Name-Last: Hickey Title: The master of institutional multiplicity? The shifting politics of regime survival, state-building and democratisation in Museveni’s Uganda Abstract: Current understandings of regime survival in Uganda tend to over-emphasise the role of ‘semi-authoritarian’ and ‘neopatrimonial’ politics and neglect the extent to which the regime deploys alternative strategies of political rule that also involve ‘soft’ forms of power and formal elements of state-building. The regime’s extensive deployment of ‘soft’ power includes President Museveni’s responsiveness to popular concerns and fears and the careful management of political rivals. Meanwhile, certain pockets of bureaucratic effectiveness have played an important role in securing legitimacy amongst both the voters and international actors who help maintain the regime in power. Viewed in comparison to previous elections in Uganda, the 2016 presidential poll revealed the regime’s ability to achieve a balance between the extensive deployment of both hard and soft forms of power and of both formal and informal strategies of rule. However, whilst this capacity to manage ‘institutional multiplicity’ has underpinned the regime’s success in maintaining itself in power for over three decades, a closer understanding of how this balancing act is achieved helps expose the increasingly contradictory logics of regime survival, democratisation and state-building in Uganda. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 601-618 Issue: 4 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1278322 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1278322 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:4:p:601-618 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1278323_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sam Wilkins Author-X-Name-First: Sam Author-X-Name-Last: Wilkins Title: Who pays for pakalast? The NRM’s peripheral patronage in rural Uganda Abstract: A dominant narrative exists in the literature concerning the financial strategy of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime of President Yoweri Museveni in recent Ugandan elections. This posits that the regime relies on public or state-linked resources sent from the centre of government to the rural periphery so as to materially influence voters to support its candidates. While it is certainly true that the NRM collectively takes advantage of its access to state resources to finance its quintennial re-election campaign, this paper will challenge the exclusivity of this representation by presenting two findings from the 2016 polls. The first is that while the structures of centre-to-periphery clientelist distribution have grown significantly over the past decades, the popular expectations among the electorate of what politicians can and should distribute – during both term time and election campaigns – have grown yet faster than this expanding system can service. Second, following from this conclusion, the burden of funding this patronage deficit has fallen on rural elites themselves at election time, who mobilise personal resources into their campaigns to satisfy the growing norms of entitlement among citizens – norms sustained by the extreme competitiveness of intra-NRM local politics. Candidates from across the spectrum face intense pressure to meet these campaign costs, often after saving for years, mortgaging properties, and taking on enormous personal debt. This paper investigates the cause, structure, and extent of self-financed campaigning, building on evidence from three traditionally pro-NRM rural districts in southern Uganda – Kyenjojo, Kayunga, and Bugiri. It concludes that the systemic sourcing of private campaign finance within this rural periphery is more than just a by-product of the NRM’s collective electoral renewal: it is a structural pillar of it on par with the much-discussed abuse of public funds. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 619-638 Issue: 4 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1278323 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1278323 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:4:p:619-638 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1272279_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Michaela Collord Author-X-Name-First: Michaela Author-X-Name-Last: Collord Title: From the electoral battleground to the parliamentary arena: understanding intra-elite bargaining in Uganda’s National Resistance Movement Abstract: Following Uganda’s 2005 multiparty transition, observers expected the country’s legislature – an unusually assertive body by regional standards – to lose its bite, muzzled due to newly re-instated party disciplinary measures. This article explains why – contrary to these expectations – executive-legislative tensions persist and, more fundamentally, what this tells us about the nature of one-party and executive dominance in Uganda. Inspired by a comparative politics literature on parties as well as an older generation of Africanist scholarship, the analysis centres on the nexus linking political finance, party-building and legislative independence. The article argues that the legacy of Uganda’s ‘no-party’ Movement system endures, perpetuated through the highly personalized and contentious nature of electoral mobilization. By failing to recentralize control of campaign finance, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) leadership has left parliamentary candidates largely to their own devices while undermining its own nascent efforts to ensure greater party institutionalization. The consequence of this failure to institutionalize the ruling party plays out in a more assertive legislature, where NRM MPs – who form the overwhelming majority – frequently rebel against the party line. Unable to enforce partisan discipline, Museveni is compelled to buy back legislators’ support through executive patronage. While he generally succeeds in subduing Parliament, especially towards the end of a legislative term, this success is by no means automatic. As such, the Ugandan legislature is best understood as an arena for intra-elite bargaining, its independence contingent on the push-and-pull between President Museveni and unruly NRM MPs. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 639-659 Issue: 4 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1272279 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1272279 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:4:p:639-659 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1278324_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Richard Vokes Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Vokes Title: Primaries, patronage, and political personalities in South-western Uganda Abstract: This paper is an ethnographic study of the National Resistance Movement Party primaries that took place in the constituency of Rwampara County, Mbarara District, between mid and late 2015. Based on fieldwork carried out during the primary campaigns, it offers a detailed examination of the five candidates’ campaign strategies in the run-up to the polls. It focuses in particular upon the ways in which they all sought to secure votes through making frequent public donations to potential voters. Building upon recent insights from a nascent anthropology of corruption, the paper argues that it is crucial to understand how these gifts were conceptualized, both by their givers and their recipients. It finds that although these donations generally made sense to everyone involved in terms of long-standing cultural logics regarding the ‘proper’ operations of power (amaani), this is not to say that they simply reflected cultural continuities. On the contrary, over the course of the campaigns, both the practices of gifting, and the meanings that attached to these, changed significantly. This helps to explain how and why, in the context of all of this gifting, the donations of one candidate – and one candidate only – came to be seen as illegitimate (i.e. as ‘corrupt’). Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 660-676 Issue: 4 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1278324 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1278324 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:4:p:660-676 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1270043_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Henni Alava Author-X-Name-First: Henni Author-X-Name-Last: Alava Author-Name: Jimmy Spire Ssentongo Author-X-Name-First: Jimmy Spire Author-X-Name-Last: Ssentongo Title: Religious (de)politicisation in Uganda’s 2016 elections Abstract: Religion has influenced Ugandan politics ever since colonial times. While the interrelations of religion and politics have altered since the coming to power of president Museveni’s National Resistance Movement (NRM), religion continues to influence Ugandan public culture and formal politics in important ways. Building on ethnographic fieldwork in Kampala and Acholi, as well as analysis of media reporting and discussions in social media, this article focuses on the role of religious leaders during Uganda’s 2016 parliamentary and presidential elections. We argue that the striking differences between Ugandan clerics’ teaching on politics relate in part to genuine differences in religious beliefs, but also to patronage, intimidation, and ethnicity, and to the strategic calculations religious leaders make about how best to affect change in a constricted political environment. In discussion with previous research on religion and politics in Africa, and utilising analytical concepts from the study of publics, the article proposes a model of religious (de)politicisation, whereby both the politicising and depoliticising effects of religion are acknowledged. To do so, the analysis distinguishes between NGO-ised and enchanted planes of religion, and shows that on both planes, religion contributed simultaneously to enhancing and diminishing the space for public debate in election-time Uganda. While many religious leaders actively or silently supported the incumbent regime, religious leaders also took vocal public stands, fostered political action, and catered for vernacular imaginaries of political critique, by so doing expanding the space of public debate. However, by performing public debate that remained vague on crucial issues, and by promoting a religious narrative of peace, religious leaders participated in the enactment of a façade of political debate, in so doing legitimising the autocratic facets of Museveni’s hybrid regime. Acknowledging religion as an important constituent of public culture contributes to more nuanced understandings of election dynamics in Eastern Africa. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 677-692 Issue: 4 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1270043 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1270043 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:4:p:677-692 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1272283_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Rebecca Tapscott Author-X-Name-First: Rebecca Author-X-Name-Last: Tapscott Title: Where the wild things are not: crime preventers and the 2016 Ugandan elections Abstract: In Uganda’s 2016 elections, international and national commentators questioned the role that the government’s crime preventers – or community police – would play. Many claimed that they would be used “as tools” to rig the elections, intimidate voters, and vote en masse for the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime. In contrast, this paper shows that the government never intended the crime preventers to play an explicitly coercive role. Instead, the NRM leadership intentionally structured the crime preventer program as indefinite and fluid, allowing political authorities and citizens to understand the purpose of crime preventers alternately as dangerous tools of the regime, family men in search of work, or patriotic citizens of Uganda. Used interchangeably, these logics – which are described in this paper as ideal-typical categories of political, economic, and social – prevented Ugandans from accurately assessing the program. The resultant uncertainty fragmented organization of crime preventers, civil society, and members of the opposition; limited the government’s responsibility for crime preventers; and helped ensure that crime preventers would bolster the strength of the NRM regime in the 2016 elections. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 693-712 Issue: 4 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1272283 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1272283 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:4:p:693-712 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1278325_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sandrine Perrot Author-X-Name-First: Sandrine Author-X-Name-Last: Perrot Title: Partisan defections in contemporary Uganda: the micro-dynamics of hegemonic party-building Abstract: Party defections have increasingly become a major trend of Ugandan multiparty politics, not only for individual elites at the national level and in the parties’ leadership but at the grassroots level by local party members too. These shifts of allegiance are now systematically part of the staging and imagery of President Museveni’s electoral campaigns. A common explanation of this phenomenon points at the inconsistency of partisan loyalties and ideologies. It is often taken for granted that defections are expressions of clientelism, political opportunism and above all democratic immaturity and a misunderstanding of multipartyism. This paper argues on the contrary that mass defections reflect the social technology of the National Resistance Movement hegemonic rule at the local level, and the constraints for opposition parties whose structures it co-opts. They are part of the monopolisation of organisational initiatives at the grassroots level by the regime. Defections are not simply a symbol of electoral opportunism but part of a routine economic posture in a context of straddling lines between the economic and political spheres. Following up the trajectories of two specific groups of defectors from Teso over several years, this paper seeks to give precise insights on the local presence and rooting of political parties, their modes of mobilisation, recruitment, their repertoires of action, and more generally on the transformation of identities, partisan practices and political activism but also on the hegemonic ruling party’s mode of governance at the local level. This micro-sociologic approach opens windows on how hegemony is built in a dialogic way with local political entrepreneurs and vote brokers. Hegemonic rule therefore also contains its own limits as it requires a permanent renegotiation with individual actors embedded in a set of local power relationships. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 713-728 Issue: 4 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1278325 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1278325 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:4:p:713-728 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1272288_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Moses Khisa Author-X-Name-First: Moses Author-X-Name-Last: Khisa Title: Managing elite defection in Museveni’s Uganda: the 2016 elections in perspective Abstract: Like other semi-authoritarian leaders, Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni faced constant threats of elite defections during successive general elections since 1996. Except in 2011 when he lured prominent opposition members to his ruling party, Museveni faced defections on the eve of four out of the five general elections during his rule: in 1996, 2001, 2006 and 2016. The 2015 defection of former Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi was billed as Museveni’s toughest challenge ever. However, Museveni successfully countered this threat with ministerial appointments, cash handouts along with targeted use of state coercive apparatus, chiefly the police, thus stopping Mbabazi from taking many National Resistance Movement (NRM) party elites into his camp to mount a serious electoral challenge. This article situates Mbabazi’s defection, and his poor performance at the polls going by the official election results, in the context of previous episodes of elite defections. The article argues that defections have been avoided and mitigated by a triple-strategy of elite inclusion, deterrence and the maintenance of various networks that constrain potential defectors. By documenting this theory with examples from previous and the 2016 elections, the article concludes that Mbabazi’s poor showing in the February 2016 election was predictable, in spite of his clout as heretofore the second most powerful figure in NRM and Museveni’s heir apparent. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 729-748 Issue: 4 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1272288 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1272288 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:4:p:729-748 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1272280_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nicole Beardsworth Author-X-Name-First: Nicole Author-X-Name-Last: Beardsworth Title: Challenging dominance: the opposition, the coalition and the 2016 election in Uganda Abstract: Contrary to the experience of many African countries, opposition coalitions are a frequent feature of elections in Uganda. A product of previous alliance efforts and a concerted effort by sections of civil society to facilitate coordination between parties, the 2016 Democratic Alliance was the most cogent collective to date. The broad alliance fragmented just three months before the election as the Forum for Democratic Change pulled out over the selection of the joint presidential candidate. This paper will look at the logic that underlies coalition formation in Ugandan elections, as well as the key reasons for their collapse. This article contends that, when studying coalition formation and collapse, more attention should be given to intra- and inter-party dynamics and competition over shared electoral constituencies, as well as the role of trust, uncertainty and strategic decision-making in successful coalition formation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 749-768 Issue: 4 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1272280 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1272280 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:4:p:749-768 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1274251_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Lotte Meinert Author-X-Name-First: Lotte Author-X-Name-Last: Meinert Author-Name: Anne Mette Kjær Author-X-Name-First: Anne Mette Author-X-Name-Last: Kjær Title: “Land belongs to the people of Uganda”: politicians’ use of land issues in the 2016 election campaigns Abstract: Politicians running for the 2016 elections in Uganda used land issues in various ways to mobilize votes. We explore the ways in which land was politicized during election campaigns, by examining the personal manifestos and rallies of candidates in the districts of Kaabong and Gulu, and in Kampala. Our main argument is that land was often constitutive of programmatic political debate, and was not only used in instrumental and patrimonial ways to mobilize votes. The most significant ways in which land was used in the election were to: raise questions of authorities’ and investors’ claims and “land-grabbing”; start discussions about land development, sale, and forms of tenure; buy votes with land (promises or access); encourage squatting on investors’ land to create conflicts over claims and gain popularity, and thus, votes; and raise issues about ethnicity, territorial rights, and autochthony. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 769-788 Issue: 4 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1274251 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1274251 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:4:p:769-788 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1272297_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Derek R. Peterson Author-X-Name-First: Derek R. Author-X-Name-Last: Peterson Title: A history of the heritage economy in Yoweri Museveni’s Uganda Abstract: When the National Resistance Movement (NRM) came to power in 1986, its cadres overflowed with reformist zeal. They set out to transform Uganda’s public life, put an end to ethnic division, and promote local democracy. Today much of this reformist energy has dissipated, and undemocratic kingdoms largely define the cultural landscape. This essay attempts to explain how these things came to pass. It argues that the heritage economy offered NRM officials and other brokers an ensemble of bureaucratic techniques with which to naturalize and standardize cultures. Discomfited by the enduring salience of the occult among the people they governed, and alive to the new opportunities that the global heritage economy offered, the secular men of the NRM turned to managers who could superintend cultural life. In the field of medical practice NRM authorities delegated considerable authority to an organization called “Uganda N’eddagala Lyayo” (Uganda and Its Medicines), which worked to transform the situational and occultist knowledge of healers into the standardized repertoire of traditional medicine. In politics, NRM authorities turned to kings as brokers of tradition and as spokesmen for their people. The commercial impulse to trademark cultures and identify heritage products went hand-in-hand with the creation of unrepresentative political hierarchies. The 2016 presidential election was a further occasion for the reinforcement of monocultural, undemocratic forms of local government. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 789-806 Issue: 4 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1272297 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1272297 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:4:p:789-806 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1458399_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Karen Büscher Author-X-Name-First: Karen Author-X-Name-Last: Büscher Title: African cities and violent conflict: the urban dimension of conflict and post conflict dynamics in Central and Eastern Africa Abstract: This article forms the introduction of a special issue on the relation between dynamics of violent conflict and urbanisation in Central and Eastern Africa. The aim of this collection of articles is to contribute to a profound understanding of the role of ‘the urban’ in African conflict dynamics in order to seize their future potential as centres of stability, development, peace-building or post-conflict reconstruction. This introduction argues for the need to bridge both the ‘urban gap’ in African conflict studies as well as the ‘political’ gap in African urban studies. Building on empirical and analytical insights from multi-disciplinary research in different African conflict settings, the author presents urban centres in Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, DR Congo, South Sudan and Kenya as crucial sites of socio-spatial and political transformations and productions. The main argument running through its analysis is that emerging urbanism in the larger Great-Lakes region and its Eastern neighbours present fascinating lenses to better understand the transformative power of protracted violent conflict. This will be demonstrated by elaborating on the conflict-induced production of urban landscapes, urban governance, and urban identities. Finally, this will lead us to crucial insights on how protracted regional dynamics of political violence, forced displacement, militarised governance and ethnic struggles strongly reinforce the conflictual nature of emerging urbanisation and urbanism. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 193-210 Issue: 2 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1458399 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1458399 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:2:p:193-210 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1452554_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: David Peyton Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Peyton Title: Wartime speculation: property markets and institutional change in eastern Congo's urban centers Abstract: Conflict alters economic conditions and drives institutional change in cities. This article explores these phenomena through the lens of real estate markets and property rights institutions in eastern Congo's urban areas. These cities have experienced dramatic demographic growth and spatial expansion over the past two decades of instability and warfare. Conflict-induced urbanization has rendered the cities’ property markets increasingly lucrative and, consequently, produced speculation and competition among private-sector actors vying for ownership of urban land. New institutions, or “rules of the game,” are layered over prior ones as state and non-state authorities attempt to manage an increasingly valuable and capitalized asset. This article draws from empirical data gathered in Beni and Goma, Democratic Republic of Congo, to explore cases of institutional change. In the first case, the state's property rights institutions are layered over customary institutions, while in the latter case, a neo-customary institution – the Baraza Intercommunautaire – is foisted upon extant state institutions to produce hybrid land tenure systems. Drawing from historical institutionalist notions of path dependence, this article concludes that institutions that emerge during periods of conflict are capable of sustaining long-range impacts on urban governance and development. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 211-231 Issue: 2 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1452554 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1452554 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:2:p:211-231 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1452547_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Gillian Mathys Author-X-Name-First: Gillian Author-X-Name-Last: Mathys Author-Name: Karen Büscher Author-X-Name-First: Karen Author-X-Name-Last: Büscher Title: Urbanizing Kitchanga: spatial trajectories of the politics of refuge in North Kivu, Eastern Congo Abstract: This article presents the historical and political trajectory of Kitchanga town in North Kivu, to demonstrate how current processes of urbanization in a context of civil war in Eastern Congo are strongly intertwined with regional politics of refuge. Kitchanga, an urban agglomeration that emerged from the gradual urbanization of IDP and refugee concentrations, has occupied very different positions through different episodes of the wars, ranging from a safe haven of refuge, to a rebel headquarter, to a violent battleground. On the basis of a historical account of Kitchanga's development, the paper argues for a spatial reading of broader geographies of war, displacement and ethnic mobilization in North Kivu. It shows that these urban agglomerations as ‘places’ and their urbanization as ‘processes’ are crucial to better understand the spatial politics of refuge in North Kivu. The article builds on original empirical data. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 232-253 Issue: 2 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1452547 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1452547 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:2:p:232-253 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1452552_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Silke Oldenburg Author-X-Name-First: Silke Author-X-Name-Last: Oldenburg Title: Agency, social space and conflict-urbanism in eastern Congo Abstract: War, a protracted humanitarian crisis and the omnipresence of an active volcano in eastern Congo's North Kivu province have had a massive impact on the formation of urban social space in Goma. Recent perspectives on urbanity in Africa echo complaints about the ungovernability of mushrooming cities and the appraisal of urban vitality and innovation. Studies that consider and reflect both the agency of the actors and the city as a structured setting are still rare and virtually non-existent in urban and conflict theories. Based on extensive anthropological fieldwork since 2008, this actor-centred approach provides insights into Goma's “conflict-urbanism” by examining the particular nexus of roads, rumours and roaming the city. Therefore, this paper identifies how urbanites or more precisely motorcycle taxi drivers (motards) engage in the formation of social space across the city and how dialectically the city is transformed by their practices. In particular, motards connect diverse urban landscapes and social networks while transporting people, goods and information in a fast transforming context. Furthermore, as urban infrastructure, roads provide or restrict access to certain urban areas, are used to transport conflict-related material or information, are spaces of trade and commerce, and their condition is part of everyday communication. This hints at my take on conflict-urbanism which is based on Lefebvre's “production of space” (1974). My contribution interrogates how conflict-cities can be conceptualized through paying attention to urbanites’ imagination of Goma's social space. By investigating the dialectical processes of agency, the different actors’ perceptions of urban space and their impact on the material and social environment, this paper demonstrates how the urban in Goma is lived, conceived and perceived and argues that an ethnography of motards’ everyday lives provides an in-depth local-level analysis of the relationship between urbanization and protracted armed conflict in eastern Congo. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 254-273 Issue: 2 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1452552 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1452552 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:2:p:254-273 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1459976_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Maarten Hendriks Author-X-Name-First: Maarten Author-X-Name-Last: Hendriks Title: The politics of everyday policing in Goma: the case of the Anti-gang Abstract: This article takes an ethnographic look at the phenomenon of the Anti-gang, a rather ambiguous everyday policing actor in the city of Goma, the provincial capital of North Kivu, which finds itself at the very heart of the over two decades old protracted armed conflict in the eastern provinces of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Like other everyday policing actors in Sub-Saharan Africa and elsewhere, the Anti-gang of Goma defy simple categorization. They are rather situated in-between categories: state/citizen, public/private, formal/informal and crime fighters/criminals. They are thus liminal subjects who embody the blurriness of these supposedly binary categories’ boundaries. Sometimes they can be framed as a vigilante organization; at other times, or indeed at the same time, they can be depicted as a criminal youth gang, a delegated municipal policing – or even a paramilitary – unit. The aim of this article is, then, not to pin them down in one of these categories, but to examine what kind of politics their everyday practices produce. The main argument is that their in-between position is what makes them politically significant, and at the same time stuck in a liminal political space. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 274-289 Issue: 2 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1459976 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1459976 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:2:p:274-289 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1459084_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Fons van Overbeek Author-X-Name-First: Fons Author-X-Name-Last: van Overbeek Author-Name: Peter A. Tamás Author-X-Name-First: Peter A. Author-X-Name-Last: Tamás Title: Autochthony and insecure land tenure: the spatiality of ethnicized hybridity in the periphery of post-conflict Bukavu, DRC Abstract: This article analyzes the interaction of the traces of war with institutional hybridity in shaping the use of space in the periphery of Bukavu, in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. In peri-urban Bukavu, the urbanization of previously rural areas has created an uncertain mixture of land allocation mechanisms that are not adequately explained by representation in terms of a clash or mixture of statutory and customary law. This hybridity has created uncertainty for both newcomers and early settlers in which the othering and violence required to justify both encroachment on, and the protection of, land are supported by discourses of autochthony. Large parts of peri-urban Bukavu, in particular the area of Kasha, are gradually being balkanized by quasi-voluntary socio-spatial practices of segregation by ethnicities whose existence and salience are constantly, and at times forcibly, re-negotiated. While initially perceived as a safe haven, the city’s periphery is becoming an area of acute insecurity. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 290-309 Issue: 2 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1459084 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1459084 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:2:p:290-309 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1459827_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tomas Van Acker Author-X-Name-First: Tomas Author-X-Name-Last: Van Acker Title: From rural rebellion to urban uprising? A socio-spatial perspective on Bujumbura's conflict history Abstract: Recent scholarship has observed a changing trend in patterns of conflict in Africa, from rural armed violence to urban protest and rioting. In 2015, Burundi's capital Bujumbura saw mass demonstrations against a third term for president Nkurunziza. After being met with fierce repression and hijacked by a failed military coup attempt, the protest movement quickly militarized into an urban guerrilla campaign. The Nkurunziza regime, which is rooted in a Hutu rebel movement and has an explicit rural powerbase, was quick to denounce the uprising as an urban phenomenon, limited to specific neighborhoods which during the civil war acquired an explicit Tutsi character. Rather than reading these protests as a shift from rural to urban contestation, this article explains recent events by looking at Bujumbura's historical trajectory through war and peace. An analysis of the interaction between socio-spatial legacies of conflict, identity and power reveals a nuanced picture of the recent uprising, with not only important intra-urban variations but also a less dichotomous relationship between city and the rural hinterlands than is often assumed in Burundi, one of the least urbanized countries in the world. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 310-328 Issue: 2 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1459827 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1459827 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:2:p:310-328 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1457280_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ine Cottyn Author-X-Name-First: Ine Author-X-Name-Last: Cottyn Title: Small towns and rural growth centers as strategic spaces of control in Rwanda’s post-conflict trajectory Abstract: Since the 1994 genocide, the government’s vigorous pursuit of security, development and poverty alleviation has been translated into its strategy for urban development. With urban population growth rates rocketing in the period following the genocide with the return of both new and old caseload refugees, urban security became a critical focal point for the new government, which takes an active role in the planning and managing its urban trajectory to bring about secure and orderly development. Whereas the growth of Kigali has often been studied as a critical site in the context of post-conflict reconstruction and securitization, the dynamics at play in small towns and urbanizing centers have been less in the picture. This paper focuses on the role of small towns and emerging urban centers in the debate on the politics of urbanization in post-conflict settings. It investigates the significance of rapidly growing small towns for development in the post-conflict context of Rwandan society by analysing two cases of emerging urban centers. Presenting small towns and rural growth centers as strategic spaces of control, the paper argues that the process of rural urbanization in Rwanda can be understood as a potentially contested arena of change. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 329-347 Issue: 2 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1457280 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1457280 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:2:p:329-347 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1456034_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Karen Büscher Author-X-Name-First: Karen Author-X-Name-Last: Büscher Author-Name: Sophie Komujuni Author-X-Name-First: Sophie Author-X-Name-Last: Komujuni Author-Name: Ivan Ashaba Author-X-Name-First: Ivan Author-X-Name-Last: Ashaba Title: Humanitarian urbanism in a post-conflict aid town: aid agencies and urbanization in Gulu, Northern Uganda Abstract: This paper focuses on the urban outcomes of protracted humanitarian intervention in Gulu town, Northern Uganda. Using the concept of humanitarian urbanism, we demonstrate how intensive external donor-aid has shaped urbanization in the capital of Northern Uganda. The starting point for our analysis is the recent process of withdrawal of humanitarian NGOs and the shifts from humanitarian to development interventions. This shift was characterized by a special focus on urban development, coordinated by the Ugandan state while largely donor supported. We argue that this shift, instead of introducing an urban involvement of aid agencies in Gulu town, actually reveals a protracted continuum of aid agencies’ interventions in Gulu’s urbanity. The current withdrawal of humanitarian organizations in fact makes the long-term effects of these interventions especially visible. As such, it offers an interesting starting point to investigate processes of humanitarian urbanism and its profound impacts on the urban material, socio-economic and political landscapes. This paper demonstrates how aid agencies, since the armed conflict in Northern Uganda, have been key actors in shaping different dimensions of urban governance. Three case-studies are presented, which variously focus upon the urban educational sector, Gulu’s physical urban planning, and Gulu’s cultural institution. They reveal how today’s reconfigurations of the urban aid-landscape have redrawn the complex relations between urban inhabitants, aid agencies, and the Ugandan state. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 348-366 Issue: 2 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1456034 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1456034 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:2:p:348-366 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1408305_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Naseem Badiey Author-X-Name-First: Naseem Author-X-Name-Last: Badiey Author-Name: Christian Doll Author-X-Name-First: Christian Author-X-Name-Last: Doll Title: Planning amidst precarity: utopian imaginings in South Sudan Abstract: In spite of their present difficulties, brought again to the world’s attention by the December 2013 political crisis and ensuing violence, many South Sudanese have imagined alternative visions of the future. Utopian imaginings, made manifest through urban plans and business proposals, offer South Sudanese citizens ways to think outside the present, break with the past, and enact solutions when faced with extremely precarious situations. For scholars studying the political dynamics of South Sudan’s transition to statehood, the aspirations revealed in these plans suggest that constructive outcomes were being actively pursued and planned for by some of the same actors involved in conflict. These visions and the activities surrounding them, therefore, have important ramifications for everyday reality in contemporary Africa. They must be incorporated into analyses to attain a fuller, more nuanced, understanding of the potential future of the new nation-state. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 367-385 Issue: 2 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1408305 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1408305 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:2:p:367-385 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1457277_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Moritz Schuberth Author-X-Name-First: Moritz Author-X-Name-Last: Schuberth Title: Hybrid security governance, post-election violence and the legitimacy of community-based armed groups in urban Kenya Abstract: Many cities in contemporary Africa are characterised by hybrid modes of security governance that are co-produced by a variety of state and non-state actors of violence. While the (il)legitimacy of informal non-state security providers on the local level has featured prominently in discussions on hybrid security governance, there is a paucity of empirical case studies of what actually contributes to their (de)legitimisation, notably in the urban context. In order to fill this gap in knowledge, this article investigates how the legitimacy of community-based armed groups – such as vigilantes, militias and gangs – that are operating in Kenyan cities is influenced by the shifting functions they fulfil on behalf of various stakeholders. Based on field research in the informal settlements of Nairobi and Mombasa, I found that their involvement in organised criminal activities often costs vigilantes the legitimacy they had gained by providing protection and crime control for their community. At the same time, their involvement in repeated cycles of post-election violence leads not only to increasing ethnic segregation of the slums in which they operate, but also to the bifurcation of their legitimacy along ethnic lines. Taken together, the article contributes to our understanding of urban violence and conflict in Eastern Africa by tracing the trajectory of the (de)legitimisation of hybrid security actors in the two main cities in Kenya. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 386-404 Issue: 2 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1457277 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1457277 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:2:p:386-404 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1450178_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Corrigendum Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 405-405 Issue: 2 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1450178 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1450178 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:2:p:405-405 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1565475_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: James Brennan Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Brennan Author-Name: Richard Vokes Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Vokes Author-Name: Jason Mosley Author-X-Name-First: Jason Author-X-Name-Last: Mosley Title: Editorial announcement Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 1-1 Issue: 1 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1565475 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1565475 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:1:p:1-1 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1547259_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sharath Srinivasan Author-X-Name-First: Sharath Author-X-Name-Last: Srinivasan Author-Name: Stephanie Diepeveen Author-X-Name-First: Stephanie Author-X-Name-Last: Diepeveen Author-Name: George Karekwaivanane Author-X-Name-First: George Author-X-Name-Last: Karekwaivanane Title: Rethinking publics in Africa in a digital age Abstract: The digital transformations taking place across the African continent present an urgent need for fresh thinking in the study of publics. This introduction lays out the impetus and contribution of this Special Issue to such a rethinking of the study of publics in Africa. Following in the footsteps of a wider body of scholarship, we draw on Africa’s pasts and present in order to move beyond the limiting assumptions, histories and languages that are embedded within Western scholarship on publics. We make the case that both de-Westernising and capturing publics in a digital age in Africa require openness to a diversity of disciplines, approaches and questions. In addition, we explain how, collectively and individually, the articles in this Special Issue contribute to taking up this task. Taken together, the articles are an eye-opening collection on the unfolding practices of citizens convening and participating in discussions using both newer and older media and communication platforms across Somalia, Ethiopia, Sudan, Uganda, Tanzania, Kenya, Rwanda and Zimbabwe. Contributions cover diverse disciplinary perspectives and empirical cases that investigate publics convening around digital platforms from WhatsApp, Twitter and Facebook to weblogs and dating apps on mobile phones. We see this endeavour of examining the complex and dynamic digital transformations across Eastern Africa as part of a crucial scholarly turn in which the study of African society and politics helps us to rethink ideas and concepts that have heritages elsewhere, and to understand them in a new light. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 2-17 Issue: 1 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1547259 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1547259 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:1:p:2-17 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1547238_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Irene Brunotti Author-X-Name-First: Irene Author-X-Name-Last: Brunotti Title: From baraza to cyberbaraza: interrogating publics in the context of the 2015 Zanzibar electoral impasse Abstract: An attentive analysis of the dynamics of communication and its contents through digital media reveals the multiple publics and counterpublics shaped and constituted in online fora. They develop through a ‘networked sociality’, which is both local and global, involving also diasporic Zanzibaris who debate and participate in common public concerns. Drawn from the notion of baraza as a relevant example of Zanzibari’s public sphere, cyberbaraza is a ‘locally’ grounded concept forged to understand the construction of publics on the Zanzibar islands through digital media. Focusing on online public discussions that contested or legitimized official decisions concerning the 2015 elections, the study critically examines how the cyberbaraza comes into being a public, as part of a multiplicity of existing public spheres. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 18-34 Issue: 1 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1547238 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1547238 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:1:p:18-34 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1547249_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Siri Lamoureaux Author-X-Name-First: Siri Author-X-Name-Last: Lamoureaux Author-Name: Timm Sureau Author-X-Name-First: Timm Author-X-Name-Last: Sureau Title: Knowledge and legitimacy: the fragility of digital mobilisation in Sudan Abstract: This paper examines digital mobilisation with respect to knowledge production, legitimacy and power in Sudan since new communication and surveillance technologies became widespread. Enthusiasm for digital opposition peaked with the Arab Spring and troughed through the repressive government apparatus. Social media (SMS, Facebook, Twitter) and crowdsourcing technologies can threaten the government’s control over the public sphere as participatory practices. To arrive at this finding, we argue the significance of epistemological tools of those who control the representation of digital power, and approach state legitimacy as an ongoing and fragile process of constructing “reality” that requires continuous work to stabilise and uphold. At the same time, the paper describes an international counterpublic of security researchers and hackers who revealed that the Sudanese government invested greatly in controlling the digital landscape. We analyse Nafeer, a local grass-roots initiative for flood-disaster-relief that made use of digital media despite the digital suppression. Nafeer’s challenge to the state came from the way it threatened the state-monopoly over knowledge, revealing both the fragility and the power of state legitimacy. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 35-53 Issue: 1 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1547249 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1547249 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:1:p:35-53 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1547257_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: George Hamandishe Karekwaivanane Author-X-Name-First: George Hamandishe Author-X-Name-Last: Karekwaivanane Title: ‘Tapanduka Zvamuchese’: Facebook, ‘unruly publics’, and Zimbabwean politics Abstract: This paper examines the role that a Facebook account operating under the name Baba Jukwa played in the run up to the Zimbabwean 2013 election. It argues that Baba Jukwa was able to convoke an ‘unruly public’ that was situated in opposition to the state-controlled public sphere, and one that was transnational in its reach. Through a close examination of the posts by Baba Jukwa and the debates they generated, it uncovers the key features of this public, namely, the use of symbolically laden pseudonyms, the emergence of a vernacular discourse that was articulated in multiple registers, and the prevalence of conspiracy theorizing. The paper also highlights the way that these publics are inflected by older socio-cultural and political practices, and the efforts of participants in the public to creatively fused the past and the present. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 54-71 Issue: 1 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1547257 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1547257 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:1:p:54-71 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1547262_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Inge Brinkman Author-X-Name-First: Inge Author-X-Name-Last: Brinkman Title: Social diary and news production: authorship and readership in social media during Kenya’s 2007 elections Abstract: This paper offers an analysis of the politics of (self-)referentiality on the Kenyan weblog kenyanpundit.com during the elections of 2007 and their violent aftermath. It discusses news reporting on this website through the concept of a communication circuit, and the changing forms of address by conceptualising the narrative as a social diary. These two parallel routes of interpretation, the first spatial and the second temporal, are framed in the wider context of the role of the media during the Kenyan electoral period. The analysis shows the boundaries between news producers and publics to be blurred, even if the blogger Kenyan Pundit controlled the final publication of the writing in her function as gate-keeper to the blog. The online space provides the possibility for a participatory readership that is in principle limitless, but it is shown that this online space does not render older axes of debate – such as the nation and ethnicity – obsolete. I argue that the weblog’s community engage in evaluative and emotive debates about the news. However, these debates do not constitute a uniform whole; rather, the blog posts and comments on Kenyanpundit.com form a narrative diary that establishes the weblog as processual rather than static. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 72-89 Issue: 1 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1547262 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1547262 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:1:p:72-89 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1547258_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Austin Bryan Author-X-Name-First: Austin Author-X-Name-Last: Bryan Title: Kuchu activism, queer sex-work and “lavender marriages,” in Uganda’s virtual LGBT safe(r) spaces Abstract: This article builds on Michael Warner’s theory of “damaged publicness” to examine virtual queer counterpublics in Uganda. Online spaces have become a viable platform for LGBT Ugandans, locally known as kuchus, to network, organize and gain visibility. Gay “hook-up” apps, like Grindr, Scruff, and online chatrooms such as Planet Romeo provide opportunities for users to express what often cannot be expressed in public. I investigate these virtual LGBT counterpublics ethnographically through fieldwork in Kampala from June 2015 to June 2016. I argue that Uganda’s virtual queer spaces, however “private” or “public” are counterpublics, a form of space ownership bringing legitimacy to the being of “deviant” and utilized to meet specific social, cultural and economic needs. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 90-105 Issue: 1 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1547258 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1547258 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:1:p:90-105 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1547255_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Andrea Mariko Grant Author-X-Name-First: Andrea Mariko Author-X-Name-Last: Grant Title: Bringing The Daily Mail to Africa: entertainment websites and the creation of a digital youth public in post-genocide Rwanda Abstract: This article considers Kinyarwanda-language entertainment websites in Rwanda and argues that they create an alternative digital youth public. In a context wherein the ‘traditional’ media is heavily regulated, I argue that these websites provide important spaces of debate, aspiration, and self-making. They allow young Rwandans to participate in transnational networks of cultural production and imagine themselves as well-connected and ‘modern’ global citizens. This does not mean, however, that the digital public convened by these websites is a space of ‘rational’ or democratic debate. Rather, these sites are heavily gendered and seem disproportionately concerned with policing the behaviour and dress of young women. In doing so, they reveal on-going anxieties about women’s sexuality and place in the public sphere. Furthermore, as much as entertainment websites are understood to be relatively ‘apolitical’, they are inevitably shaped by the country’s politics. The digital youth public convened by entertainment websites is ‘alternative’ insofar as it allows for vibrant debate on topics of importance to young people, but it should in no way be seen as existing outside the realm of state power. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 106-123 Issue: 1 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1547255 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1547255 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:1:p:106-123 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1547263_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: George Ogola Author-X-Name-First: George Author-X-Name-Last: Ogola Title: #Whatwouldmagufulido? Kenya’s digital “practices” and “individuation” as a (non)political act Abstract: The ubiquity of new media technologies in many parts of Africa today and the celebratory narratives with which their adoption is routinely discussed in the continent often firmly silence some important questions. Among these is new media technologies’ inherent capacity to also exclude, neuter or appropriate “popular” voices. This article attempts to explore this paradox. Focusing on Web 2.0 applications, more specifically Twitter, and using Kenya as a case study, the article explores the emergent expressive cultures new media technologies have incubated in the country. It argues that they “disrupt” the “normal” thus creating important pockets of “indiscipline” which variously challenge and confront power, and very often from the margins- but only partly. For while digital technologies enable and encourage public participation in “popular” conversations about self, community and nation through practices such as “individuation”, the article also explores how these possibilities are constrained by problematic material conditions that render claims of popular inclusion and participation in these digital spaces fundamentally tenuous. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 124-139 Issue: 1 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1547263 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1547263 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:1:p:124-139 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1548210_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Peter Chonka Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Chonka Title: News media and political contestation in the Somali territories: defining the parameters of a transnational digital public Abstract: This article examines the extent to which different forms and technologies of media production facilitate popular participation in a ‘digital public’ across the politically fragmented Somali territories. Based on textual analysis of local media and comparative examination of news production and consumption, the article emphasises the dual character of the public sphere in the Somali context. Here, local media production centred in individual capitals of different political administrations coexists and overlaps with a transnational arena of Somali-language broadcasting and debate from various externally-based media networks. In this distinctive Somali media ecology, multiple forms of ‘old’ media intersect with digital technologies that have emerged throughout the post-1991 period of statelessness, conflict and political reconfiguration. Local public spheres of media production and public engagement help create state-like identities and political imaginaries. Nonetheless, these are articulated in the wider transnational Somali-language digital public that such administrations have limited ability to control. In this context certain notions of a transnational Somali ethnolinguistic or religio-cultural community are maintained not in spite of conflict and fragmentation, but rather as a result of a media ecology and digital public that itself exists as an outcome of political instability and flux. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 140-157 Issue: 1 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1548210 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1548210 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:1:p:140-157 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1547251_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Stephanie Diepeveen Author-X-Name-First: Stephanie Author-X-Name-Last: Diepeveen Title: The limits of publicity: Facebook and transformations of a public realm in Mombasa, Kenya Abstract: Over the past decade, Kenyan citizens have actively engaged in public communication through digital media. With the growth of digital communication, questions arise about its effect on the nature and political significance of public discussion. Does the political contribution of public discussion shift if it takes place on a virtual site or in a face-to-face gathering? Examining the context of Mombasa, Kenya, this paper provides a unique perspective into how and why there is cause for concern about the political implications of Facebook-mediated discussion. It interrogates the extent to which Facebook provides for discussion that is capable of reshaping shared imaginaries among Kenyans. To do this, I first outline the specific form that publicity takes on Facebook, taking into account both its openness and limitations. Second, I analyse what this has meant for the reconfiguration of shared political imaginaries. Drawing on the case of the public Facebook group, Mombasa Youth Senate, I argue that the conditions of Facebook create an open space that provides a great deal of flexibility in how people can appear and be recognised. However, this open and flexible experience frustrates the emergence of new and shared ideas of difference and belonging. In this case, Facebook’s underlying structures combined with user experiences are reinforcing rather than reconfiguring established ideas of citizen-state relations. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 158-174 Issue: 1 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1547251 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1547251 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:1:p:158-174 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1548211_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Duncan Omanga Author-X-Name-First: Duncan Author-X-Name-Last: Omanga Title: WhatsApp as ‘digital publics’: the Nakuru Analysts and the evolution of participation in county governance in Kenya Abstract: The growth and penetration of the internet in Africa, coupled with the popularity and ubiquity of the mobile phone, have positioned social media platforms as new spaces through which Kenyans organize and imagine political discourse and action. This article highlights the varied roles played by a WhatsApp group in Kenya’s Nakuru County in convening citizens for political discussion and collective action around County government affairs. In the context of political and economic devolution in Nakuru County, this article shows how Nakuru Analysts (NA), a Nakuru based WhatsApp group, uses the platform to convene citizens and elected county authorities in one digital space. Although not exceptionally unique as a political WhatsApp group in Kenya, this article argues that what marks out NA for scrutiny as a digital public is not merely how it is constituted, or how voice is deployed to shape local political agendas, but largely on how it mobilizes around grassroots politics – where online discourse shifts to offline collective action. In the process, this analysis reveals the complex ways through which digital publics develop and nourish unique forms of ‘political personhood’ in the Counties. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 175-191 Issue: 1 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1548211 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1548211 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:1:p:175-191 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1548208_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Iginio Gagliardone Author-X-Name-First: Iginio Author-X-Name-Last: Gagliardone Author-Name: Nicole Stremlau Author-X-Name-First: Nicole Author-X-Name-Last: Stremlau Author-Name: Gerawork Aynekulu Author-X-Name-First: Gerawork Author-X-Name-Last: Aynekulu Title: A tale of two publics? Online politics in Ethiopia’s elections Abstract: This article examines two apparently contradictory uses of digital media during elections: in 2005, when still nascent digital tools were employed by Ethiopians to contest power in ways that pre-configured tactics later adopted by protesters elsewhere in Africa and globally; and in 2015, when digital publics displayed disenchantment towards an election with a foregone outcome. Relying on a mixed-methods approach, combining interviews with some of the very actors that shaped Ethiopia’s information society and the analysis of more than 3,000 statements posted on Facebook 3 months before and 1 month after Ethiopia’s elections on 24 May, the article offers an empirical examination of this contradiction, and how an authoritarian state has sought to influence online public discursive spaces. The findings suggest interpreting the effervescence of 2005 and the apathy of 2015 not as disjointed examples of active and passive uses of digital media. Especially when read against the background of the protests that erupted in the years following the elections, when digital media were embraced again as tools for mass mobilization, we propose reading the “digital apathy” of 2015 rather as a critique moved towards the fictitious apparatus for political participation erected in 2015, one that concurrently challenges the EPRDF’s hegemonic project, and the obsession of the international community towards elections as a tool for political change. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 192-213 Issue: 1 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1548208 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1548208 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:1:p:192-213 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2143468_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: An Ansoms Author-X-Name-First: An Author-X-Name-Last: Ansoms Author-Name: Elena Aoun Author-X-Name-First: Elena Author-X-Name-Last: Aoun Author-Name: Benjamin Chemouni Author-X-Name-First: Benjamin Author-X-Name-Last: Chemouni Author-Name: René-Claude Niyonkuru Author-X-Name-First: René-Claude Author-X-Name-Last: Niyonkuru Author-Name: Timothy P. Williams Author-X-Name-First: Timothy P. Author-X-Name-Last: Williams Title: The politics of policymaking in Rwanda: adaptation and reform in agriculture, energy, and education Abstract: The article links policy adaptation in Rwanda to the wider phenomenon of authoritarian persistence. We analyse political decision-making and implementation in a variety of policy domains (agriculture, energy, and education) to argue that the reality of governance in Rwanda requires more nuance than what is commonly portrayed in the literature. Hovering through the past decade, we first reflect upon how the Rwandan government’s ambitions have been translated into concrete policies, and how these policies have evolved throughout time as policymakers have had to deal with evidence on negative policy impact. Finally, we discuss the conditions for policy adaptation, analysing whether, when, how, and from whom criticism is taken on board. We show how policy adaptation is frequent in Rwanda, despite the context of a tightly managed political space. And yet responding to policy problems is not institutionalised and is inherently fragile in an authoritarian regime, leading to the question of how sustainable the country’s trajectory can be over the longer term. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 205-227 Issue: 2 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2143468 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2143468 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:2:p:205-227 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2149915_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Gaim Kibreab Author-X-Name-First: Gaim Author-X-Name-Last: Kibreab Author-Name: Georgia Cole Author-X-Name-First: Georgia Author-X-Name-Last: Cole Title: Cuba’s involvement in and against the Eritrean liberation struggle: a history and historiography Abstract: The growing availability of previously declassified material on the Cold War has allowed scholars to revisit old questions with new, more decisive, evidence. In this paper, we draw on this archival material to address the unresolved question of what Cuba’s involvement against the Eritrean Liberation struggle consisted of in the late 1970s, and importantly why they engaged in this way, given a historical commitment to the Eritrean Liberation movement’s goals. While a seemingly minor point in a protracted 30-year struggle for Eritrean independence, we argue that clarifying this matters for several reasons, not least that Cuban support for the Ethiopian offensive against the Eritreans was seemingly pivotal for temporarily reversing the fighters’ major gains in the late 1970s, meaning fifteen more years of fighting until Eritrea’s de facto independence was secured. Drawing upon excerpts from the first author’s original book manuscript on this topic, we also suggest that the effects of Havana’s and other government’s denial of Cuba’s involvement in suppressing the Eritrean struggle contributed to the sense of betrayal and distrust that still haunts Eritrean politics and its leadership, as well as those Eritrean liberation fighters who experienced their staunch ally turn into an ideological and material adversary. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 181-204 Issue: 2 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2149915 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2149915 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:2:p:181-204 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2143436_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Harry Cross Author-X-Name-First: Harry Author-X-Name-Last: Cross Title: The 1958 cotton crisis and the advent of military rule in Sudan Abstract: This article examines the 1958 cotton crisis in Sudan, an event that has hitherto been absent in histories of the country and the region. I present the cotton crisis as a crisis of capital during which political, religious, and corporate elites each struggled to regain liquidity and to determine the resulting distribution of money, debts, and power in Sudanese society. The ways in which each of these actors sought to recover investments and refinance their positions had a lasting impact on the politics of the postcolonial state in Sudan, as different sections of capital sought different policy responses to the crisis from government. This article highlights how religious elites in Sudan had renewed and expanded their influence within the corporate business structures created by the colonial economy. Profits from these structures then flowed into the political system, shaping conflict and crisis after decolonisation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 289-308 Issue: 2 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2143436 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2143436 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:2:p:289-308 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2143435_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Verdiana T. Tilumanywa Author-X-Name-First: Verdiana T. Author-X-Name-Last: Tilumanywa Title: Mountain farmers and ecosystems: changing land use and livelihoods in Mount Rungwe, Tanzania Abstract: This paper analyses long-term and incremental land use changes that have taken place in Mount Rungwe ecosystem in Tanzania from 1973 to 2010 basing on information derived from satellite images, household socio-economic data, focus group discussions and interviews with key informants. While most literature on land use change reports negative effects, land use changes in Mount Rungwe ecosystem have positively benefited communities through more diversification and greater commercialisation. The paper demonstrates that rural communities’ livelihoods are both a cause and a result of changes in the natural Mount Rungwe ecosystem. The changes in land use through cropping patterns and reforestation took advantage of opportunities from population increase, access to markets and agricultural resources management. Consequently, the changes have qualitatively improved communities’ livelihoods and forest ecosystems. The paper broadens our understanding on the potential land use changes in mountain ecosystems for enhancing rural livelihoods and the environment in line with the Boserup’s agricultural intensification theory. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 309-334 Issue: 2 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2143435 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2143435 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:2:p:309-334 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2150281_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Hewan Semon Author-X-Name-First: Hewan Author-X-Name-Last: Semon Title: Identity and dissent in Ethiopian football fandom (2012–2019) Abstract: This article contextualizes football fandom in Ethiopia during a period of increasing political dissent, drawing on interviews and first-hand observations as well as historical and contemporary media and academic sources. The analysis takes into consideration socio-political realities while presenting the complexity of identity and belonging in contemporary Ethiopia. By engaging with spectator cultures, and the aesthetics of fandom at Ethiopian football stadiums, the article shows that the stadium is a space where Ethiopian fans express their concerns about socio-political injustices, the ethics of the media and police, and about identity and belonging. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 228-247 Issue: 2 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2150281 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2150281 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:2:p:228-247 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2076385_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Bhekizulu Bethaphi Tshuma Author-X-Name-First: Bhekizulu Bethaphi Author-X-Name-Last: Tshuma Author-Name: Lungile Augustine Tshuma Author-X-Name-First: Lungile Augustine Author-X-Name-Last: Tshuma Author-Name: Mphathisi Ndlovu Author-X-Name-First: Mphathisi Author-X-Name-Last: Ndlovu Title: Twitter and political discourses: how supporters of Zimbabwe’s ruling ZANU PF party use Twitter for political engagement Abstract: Social networks such as Twitter are transforming political engagements in contemporary societies. Dominant literature places emphasis on the counter-hegemonic opportunities offered by social media in the Zimbabwean political landscape. However, there is a need to draw scholarly attention to how supporters of the ruling party, Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU PF), are appropriating and using Twitter for political engagements. Drawing upon the case of Varakashi (ZANU PF’s social media trolls and supporters), this paper examines how supporters of the ruling party in the post-Robert Mugabe era are increasingly occupying online spaces that were traditionally associated with opposition voices. President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s regime has been grappling with legitimacy issues in the wake of the November 2017 coup that toppled Mugabe, the contested July 2018 election, and the shooting of civilians in August 2018. Focusing on four Twitter handles of Varakashi, this article employs rhetorical argumentation to analyse how these Twitter propagandists are defending and promoting the interests of the Mnangagwa regime. Findings demonstrate that the Varakashi are sanitising and justifying the November 2017 coup, campaigning for Mnangagwa in the July 2018 election, and in justifying the killing of civilians in August 2018. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 269-288 Issue: 2 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2076385 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2076385 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:2:p:269-288 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2135245_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Benoît Henriet Author-X-Name-First: Benoît Author-X-Name-Last: Henriet Title: Decolonizing African history: Authenticité, cosmopolitanism and knowledge production in Zaire, 1971–1975 Abstract: This article analyses the social and intellectual dynamisms of the Lubumbashi campus of the Université Nationale du Zaïre in the 1970s. It first highlights how Lubumbashi scholars participated in an early post-colonial attempt to radically transform the university’s teaching, research and operations, at the crossroads of intellectual decolonization and cosmopolitanism. These efforts both overlapped and clashed with the official Zairian policy of Authenticité, a politically tinged reappraisal of the country’s precolonial past. The article contributes to our limited knowledge of everyday life under Mobutu and of vernacular experiences of Authenticité, while highlighting Lubumbashi as an important node in the post-independence intellectual networks. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 335-354 Issue: 2 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2135245 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2135245 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:2:p:335-354 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2135246_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Alula Pankhurst Author-X-Name-First: Alula Author-X-Name-Last: Pankhurst Author-Name: Mesele Araya Author-X-Name-First: Mesele Author-X-Name-Last: Araya Author-Name: Agazi Tiumelissan Author-X-Name-First: Agazi Author-X-Name-Last: Tiumelissan Author-Name: Kiros Birhanu Author-X-Name-First: Kiros Author-X-Name-Last: Birhanu Title: ‘A dream come true’? Adolescents’ perspectives on urban relocation and life in condominiums in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Abstract: Relocation from inner cities and rehousing in suburbs is becoming an increasingly prevalent issue in developing countries. However, there is limited evidence about the perspectives of adolescents and most studies are from western contexts. In addressing this gap this study tracked adolescents before and after they were relocated over an eight-year interval from the centre of Addis Ababa to the outskirts, mainly to government-sponsored condominium housing. The paper also compares the views of those who were relocated with those who stayed behind. The paper argues that condominium housing enabled low-to-middle-income households to become house owners, while the poorest could not afford the costs, and the richest preferred building their own houses. From the perspective of adolescents who were relocated the move led to better housing and improved sanitation. However, students faced difficulties in the first year commuting, and schools and health centres were considered better quality in the previous locations; markets and shops were initially less well developed in the condominium areas, and there were fewer recreation options, though pollution and safety were greater concerns in the old neighbourhoods. A significant majority of the adolescents (79%) felt that the changes were positive or mainly positive and soon adapted to the new social environment, though social ties were less strong than in their previous neighbourhoods. Those who moved had better internet access and there were gender differences in decision-making, leisure activities and spending, with girls having less freedom, somewhat compensated for by mobile phones and social media. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 248-268 Issue: 2 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2135246 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2135246 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:2:p:248-268 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_900959_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sloan Mahone Author-X-Name-First: Sloan Author-X-Name-Last: Mahone Title: ‘Hat on – hat off’: trauma and trepanation in Kisii, western Kenya Abstract: In 1957, Kenya's government psychiatrist and director of the colony's Mathari Mental Hospital travelled to western Kenya to investigate the practice of trepanation among the Gusii people in Kisii District. Applied to relieve pressure on the brain by scraping away a portion of the skull with a hooked knife, trepanation was exceptionally rare by the 20th century, but remained common in Kisii where the operations are conducted by a group of skilled practitioners. This article uses materials from psychiatrist Edward Margetts' personal papers, including photographs, diaries and clinical notes, to describe and examine the practice of trepanation in Kisii in the 1950s, concluding with a discussion of the social meaning of trepanation and trauma in modern Kenya. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 331-345 Issue: 3 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.900959 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.900959 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:3:p:331-345 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_917855_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jon Abbink Author-X-Name-First: Jon Author-X-Name-Last: Abbink Title: Religious freedom and the political order: the Ethiopian ‘secular state’ and the containment of Muslim identity politics Abstract: The 2011–2014 controversies between the Ethiopian Government and Muslim communities on the role of Islam in Ethiopia have highlighted the precarious nature of religious relations in Ethiopia. Statements by public figures and religious leaders recently have drawn attention to the nature and scope of the Ethiopian secular state order. This paper describes the recent Muslim protest movement and the response to it by the government in the light of the secular state model. While the challenges to it also extend to the large Christian community in Ethiopia, the problems became prominent mainly in the case of the Muslims, who contest perceived ‘government interference’ in their community life and self-organization. I present an overview of key recent events and of factors inducing conflict between state and religion. The discussion makes reference to more general debates on the ‘secular model’ in Ethiopia and to the familiar though somewhat worn-out paradigm of ‘identity politics’. State repression of Muslim civic protest in Ethiopia revealed insecurities of the state: rather than an instance of the process of ‘othering’ a religious community, we see a case of political crisis, and a search for new modes of governance of diversity and communal religiosity in Ethiopia. As a result of the contestations, however, the secular order of the country will not be threatened, but modified. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 346-365 Issue: 3 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.917855 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.917855 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:3:p:346-365 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_922279_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Michelle Liebst Author-X-Name-First: Michelle Author-X-Name-Last: Liebst Title: African workers and the Universities' Mission to Central Africa in Zanzibar, 1864–1900 Abstract: This article explores the connections between African workers and Christian missions in late nineteenth-century Zanzibar, focusing on the Universities' Mission to Central Africa (UMCA), a High-Church Anglican missionary society. Procuring and managing labour was central to the everyday lives of Christian mission societies because missionaries demanded a range of skilled and unskilled workers – including builders, cooks, water-fetchers, porters and servants – in order to establish an ideal setting for the core aims: the conversion of souls and establishment of an African ministry. The missionaries constantly veered between submitting to local customs and conditions, and imposing their own ideals of what they felt to be the proper management and division of labour. A good example of this was their employment of slaves, a practice that was not always illegal for British subjects and particularly widespread amongst explorers in need of porters. At the same time, the missionaries often had to abandon their belief that they must not exercise formal authority outside the main nucleus of the clergy, as they managed their labour forces and attempted to reform freed slaves into skilled free wage workers. These issues bear on how historians understand the tensions between conversion, cultural adaption, industrialisation and capitalism, but it also says something of the role of missionaries and Christian Africans as cultural brokers between the mission economies and the local economies they interacted with. This article addresses the missionaries' employment of hire slaves, the attempts to establish Christian working communities and the use of household labour with regard to women and children. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 366-381 Issue: 3 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.922279 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.922279 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:3:p:366-381 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_899139_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Rens Twijnstra Author-X-Name-First: Rens Author-X-Name-Last: Twijnstra Author-Name: Dorothea Hilhorst Author-X-Name-First: Dorothea Author-X-Name-Last: Hilhorst Author-Name: Kristof Titeca Author-X-Name-First: Kristof Author-X-Name-Last: Titeca Title: Trade networks and the practical norms of taxation at a border crossing between South Sudan and Northern Uganda Abstract: This article provides an ethnographic insight into how the daily realities of state performance along the South Sudanese most Southern border of Magwi County are an outcome of negotiations between traders and state officials. It is argued that the ‘practical norms’ of taxation, meaning the actual rules that govern the actions of state officials, are largely framed by the way in which state officials and traders are embedded in different networks. The analysis distinguishes between regional trade networks of accumulation based on associative ties that appropriate elements of state performance and SPLM/A authority into their business practices, and local trade networks of survival based on communal ties that relate to state performance more through the informal institutions of kinship and subsistence security. It is demonstrated that the types of network ties and their embedded institutional content that connect traders and state officials yield very different practical norms with different implications for South Sudan's state-building process ‘from below’. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 382-399 Issue: 3 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.899139 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.899139 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:3:p:382-399 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_921013_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ellen Hillbom Author-X-Name-First: Ellen Author-X-Name-Last: Hillbom Title: From millet to tomatoes: incremental intensification with high-value crops in contemporary Meru, Tanzania Abstract: In Meru, Tanzania, changing land/labour ratios have, for over a century, been the main driving force in a farm intensification process. The construction and expansion of irrigation systems, increased use of farm inputs and transfer from low- to high-value agricultural crops have enabled smallholders to improve their land productivity. Technological change has been accompanied by institutional change, primarily in the form of changes to property right regimes and expanding markets. In the past few decades, increasing urban and rural demand has further enhanced smallholders' production strategies. By applying the induced innovation theory, this article captures and analyses the long-term incremental processes of change whereby endogenous technological and institutional innovations have led to farm intensification in the contemporary local system of agricultural smallholder production. Further, it shows how this process has been reinforced by improved access to market opportunities. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 400-419 Issue: 3 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.921013 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.921013 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:3:p:400-419 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_922745_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sabine Planel Author-X-Name-First: Sabine Author-X-Name-Last: Planel Title: A view of a bureaucratic developmental state: local governance and agricultural extension in rural Ethiopia Abstract: This article discusses the hybridism of the Ethiopian developmental state through an analysis of the local interface between the state and the peasantry. The aim is to explore to what extent bureaucratic rationality both conditions and perverts the procedures employed in the implementation of public rural development policies, in this case agricultural extension. And to what extent development policies can operate as an instrument of power that reinforces the local disempowerment of the most vulnerable peasants. The article makes a detailed analysis of the machinery of agricultural extension, the local conditions of distribution and reception of fertiliser and improved seeds in rural Ethiopia. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 420-437 Issue: 3 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.922745 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.922745 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:3:p:420-437 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_917856_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Gundula Fischer Author-X-Name-First: Gundula Author-X-Name-Last: Fischer Author-Name: Henrik Egbert Author-X-Name-First: Henrik Author-X-Name-Last: Egbert Author-Name: Sebastian Bredl Author-X-Name-First: Sebastian Author-X-Name-Last: Bredl Title: Choices and changes of recruitment methods in a Tanzanian city Abstract: Labour market processes in Tanzania constitute an important but an under-researched topic. This study investigates the recruitment methods of private companies in Mwanza, Tanzania's second largest city. It asks whether employers make use of informal methods more often than formal methods, whether the skills required for a job relate to the choice of methods and whether the vacancy period of a position is linked to a specific approach. A survey consisting of 81 face-to-face interviews with hiring authorities shows that employers prefer informal to formal schemes but tend to rely on formal ones for filling high-ranking positions. Statistically, no influence of the recruitment method on the vacancy period could be found. Additional insights are provided by 10 semi-structured follow-up interviews with respondents from the same group. They suggest an increase in solicited and unsolicited applications that might have caused some hiring authorities to avoid formal methods or modify informal methods. Moreover, it emerges that recruitment choices may be influenced by powerful actors outside or within companies. Future research should explore the benefits and risks of specific recruitment methods as related to the socio-economic context in which they are used, changes in the repertoire of recruitment methods and the role of various actors as potential codeterminants of recruitment methods, especially for lower ranks. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 438-458 Issue: 3 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.917856 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.917856 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:3:p:438-458 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_916557_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: James R. Brennan Author-X-Name-First: James R. Author-X-Name-Last: Brennan Title: Julius Rex: Nyerere through the eyes of his critics, 1953–2013 Abstract: This article examines political critics of Tanzania's first president, Julius K. Nyerere. While his detractors varied greatly in both ideological and sociological terms, the three major groups studied here shared a sharp intellectual frustration with Nyerere's effective utilization of humility as a political weapon to control debate, court international support, and silence opposition. Foreign critics, primarily European writers, were divided principally by their social proximity to Nyerere – older white “decolonizers” lamented their friend's embrace of authoritarian tactics to achieve utopian ends, while younger writers instead saw a distant and unworldly figure best understood in abstract philosophical terms. The most vocal Tanzanian critics, by contrast, were united by the heavy-handed actions they and their families had endured at the hands of the Tanzanian state, which in turn produced sharply personalized criticisms. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 459-477 Issue: 3 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.916557 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.916557 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:3:p:459-477 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_918313_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Marie-Aude Fouéré Author-X-Name-First: Marie-Aude Author-X-Name-Last: Fouéré Title: Recasting Julius Nyerere in Zanzibar: the Revolution, the Union and the Enemy of the Nation Abstract: In Zanzibar, the figure of Julius Nyerere is being recast in debates over sovereignty, belonging and nationhood. Unlike mainland Tanzania, where he is upheld as the Father of the Nation, the first president of Tanganyika and Tanzania is increasingly portrayed in Zanzibar as the Enemy of the Nation responsible for the Isles' predicament. This article gives insight into the terms, actors and circulation of this pejorative narrative in relation to two central historical events: the 1964 Revolution and the Union. It also shows how such anti-Nyererism mediates anxious concerns over cultural distinctiveness and Islam. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 478-496 Issue: 3 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.918313 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.918313 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:3:p:478-496 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_917857_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Mary Ann Mhina Author-X-Name-First: Mary Ann Author-X-Name-Last: Mhina Title: The poetry of an orphaned nation: newspaper poetry and the death of Nyerere Abstract: This article takes as its starting point readership poetry published in newspapers following the death of Julius Nyerere in October 1999, taking these as an incidence in which popular literature can help us to explore political phenomena. Through analysis of these poems it explores the ‘Father of the Nation’, as Nyerere was often known, as both narrative and discoursive. Using this particular manifestation of mourning for his death as a starting point, it explores some of the ways in which the powerful discourse about Nyerere functioned both during his life and immediately after his death. In doing so, it illuminates both the power and salience of the familiar discourse which surrounded him and the extent to which at the same time readers, and the public at large, might chose their own interpretations despite the powerful narrative surrounding him. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 497-514 Issue: 3 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.917857 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.917857 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:3:p:497-514 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_918312_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Kelly Askew Author-X-Name-First: Kelly Author-X-Name-Last: Askew Title: Tanzanian newspaper poetry: political commentary in verse Abstract: By the 1910s, swahiliphone newspapers in what was then Deutsch-Ostafrika featured poetry as a mainstay of the newspaper form. Swahili poetry, mostly written by nonprofessional poets, remains a standard element of contemporary Swahili language newspapers throughout Tanzania today. This essay, featuring numerous newspaper poems translated by the author in collaboration with master Kenyan poet Abdilatif Abdalla, offers an overview of the genre from its emergence in the colonial era to the end of the twentieth century with an emphasis on praise poems about three political rulers: (1) German colonial-era poems about Kaiser Wilhelm II; (2) British colonial-era poems about King George V; and (3) post-independence poems about first president Julius Nyerere published at various points in his political career and following his death. By examining these poems within their political and historical contexts, I seek to construct a poetry-driven, citizens' narrative of Nyerere's political career and explore the poetics of popular expectations and assessments of governance. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 515-537 Issue: 3 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.918312 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.918312 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:3:p:515-537 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_940192_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Erratum Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: x-x Issue: 3 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.940192 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.940192 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:3:p:x-x Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_522404_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Editorial Board Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: ebi-ebi Issue: 3 Volume: 4 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2010.522404 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2010.522404 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:4:y:2010:i:3:p:ebi-ebi Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_517409_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Peter Simatei Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Simatei Title: Kalenjin popular music and the contestation of national space in Kenya Abstract: This paper addresses how Kalenjin popular music, played mainly on the Kalenjin language KASS FM Radio based in Nairobi and also broadcasting on the Internet, participates in the consolidation of Kalenjin identities by recasting the collective national space – as governed by the nation-state – as a sphere of influence potentially injurious to imagined Kalenjin cultural and economic interests. It becomes a music of identity that deploys history, mythology and narration as a means of reshaping Kalenjin self-definition and culture. But while paying attention to these forms of ethnic self-definition, and how they are used to counter the homogenizing and hegemonizing logic of the national space, this paper also addresses the contradictions that circumscribe the music's gesture towards the pure ethnic while operating from a space that is already hybrid and multicultural, shaped by a confluence of non-Kalenjin ways of life, values and ideas. The conclusion shows how the emergence of new sites of power brokering has challenged the nation-state's governance of the public domain. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 425-434 Issue: 3 Volume: 4 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2010.517409 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2010.517409 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:4:y:2010:i:3:p:425-434 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_517418_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Brett Shadle Author-X-Name-First: Brett Author-X-Name-Last: Shadle Title: White settlers and the law in early colonial Kenya Abstract: This article examines settler attitudes toward the law and the legal system in early colonial Kenya. Settlers believed that English law was the culmination of centuries of evolution and was unsurpassed for its justice and logic. Nonetheless, they insisted English law and legal procedure were supremely ill-suited for the African context. When courts released Africans on “technicalities” it only encouraged more crime; insufficient punishments did the same. Settlers argued that the state – administrators and the judiciary – must twist the legal system to fit settler needs. The law must be a tool used on behalf of whites to bend Africans to their will. It must be personal and racially biased, the punishment swift and sharp. In many ways, settlers held an older, cruder understanding of the law, one more suited to manorial estates or Jim Crow America. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 510-524 Issue: 3 Volume: 4 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2010.517418 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2010.517418 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:4:y:2010:i:3:p:510-524 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_517408_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nicholas Garrett Author-X-Name-First: Nicholas Author-X-Name-Last: Garrett Author-Name: Marie Lintzer Author-X-Name-First: Marie Author-X-Name-Last: Lintzer Title: Can Katanga's mining sector drive growth and development in the DRC? Abstract: A common question asked across the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and by international observers is whether Katanga's mining sector can contribute to growth and development in the country. This paper answers this question through the analysis of two indicators: the fiscal contribution and the development of economic linkages. Mining can contribute to growth and development in the medium to long term, but for the moment the fiscal contribution and the establishment of local supply chains and processing industries remain underdeveloped. The status quo can be linked to the logic of the perpetuation of the weakness of the Congolese state as a rents generator for vested interests. This negatively affects the good governance of fiscal revenues and also translates into political risk exposure for mining companies. The latter inhibits mining companies' and industry collective action platforms' ability to contribute more directly to growth and development by, for example, “de-risking” the market entry of supplier and processing industries. Successful strategies to increase the growth and development footprint of mining need to go beyond technical interventions. Built on a political economy and economic impact analysis they need to interlink with and support a political reform process that can help build a significantly broad political constituency around the ideas of sustainable growth and development in the DRC. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 400-424 Issue: 3 Volume: 4 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2010.517408 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2010.517408 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:4:y:2010:i:3:p:400-424 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_517417_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Daniel Ogbaharya Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Ogbaharya Author-Name: Aregai Tecle Author-X-Name-First: Aregai Author-X-Name-Last: Tecle Title: Community-based natural resources management in Eritrea and Ethiopia: toward a comparative institutional analysis Abstract: Community-based natural resources management (CNRM), which emphasizes community empowerment, participation and enhanced use of indigenous knowledge in resources and environmental management, is an increasingly popular discourse for sustainable development in sub-Saharan Africa. Despite its popularity, CNRM faces various discursive and institutional challenges in countries with a recent history of top-down development. This paper provides a comparative examination of the specific historical, ideological and political contexts behind discourses, policies and institutions for and against community-based resources and environmental management in Ethiopia and Eritrea. There is a need for greater emphasis on communal rights to pastoral, agricultural and forest resources, in contrast to the continued support for a neo-Malthusian dispensation of environmental rehabilitation or reclamation which still reigns supreme in both Eritrea and Ethiopia. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 490-509 Issue: 3 Volume: 4 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2010.517417 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2010.517417 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:4:y:2010:i:3:p:490-509 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_517406_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Luka Deng Author-X-Name-First: Luka Author-X-Name-Last: Deng Title: Livelihood diversification and civil war: Dinka communities in Sudan's civil war Abstract: It is generally recognised that diversification is among the livelihood strategies adopted by rural households to manage risk events, yet understanding of its status and effectiveness in the context of civil war is lacking or inadequately researched. The empirical findings in a non-conflict context suggest that the higher the risk and the more assets available, the more households will diversify. This article is an attempt to gain a nuanced understanding of the status of livelihood diversification in the context of civil war. The empirical findings of this article indicate that diversification is not always the best livelihood strategy option in the context of civil war. Within the households exposed to civil war, those exposed to endogenous counter-insurgency warfare tend to diversify their primary livelihood activities less. Contrary to commonly held views, among the households exposed to exogenous counter-insurgency warfare, the non-poor households tend to diversify their primary livelihood activities less than the poor households. Similar findings are also observed from the results of the comparative analysis of different forms of diversification in crop production, livestock management and assets. The differential status of livelihood diversification observed during civil war is more explained by the nature and characteristics of counter-insurgency warfare. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 381-399 Issue: 3 Volume: 4 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2010.517406 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2010.517406 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:4:y:2010:i:3:p:381-399 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_517410_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jacob Rasmussen Author-X-Name-First: Jacob Author-X-Name-Last: Rasmussen Title: Outwitting the professor of politics? Mungiki narratives of political deception and their role in Kenyan politics Abstract: The Kenyan general election of 2002, which put an end to Daniel Arap Moi's 24-year rule, has been subjected to much political analysis. The article takes as its point of departure the politico-religious movement Mungiki and the movement's own narratives of its role in the elections. Mungiki's narratives tell a story of alliances and behind-the-scenes political play that differs from the public version of events. It is argued that the movement's retrospective narratives provide a useful tool for exploring future possibilities for Mungiki's engagement in Kenyan politics. The narratives are primarily internal narratives, in that they are intended for the movement's own members. As such, they invite a discussion of Mungiki's perception of truth and, more broadly, of the relationship between narratives and truth. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 435-449 Issue: 3 Volume: 4 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2010.517410 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2010.517410 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:4:y:2010:i:3:p:435-449 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_517424_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Katherine Luongo Author-X-Name-First: Katherine Author-X-Name-Last: Luongo Title: Polling places and “slow punctured provocation”: occult-driven cases in postcolonial Kenya's High Courts Abstract: In Kenya, witchcraft remains central to the intersecting arenas of politics and justice. Postcolonial case files of witchcraft-related crimes offer important insights into the ways that approaches and attitudes to witchcraft, politics, and justice have shifted since independence. High Court cases addressing witchcraft and electoral fraud underscore the fact that the occult is now thought of as a clear path to state power, rather than a challenge to it. In Kenya's high courts, cases of witchcraft-driven violence have involved complex shifts in the judiciary's willingness to negotiate with “local” attitudes towards witchcraft in assessing pleas for and against mitigation. These cases indicate that while the postcolonial courts take the existence and efficacy of witchcraft for granted in a way that their colonial predecessors certainly did not, they retain a circumspect approach to witchcraft when the primacy of state power in matters of politics and justice is at stake. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 577-591 Issue: 3 Volume: 4 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2010.517424 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2010.517424 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:4:y:2010:i:3:p:577-591 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_517423_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Elke Stockreiter Author-X-Name-First: Elke Author-X-Name-Last: Stockreiter Title: “British s” and “Muslim judges”: modernisation, inconsistencies and accommodation in Zanzibar's colonial judiciary Abstract: Contextualising the creation of Zanzibar's colonial judiciary within the British Empire, this article explores contradictions in the British approach towards the application of Islamic law in this protectorate. The British upheld the existing legal system, shari'a, as the fundamental law yet, striving towards uniformity, impartiality and cost effectiveness, they restricted the scope of jurisdiction of kadhis, or Muslim judges, introduced Indian codes and provided for the application of Islamic law by British judges. Although the British may not have consciously embarked on merging the roles of judges and kadhis, one of the outcomes of their interference with the judicial system was to combine in the one person a secularly trained judge and a religiously educated kadhi. Notes of various colonial officials on the alleged irrationality and arbitrariness of Islamic law suggest that kadhis' accommodation in the colonial judiciary was shaped by continuous British doubt about their suitability as colonial officers, while kadhis implemented colonial decrees, albeit inconsistently. This article argues that underlying differences between judges and kadhis prevailed during the colonial period, while their attempts at a role reversal show adaptation to the colonial legal system, which accommodated shari'a by supervising its application. As the arguments are based on evidence scattered from 1890 until independence in 1963, this paper outlines the scope of colonial views of shari'a rather than provides a chronological overview of changes in these views. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 560-576 Issue: 3 Volume: 4 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2010.517423 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2010.517423 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:4:y:2010:i:3:p:560-576 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_517422_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Stacey Hynd Author-X-Name-First: Stacey Author-X-Name-Last: Hynd Title: “The extreme penalty of the law”: mercy and the death penalty as aspects of state power in colonial Nyasaland, c. 1903–47 Abstract: Capital punishment was the pinnacle of the colonial judicial system and its use of state violence, but has previously been neglected as a topic of historical research in Africa. This article is based on the case files and legal records of over 800 capital trials – predominantly for murder – dating between 1900 and 1947. It outlines the functioning of the legal system in Nyasaland and the tensions between “violence” and “humanitarianism” in the use and reform of the death penalty. Capital punishment was a political penalty as much as a judicial punishment, with both didactic and deterrent functions: it operated through mercy and the sparing of condemned lives as well as through executions. Mercy in Nyasaland was consistent with colonial political objectives and cultural values: it was decided not only on the facts of cases, but according to British conceptions of “justice”, “order”, “criminality”, and “African” behaviour. This article analyses the use of mercy in Nyasaland to provide a lens on the nature of colonial governance, and the tensions between African and colonial understandings of violence. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 542-559 Issue: 3 Volume: 4 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2010.517422 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2010.517422 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:4:y:2010:i:3:p:542-559 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_517416_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: David Hyde Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Hyde Title: Undercurrents to independence: plantation struggles in Kenya's Central Province 1959–60 Abstract: The avalanche of plantation strikes that took place during the early months of 1960 initiated the successive strike waves which plagued Kenya's decolonisation process. The lifting of the Emergency and the announcement of a transition period to African majority government in January 1960 was marked by a new confidence. After years of draconian discipline, estate workers embraced trade unionism and moved into their first organised struggles over wages and conditions. They were joined by unrestricted former Mau Mau detainees and the victims of land consolidation who entered the plantation work force. The arousal of high expectations fuelled the strikes that engulfed the plantation districts of Kenya's Central Province during the approach to independence. These events took place against a background of severe crisis within world coffee markets. Faced by this, European coffee growers attempted to compensate themselves by rationalising the plantation economy at the expense of their workers. This was met by fierce resistance from plantation labourers, which was only eventually tamed as union leaders struggled to arrest the movement and surrender organisational autonomy to the state. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 467-489 Issue: 3 Volume: 4 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2010.517416 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2010.517416 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:4:y:2010:i:3:p:467-489 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_517421_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Richard Waller Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Waller Title: Towards a contextualisation of policing in colonial Kenya Abstract: This paper looks at the social and legal context of policing in colonial Kenya before 1950, drawing on a range of archival sources in Britain and Kenya. It considers the methods of policing, its objectives, the difficulties it encountered and the social and political terrain on which it operated, a conflicted terrain shaped by geography, race and the existence of other sources of authority and control. Kenya can be divided into a number of zones of policing, from areas that were fairly closely policed, in which there was an increasing expectation that crime would be detected and punished, to areas where the police could do little more than attempt to keep the peace between local communities, all of which had strong traditions of self-help and no confidence in or wish for external intervention. Until 1920, the Kenya Police had a very uneven reputation, but, during the inter-war years, the force grew in numbers and effectiveness. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 525-541 Issue: 3 Volume: 4 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2010.517421 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2010.517421 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:4:y:2010:i:3:p:525-541 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_517415_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ghazi Abuhakema Author-X-Name-First: Ghazi Author-X-Name-Last: Abuhakema Author-Name: Tim Carmichael Author-X-Name-First: Tim Author-X-Name-Last: Carmichael Title: The Somali Youth League constitution: a handwritten Arabic copy (c. 1947?) from the Ethiopian Security Forces Archives in Harär Abstract: The group founded in 1943 as the Somali Youth Club (SYC) and reorganized in 1947 as the Somali Youth League (SYL) dominated Somali politics for decades, yet has been subjected to little focused scholarship. This article briefly summarizes the SYL's history; reproduces and translates an Arabic copy of the party's constitution which is housed in the Harärgé branch of the Security Forces Archives in neighboring Ethiopia; and comments on the problematic nature of the document's Arabic. This version of the SYL constitution is part of the SYL's history in Ethiopia, as well as the group's changing and poorly understood relationships with the Addis Abäba government and Ethiopia's security forces headquarters in Jijjiga and Harär. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 450-466 Issue: 3 Volume: 4 Year: 2010 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2010.517415 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2010.517415 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:4:y:2010:i:3:p:450-466 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1483865_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Michael Woldemariam Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Woldemariam Title: “No war, no peace” in a region in flux: crisis, escalation, and possibility in the Eritrea-Ethiopia rivalry Abstract: This article examines the evolving rivalry between Eritrea and Ethiopia in light of military clashes between the two countries that occurred in June 2016. Drawing on rationalist understandings of international politics, it illustrates the calculus that sustained the rivalry for nearly 16 years. These forces, while sufficient to have maintained the situation of “no war, no peace” for a considerable period of time, gave way to a new set of dynamics that significantly eroded the fragile status quo. In that context, a slow, but perceptible shift in the regional balance power seemed to have increased the risk of another round of military conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia. While Ethiopia’s recent selection of a new prime minister has created real possibility of a reset of Eritrea-Ethiopia relations, the underlying structural dynamics between the two countries remain volatile. For better or worse, Africa’s most intractable interstate rivalry sits at a critical juncture. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 407-427 Issue: 3 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1483865 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1483865 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:3:p:407-427 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1480103_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Yotam Gidron Author-X-Name-First: Yotam Author-X-Name-Last: Gidron Title: “One People, One Struggle”: Anya-Nya propaganda and the Israeli Mossad in Southern Sudan, 1969–1971 Abstract: This paper explores the involvement of the Mossad, Israel’s national intelligence agency, in producing propaganda materials on behalf of the Southern Sudanese rebel group Anya-Nya, between 1969 and 1971. From 1961, Southern Sudanese politicians appealed for Israeli assistance in their struggle against the Sudanese government. Israelis saw great potential for anti-Arab propaganda in the Southern cause, but did not extend any significant support to the rebels until 1969. When they eventually did, they also embarked on a secret propaganda campaign on behalf of the Anya-Nya, seeking to promote the Southern struggle globally in order to delegitimize Arab nations and their Soviet supporters and draw attention away from anti-Israeli and pro-Palestinian propaganda in the aftermath of the Six-Day War of 1967. Unlike earlier Southern Sudanese publications, the Israeli materials made extensive use of photographs and projected a new image of the Southern Sudanese leadership and its relationship with civilians. The publications, the paper argues, advanced both Israeli and Southern Sudanese interests, and reflected both Southern Sudanese and Israeli notions of nation-building. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 428-453 Issue: 3 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1480103 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1480103 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:3:p:428-453 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1462983_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Mohammed Hussain Sharfi Author-X-Name-First: Mohammed Hussain Author-X-Name-Last: Sharfi Title: Sudan and the assassination attempt on President Mubarak in June 1995: a cornerstone in ideological reverse Abstract: This article explores the failed assassination attempt on the Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak on 26 June 1996, which allegedly involved logistical and financial support from some elements in Sudanese intelligence. This episode had a large impact on the Sudanese regime, as it encountered massive internal and external challenges that almost led to its downfall. The article examines the implications of the assassination attempt on the regime. It investigates the external and domestic dynamics following the incident and the change of perspective among the government elite in its engagement with the international sphere. The article focuses on the risks confronted by the Sudanese regime, and the foreign and internal policy it pursued to avert catastrophic repercussions. It examines the political, economic, military and security threats that followed, as well as the pragmatic path adopted by the regime to secure its grip on power. For the first time since independence, Sudan was condemned in the UN Security Council as a consequence of the attack, and this ultimately led to regime fragmentation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 454-472 Issue: 3 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1462983 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1462983 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:3:p:454-472 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1471289_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Graham R. Fox Author-X-Name-First: Graham R. Author-X-Name-Last: Fox Title: Maasai group ranches, minority land owners, and the political landscape of Laikipia County, Kenya Abstract: Recent land conflicts in Laikipia County, Kenya, have re-ignited debates about the future of minority land ownership in eastern Africa. With climate change, foreign investment, and population growth placing unprecedented pressure on lands, Laikipia has become a “battleground” for land struggles involving some of Kenya's most alienated ethnic and racial groups. Providing ethnographic insight into land politics in Laikipia in the lead up to the 2017 general elections, this article examines the relationships between Laikipia's Maasai communities and three distinct private land parcels that neighbor them. While significant segments of land in Laikipia are owned by foreigners or Kenyans of European descent, the county is home to other minority landowners whose political significance is underappreciated. Though the owners of some large ranches in Laikipia see neighboring pastoralists as liabilities, others see them as a source of political capital or allies in the struggle to secure their land tenure. Overall, I show that Laikipia's political landscape is defined by actors who defy the black-white, rancher-pastoralist dichotomy, and make a case for the qualitative study of land politics at a time when Kenya's future is shaped by high-stakes alliances between historically dissonant communities. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 473-493 Issue: 3 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1471289 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1471289 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:3:p:473-493 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1483864_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tabea Scharrer Author-X-Name-First: Tabea Author-X-Name-Last: Scharrer Title: “Ambiguous citizens”: Kenyan Somalis and the question of belonging Abstract: This paper deals with the way a “politics of belonging” has been enacted in recent years in Kenya, and what this means for the Somali population of the country. Even though Kenyan Somalis have been treated as “ambiguous citizens” since independence, the question for many of them is not so much if they belong to Kenya, but rather how. In the multi-ethnic state of Kenya, there are other groups as well who are “ambiguous citizens” – including Asians, Whites, Nubians and Arabs – for whom two main dimensions along which “Kenyanness” is constructed come into the foreground: a racial dimension and a cultural dimension. Kenyan Somalis seem to be ambiguous in both of them. Following McIntosh’s contention that one way to claim “Kenyanness” is to appeal to “a civic nationalism, in which all groups invested in the nation are equally welcome”, this article argues – based on ethnographic data gathered since 2010 as well as archival sources – that many Kenyan Somalis are ready to take this possibility up, if they have the chance to do so. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 494-513 Issue: 3 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1483864 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1483864 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:3:p:494-513 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1462985_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Filip Reyntjens Author-X-Name-First: Filip Author-X-Name-Last: Reyntjens Title: Understanding Rwandan politics through the longue durée: from the precolonial to the post-genocide era Abstract: The transition from precolonial to colonial rule at the end of the nineteenth century, the 1959–61 revolution followed by independence in 1962, and the 1994 genocide followed by the RPF’s military victory are defining moments of modern Rwandan history. Each of these periods was a major break with the previous one. However, there are also striking continuities throughout the entire history spanning the precolonial to the post-genocide eras. Continuities include the concentration of power, intra-regime conflict, the salience of ethnicity, and the nature of the state. Discontinuities can be seen mainly in the role of the army as an institution and a source of values, and the role played by and the use made of ethnicity. A very distinctive feature is the re-emergence of militarisation in 1994 after a century-long break, thus reconnecting with the precolonial period. This longue durée view allows us to better understand the defining features of governance in present-day Rwanda. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 514-532 Issue: 3 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1462985 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1462985 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:3:p:514-532 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1436247_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Caroline Wamala Larsson Author-X-Name-First: Caroline Wamala Author-X-Name-Last: Larsson Author-Name: Jakob Svensson Author-X-Name-First: Jakob Author-X-Name-Last: Svensson Title: Mobile phones in the transformation of the informal economy: stories from market women in Kampala, Uganda Abstract: This research project is situated within the area mobile technologies for development (M4D), i.e. that mobile communication technologies play a vital role in the livelihood of people in developing regions. Out of a larger explorative study of how market women in Kampala use their mobile phone(s), this article focuses on the transformation of the so-called informal economy, here in the form of Kampala street markets. Departing from stories of the women themselves, the article discusses the role of mobile telephony in this transformation. The street markets today have become hybridized as mobile money allows for non-street transactions. The appropriation of the mobile phone into these micro enterprises, we argue, has the potential to produce new regulatory spaces, considering that mobile services, located in the formal sector, are deeply embedded in Kampala’s informal economic practices. To make sense of these results, we turn to science, technology and society studies (STS). STS helps us understand the mutual co-production of mobile phone practices and the transformation of the street markets. The mobile phone represents a force for change in the market women’s economic activities, at once challenging and reinforcing the informality of the Kampala markets. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 533-551 Issue: 3 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1436247 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1436247 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:3:p:533-551 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1480091_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Andrea Guariso Author-X-Name-First: Andrea Author-X-Name-Last: Guariso Author-Name: Marijke Verpoorten Author-X-Name-First: Marijke Author-X-Name-Last: Verpoorten Title: Aid, trade and the post-war recovery of the Rwandan coffee sector Abstract: We investigate the post-war recovery of the Rwandan coffee sector. First, we look at the recovery of export earnings at the national level and show that the role played by the rise in international coffee prices largely outweighed the one played by domestic policies to boost coffee production and quality. Second, we analyze the subnational variation in the recovery of coffee tree investment and reveal the legacy of armed conflict. In 1999 – five years after the peak of the violence – highly violence-affected regions exhibit significantly lower tree planting and maintenance. Within a decade, the gap is however closed. We discuss the role that positive externalities generated by high-profile public investments in the coffee sector might have played in the catch-up process. We frame this discussion in the wider debate on the nature of the Rwandan State. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 552-574 Issue: 3 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1480091 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1480091 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:3:p:552-574 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1480108_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Gundula Fischer Author-X-Name-First: Gundula Author-X-Name-Last: Fischer Title: Contested ‘respectability’: gender and labour in the life stories of Tanzanian women and men in the hospitality industry Abstract: Although ‘disrespectability’ has been discerned as an important discourse that accompanies Tanzanian women’s engagement in hospitality jobs, it remains unclear how they counter this devaluation and whether their male co-workers are affected as well. Using a life-story methodology with a sample of 20 male and female employees, this study shows how men and women are unevenly hit by the assignment of ‘shame’ and how they resist. Better pay and more professional training could improve workers’ standing, but might also trigger new processes of closure detrimental to gender equity. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 575-593 Issue: 3 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1480108 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1480108 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:3:p:575-593 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1474416_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: John Sender Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Sender Author-Name: Christopher Cramer Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Author-X-Name-Last: Cramer Author-Name: Carlos Oya Author-X-Name-First: Carlos Author-X-Name-Last: Oya Title: Identifying the most deprived in rural Ethiopia and Uganda: a simple measure of socio-economic deprivation Abstract: The Extreme Deprivation Index uses easily verifiable answers to ten questions about the ownership of the most basic non-food wage goods – things that poor people in a variety of rural contexts want to have because they make a real difference to the quality of their lives. Using this Index, we define rural Ethiopians and Ugandans who lack access to a few basic consumer goods as ‘most deprived’: they are at risk of failing to achieve adequate education and nutrition; becoming pregnant as a teenager; remaining dependent on manual agricultural wage labour and failing to find to a decent job. As in other African countries, they have derived relatively little benefit from donor and government policies claiming to reduce poverty. They may continue to be ignored if the impact of policy on the bottom 10% can be obscured by fashionably complex indices of poverty. We emphasise the practical and political relevance of the simple un-weighted Deprivation Index: if interventions currently promoted by political leaders and aid officials can easily be shown to offer few or no benefits to the poorest rural people, then pressures to introduce new policies may intensify, or at least become less easy to ignore. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 594-612 Issue: 3 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1474416 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1474416 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:3:p:594-612 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_891782_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Phil Clark Author-X-Name-First: Phil Author-X-Name-Last: Clark Title: Bringing the peasants back in, again: state power and local agency in Rwanda's gacaca courts Abstract: Rwanda's genocide trials through the gacaca community courts, between 2002 and 2012, have attracted substantial critique and also become a key vehicle for analysing wider political and social dynamics, including policy-making under the Rwandan Patriotic Front. A common criticism of gacaca is that it allowed the Rwandan state to deploy the language of devolved, popularly owned justice while further centralizing and consolidating state power. Based on fieldwork conducted over ten years, including more than 650 interviews and observations of 105 gacaca hearings, the article responds to this criticism and argues that while we should be sceptical of the Rwandan government's overly romantic depiction of gacaca as organic, decentralized justice and critical of other dimensions of state policy, we should be equally sceptical of characterizations of gacaca as simply another means for the state to entrench its power and influence in the countryside. This article contends that both perspectives are reductionist and fail to acknowledge the complex ways in which Rwandan citizens engage with the state and participate in government-initiated community-level processes such as gacaca. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 193-213 Issue: 2 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.891782 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.891782 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:2:p:193-213 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_891783_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Bert Ingelaere Author-X-Name-First: Bert Author-X-Name-Last: Ingelaere Title: What's on a peasant's mind? Experiencing RPF state reach and overreach in post-genocide Rwanda (2000–10) Abstract: This article attempts – for the Rwandan case – to answer a fundamental question of state-builders in Africa: to what extent and how is authority broadcast over people? There is much controversy concerning the nature of governance by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) in contemporary Rwanda. This article moves beyond existing knowledge on local government structures and practice by analysing over 350 life histories of rural Rwandans collected in 2011. It will be explained that these data provide an insight into the ‘subjective realm’ of governance experience and function as a social commentary on the nature of governance during the era of RPF regime consolidation: 2000–10. An immediate observation – based on a simple word frequency count executed on the total sample of life stories – is the high presence of ‘authority’ in the lives of Rwandans. This insight points towards a significant degree of state reach under the RPF in Rwanda, contrary to what is often observed in Africa. In addition, the findings identify an overall perceived improvement in basic service delivery but also reveal the often authoritarian nature and, at times, overreach of underlying governance practice. The observed state–society relations are qualified by examining a number of life story narratives. The article concludes with reflections on the methodological, theoretical and policy implications of the observed dialectic of state reach and overreach discernible in the lives of peasants in contemporary Rwanda. It calls for a reconsideration of ‘state fragility’ both in the Rwandan case and globally. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 214-230 Issue: 2 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.891783 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.891783 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:2:p:214-230 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_891716_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nicola Palmer Author-X-Name-First: Nicola Author-X-Name-Last: Palmer Title: Re-examining resistance in post-genocide Rwanda Abstract: The scholarship on Rwanda interprets a large swathe of rural activities as types of resistance to government policies instituted by the current ruling party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). This paper presents a detailed life history of an elderly rural man who actively resisted ethnically discriminatory violence in Rwanda in 1973, 1990 and 1994. His decision not to participate in the state-supported violence provides an archetypal example of active resistance and allows for an analysis of what it means to resist state power in a particular time and place. This ethnographic research provides one route to nuance the current interpretations of resistance in Rwanda. It proposes that the dominant accounts of peasant resistance, which draw heavily on the theoretical work of James C. Scott, often neglect power differentials within rural communities, and fail to take adequate account of the normative dimensions that underpin an individual's decision to resist. It concludes with a call for a more careful analysis of how and why people resist state power in Rwanda. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 231-245 Issue: 2 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.891716 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.891716 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:2:p:231-245 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_891800_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Benjamin Chemouni Author-X-Name-First: Benjamin Author-X-Name-Last: Chemouni Title: Explaining the design of the Rwandan decentralization: elite vulnerability and the territorial repartition of power Abstract: Rwanda has made important progress since the start of the decentralization process in 2000. Local government enjoys an unprecedented range of competences and resources. With the exception of the provincial level, elections are generalized, something novel in the history of the traditionally centralized Rwanda. This, however, conflicts with widespread analysis that decentralization, instead of empowering the local level, has improved control from the centre through top-down policy-making and control of local governments and the population. This article aims to improve our understanding of the paradoxical nature of Rwandan decentralization. To do so, it first analyses the Rwandan decentralization process by disaggregating it into administrative, financial and political dimensions. This demonstrates that, in all three dimensions, decentralization is characterized by the heavy role of the centre, and the promotion of tightly monitored, technocratic and depoliticized local governments. The article then explains such design by focusing on the political elite's perception of its environment. It argues that the vulnerability collectively experienced by the political leadership, rooted in the experience of the genocide, its search for legitimacy, the volatile international environment, and the dependency on international aid, has spurred it to design local institutions in a way that promotes swift implementation of its development agenda and limits local political entrepreneurship and elite capture at local level. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 246-262 Issue: 2 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.891800 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.891800 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:2:p:246-262 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_891784_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Stef Vandeginste Author-X-Name-First: Stef Author-X-Name-Last: Vandeginste Title: Governing ethnicity after genocide: ethnic amnesia in Rwanda versus ethnic power-sharing in Burundi Abstract: A remarkable process of ethnic engineering has been taking place in neighbouring Burundi and Rwanda. After a failed democratization attempt in the early 1990s, both countries experienced an extremely violent transition process. Despite the many similarities between the two countries, they have adopted radically different approaches to address long-standing ethnic divisions. While Rwanda has opted for a policy based on ethnic amnesia and an integrationist policy centred around civic identity, Burundi has institutionalized its societal segmentation through ethnic power-sharing along the lines of Lijphart's consociational model. This comparative analysis explains the differences from two perspectives. On the one hand, in line with historical antecedents, ethnicity is engineered in a way that serves political elite interests. On the other hand, path dependency, in particular the modality of political transition in both countries, explains the notably divergent policies on ethnicity. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 263-277 Issue: 2 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.891784 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.891784 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:2:p:263-277 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_891715_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Marco Jowell Author-X-Name-First: Marco Author-X-Name-Last: Jowell Title: Cohesion through socialization: liberation, tradition and modernity in the forging of the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) Abstract: Since the collapse of Rwanda's state institutions in 1994, including the state's security apparatus, the military has been at the centre of the country's politics and development. Crucial to the political and economic strategy of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) is the national army. However, analysis is scarce on the politics of the Rwandan military and how it has been constituted and forged since the RPF came to power. This paper seeks to address this under-researched area by investigating the processes used by the government of Rwanda to develop its national defence forces. In doing so it avoids simplistic narratives such as ethnic subjugation and instead highlights the unique factors leading to the creation of today's RDF and how it has been forged through various socialization experiences such as training, fighting together and peacekeeping as well as an emphasis on welfare and political education. Furthermore, it is posited that the military reflects the broader political landscape in Rwanda, and that decision-making is underscored by concepts of tradition, liberation and modernity. How these concepts interrelate is the key to understanding the military in Rwanda, but also wider governance mechanisms and strategies employed by the RPF. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 278-293 Issue: 2 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.891715 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.891715 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:2:p:278-293 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_892672_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Kirrily Pells Author-X-Name-First: Kirrily Author-X-Name-Last: Pells Author-Name: Kirsten Pontalti Author-X-Name-First: Kirsten Author-X-Name-Last: Pontalti Author-Name: Timothy P. Williams Author-X-Name-First: Timothy P. Author-X-Name-Last: Williams Title: Promising developments? Children, youth and post-genocide reconstruction under the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) Abstract: Children and youth, in whom visions of national development are invested, are central to post-conflict state-building efforts. In the case of Rwanda, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) has initiated an ambitious programme of state re-engineering that seeks to transform Rwanda into a knowledge-based economy and thereby achieve middle-income status by 2020. Success or failure of this imagined future is largely contingent on the 65% of the population under age 25. Through cross-analysis of three research studies, this paper explores how RPF policies have converged with the lives of children and youth, so as to get a pulse on the post-genocide micro-social environment and thereby examine the effectiveness of the RPF's governance. This approach provides key insights into these dynamics by assessing how the RPF's policies related to children's rights, school-based education and transitions to adulthood have affected the lives, expectations and aspirations of young people. It is argued that the RPF's commitment to rapid reconstruction and development, such as universal access to education, has resulted in promising developments for young people, and has generated high aspirations for the future. However, the purposive imposition of the government's goals is predicated on a specific vision of a promised future that is often at odds with young people's daily realities. This dynamic risks generating a new sense of exclusion and foreclosing opportunity for many young people. Thus, as the RPF moves forward with its Vision 2020 goals, it must do so with a nuanced and astute assessment of how these policies interact with young people's experiences and shape expectations. While young people largely subscribe to the RPF's visionary approach to development, where it contradicts their daily realities, young people's responses weigh heavily on the possibility of the vision of either the RPF – or young people – being fully realized. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 294-310 Issue: 2 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.892672 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.892672 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:2:p:294-310 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_891714_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tom Goodfellow Author-X-Name-First: Tom Author-X-Name-Last: Goodfellow Title: Rwanda's political settlement and the urban transition: expropriation, construction and taxation in Kigali Abstract: Although still predominantly rural, Rwanda is one of the world's fastest-urbanizing countries. This paper considers the Rwandan Patriotic Front's (RPF) approach to urban development in the context of intense pressure on land and a stated long-term agenda of moving towards a future that is ‘100% urban’. The RPF government has won plaudits for its transformation of Kigali, and its Land Tenure Regularisation programme is proceeding at a pace few anticipated. Its approach to the urban question remains, however, both highly controversial abroad and contested within the country. There is widespread acknowledgement that aspects of the government's urban agenda have been disadvantageous to the poor, but it is also unclear whether the implementation of this agenda is furthering or hindering their overarching drive for economic growth, structural transformation and political stability. In particular, the expropriation of urban land and the political–economic interests embedded in the real estate sector have critical impacts on Rwanda's development trajectory. Utilizing a ‘political settlements’ approach but introducing a spatial perspective focused on the transformation of Kigali, this paper explores the governance of land reform, urban planning, expropriation and property taxation, analyses how these illuminate the broader settlement in place, and considers the implications for Rwanda's future. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 311-329 Issue: 2 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.891714 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.891714 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:2:p:311-329 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_970600_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Rahul Rao Author-X-Name-First: Rahul Author-X-Name-Last: Rao Title: Re-membering Mwanga: same-sex intimacy, memory and belonging in postcolonial Uganda Abstract: Proponents of Uganda's Anti-Homosexuality Act 2014 have denounced homosexuality as an import from the West. Yet every June, hundreds of thousands of Christian pilgrims in Uganda commemorate a set of events, the hegemonic textual accounts of which pivot around the practice of native ‘sodomy’. According to these accounts, the last pre-colonial Kabaka (king) Mwanga of Buganda ordered the execution of a number of his male Christian pages in 1886 when, under the influence of their new religion, they refused his desire for physical intimacy. These events have assumed the place of a founding myth for Christianity in Uganda as a result of the Catholic Church's canonization of its martyred pioneers. This article explores how public commemoration of these events can coexist with the claim that same-sex intimacy is alien to Uganda. Unlike previous scholarship on the martyrdoms, which has focused primarily on colonial discourse, the article pays attention to contemporary Ugandan remembering of the martyrdoms. And against the grain of queer African historical scholarship, which seeks to recover the forgotten past, it explores the critical possibilities immanent within something that is intensively memorialized. The article maps Ugandan public memory of the martyrdoms, unravelling genealogies of homophobia as well as possibilities for sexual dissidence that lurk within public culture. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 1-19 Issue: 1 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.970600 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.970600 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:1:p:1-19 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_970602_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nicholas W. S. Smith Author-X-Name-First: Nicholas W. S. Author-X-Name-Last: Smith Title: The machinations of the Majerteen Sultans: Somali pirates of the late nineteenth century? Abstract: This article explores the history of Somali piracy in the nineteenth century. Focusing on the Majerteen Sultans, and especially the late nineteenth century rulers Uthman Mahmud Yusuf and Yusuf ‘Ali, who ruled over the coast of contemporary Puntland, I argue that Majerteen rulers used piracy as a political tool to consolidate their power over the Somali littoral in the face of colonial conquest. They used piracy to goad the European powers into signing treaties of mutual protection and channelled European patronage to buttress their rule over the Majerteen population. In contrast to the literature which frames piracy in terms of state collapse and maritime anarchy, I argue piracy was a diplomatic strategy to exploit inter-imperial competition. As well as offering a historical perspective on Somali piracy, the article takes a comparative approach, drawing on theories about non-state actors and violence to bring interdisciplinary and historical insight to bear on the topic of the Somali piracy. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 20-34 Issue: 1 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.970602 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.970602 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:1:p:20-34 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_984828_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Elliot Fratkin Author-X-Name-First: Elliot Author-X-Name-Last: Fratkin Title: The Samburu laibon's sorcery and the death of Theodore Powys in colonial Kenya Abstract: This paper examines the role that laibons (diviners and ritual healers) played and continue to play in warfare among Samburu pastoralists through their use of divination and sorcery to defeat external enemies. The paper focuses on the 1931 death of Theodore Powys, a white ranch manager in northern Kenya whose death was, in time, attributed to murder by five Samburu warriors. The event and trial occurred as conflicts increased among Samburu pastoralists, white settler ranchers of Laikipia District, and the Kenya colonial administration in the early 1930s. Although the warriors eventually were acquitted of murder charge, their laibon, Ngaldaiya Leaduma, was arrested before the trial under the Witchcraft Ordinance and deported for intimidating witnesses and interfering with the investigation. The larger Samburu community also faced harsh fines and disarmament and was incorporated into the settler-dominated Rift Valley Province. This paper focuses on three themes – conflicts over grazing land between the Samburu and the settlers; colonial responses to local ritual leaders such as the laibon; and Samburu conceptualizations and use of spiritual power in political conflicts. It demonstrates that ethnographic approaches and methodology can complement historiographical methods of archival research to present a multivocal account of a period of conflict and disruption. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 35-54 Issue: 1 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.984828 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.984828 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:1:p:35-54 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_985808_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Marianne Nylandsted Larsen Author-X-Name-First: Marianne Nylandsted Author-X-Name-Last: Larsen Author-Name: Torben Birch-Thomsen Author-X-Name-First: Torben Author-X-Name-Last: Birch-Thomsen Title: The role of credit facilities and investment practices in rural Tanzania: a comparative study of Igowole and Ilula emerging urban centres Abstract: Small urban settlements or small towns in rural areas represent the fastest urban growth in most of the African continent. Along with a renewed political interest in African agriculture, the role of urban settlements has gained a prominent position in poverty reduction in rural areas and as an alternative to out-migration. Based on data collected between 2010 and 2012 covering more than 60 business operators in two emerging urban centres (EUCs) and their rural hinterlands, the article explores development trajectories in two EUCs in Tanzania, both of which have experienced rapid population growth and attracted new investments in business by both migrants and the indigenous population in an effort to exploit new opportunities in the centres. The initial urbanization has not been driven by the state or by new institutional interventions such as microfinance but rather by ‘the market’. This paper argues that microfinance plays a role in facilitating possibilities for some businesses to sustain, expand or diversify their businesses once the business is well-established in the EUCs. Migrants play a pivotal role for the early development and later diversification of business activities within both EUCs. They have been attracted by new investment opportunities and bring capital and knowledge from previous experiences with economic activities. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 55-73 Issue: 1 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.985808 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.985808 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:1:p:55-73 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_985496_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jeannette Bayisenge Author-X-Name-First: Jeannette Author-X-Name-Last: Bayisenge Author-Name: Staffan Höjer Author-X-Name-First: Staffan Author-X-Name-Last: Höjer Author-Name: Margareta Espling Author-X-Name-First: Margareta Author-X-Name-Last: Espling Title: Women's land rights in the context of the land tenure reform in Rwanda – the experiences of policy implementers Abstract: Over the last decade, many international organisations such as the World Bank, Department for International Development (DFID) and United States Agency for International Development have expanded their programmes on land tenure reforms in developing countries. Throughout this process, women's exclusion from land ownership has been increasingly questioned and legal reforms have been suggested as one solution. The aim of this paper is to explore and analyse the experiences of implementers of land registration and titling vis-a-vis women's land rights in the Northern Province of Rwanda. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions with administrative staff at different levels involved in the programme. From the implementers' experiences, the findings show that the land certificate does not necessarily guarantee women decision-making over land, but also that women show increased awareness of land issues, which has led to land conflicts involving women. Secondly, the challenges encountered, such as polygamy, inheritance and ingaragazi issues, as well as men's unwillingness to register their marriages, are related to men's customary rights to land and to deeply embedded socio-cultural norms. The implementers' experiences and the encountered challenges during the reform process are framed by the values of a patriarchal society in which the supremacy of men over women is still strong. This leads to a ‘theory/practice dilemma’ where laws and policies that look good on paper are not necessarily easily implemented and where the intentions of laws are not necessarily logic to the local-level implementers. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 74-90 Issue: 1 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.985496 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.985496 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:1:p:74-90 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_985357_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sigrun Marie Moss Author-X-Name-First: Sigrun Marie Author-X-Name-Last: Moss Author-Name: Kjetil Tronvoll Author-X-Name-First: Kjetil Author-X-Name-Last: Tronvoll Title: “We are all Zanzibari!” Identity formation and political reconciliation in Zanzibar Abstract: Zanzibari social relations were long characterised by disruption and antagonism around election time, between followers of the incumbent Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and opposition party Civic United Front (CUF). In November 2009, with a top-level political meeting between the leaders of CUF and CCM, this started to change. Based on field interviews and observations, this article argues that Zanzibari politics – over the period from July 2009 to November 2010 – moved from a hostile and polarised political environment, via a limbo period, to a widely supported reconciliation process, and that over these three phases, intergroup relations changed. Using social identity theory, we argue that the shared Zanzibari identity increased in salience, and intergroup animosity decreased, a process likened to the social psychological dual recategorisation. Second, reasons for this change in intergroup relations are discussed, comparing this recent process to former failed peace processes, stressing shared goals, intergroup communalities, leadership dialogue and cooperation, and focus on the superordinate identity. The material demonstrates that elite-led political discourse can increase or decrease political tension and thus initiate social identity transformation. We argue that this process further created room for the peaceful 2010 elections and the establishment of the current Zanzibar Government of National Unity. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 91-109 Issue: 1 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.985357 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.985357 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:1:p:91-109 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_987507_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Barbara Bompani Author-X-Name-First: Barbara Author-X-Name-Last: Bompani Author-Name: S. Terreni Brown Author-X-Name-First: S. Terreni Author-X-Name-Last: Brown Title: A “religious revolution”? Print media, sexuality, and religious discourse in Uganda Abstract: Recently, Uganda has made international headlines for the controversial Anti-homosexuality Bill and for a set of tight measures that have limited the freedom of sexual minorities. This article argues that Uganda's growth of Pentecostal-charismatic churches (PCCs) is playing a major role in influencing and defining the Ugandan public sphere, including (but not limited to) the ways in which sex and sexuality are conceptualized by and within Uganda's print media. This article suggests that the socially conservative nature of PCCs is highly influential in shaping the way print media write about sex and sexuality. This is because Pentecostal-charismatic (PC) constituencies constitute a considerable numerical market that print media cannot ignore. Second, PCs actively work toward influencing and shaping public policies, politics, and public spaces, like newspapers, that discuss and address public morality and decency in the country. As this article will show, within a highly “Pentecostalized” public sphere, alternative public discourses on sexuality are not allowed. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 110-126 Issue: 1 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.987507 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.987507 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:1:p:110-126 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_987509_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Kevin Ward Author-X-Name-First: Kevin Author-X-Name-Last: Ward Title: The role of the Anglican and Catholic Churches in Uganda in public discourse on homosexuality and ethics Abstract: The passage of an Anti-Homosexuality Act in the Uganda Parliament (December 2013), its endorsement by President Yoweri Museveni (February 2014), and subsequent invalidation in Uganda's Supreme Court (July 2014), have focused international attention on Uganda's punitive attitudes to the gay and lesbian community, the survival of colonial sodomy laws and the recent legislative campaigns to intensify anti-gay laws. Much international coverage has focused on the impact of religious campaigns from American Pentecostal and evangelical constituencies to alert Ugandans to the dangers of ‘homosexuality’. International press coverage has also often characterised Uganda as a deeply conservative, deeply religious country, where attitudes have traditionally been unsympathetic to gays and lesbians, and to sexual expressions which deviate from the heterosexual norm. This paper challenges many of these stereotypes. It attempts to show that American conservative religion is neither as widespread nor as important as the publicity accorded to it suggests. The paper seeks to demonstrate that the majority religious communities, the Roman Catholic Church and Anglican Church of Uganda, are deeply embedded within Ugandan culture, and are much more important as shapers of public opinion and in echoing public sentiment than Pentecostal churches. In that sense the anti-homosexuality campaign cannot be primarily seen as a response to recent external conservative influences. The two major churches claim to speak for the vast majority of Ugandans, and to have a central role in shaping debates about the ethical foundations of Uganda's social, spiritual and political life. Their influence on the debates about homosexuality has been decisive in a number of ways, which will be explored in this paper. Nevertheless, despite the churches' recent intervention in opposition to Gay rights, the paper seeks to question the idea that Uganda's culture is as solidly homophobic as is sometimes portrayed, both by Ugandans keen to assert that homosexuality is alien to Africa, and international critics keen to characterise Uganda as deeply entrenched in homophobia. On the contrary, the paper seeks to show that homophobia is, if anything, quite a recent phenomenon in Uganda, and is relatively shallow. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 127-144 Issue: 1 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.987509 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.987509 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:1:p:127-144 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_987508_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Caroline Valois Author-X-Name-First: Caroline Author-X-Name-Last: Valois Title: Virtual access: the Ugandan ‘anti-gay’ movement, lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender blogging and the public sphere Abstract: In recent years the proposal, passage and overturn of the Anti-Homosexuality Legislation in Uganda have brought an onslaught of international attention to the nation. Featured throughout the international press, Uganda is frequently depicted as a nation fixed in overt homophobia. Anti-gay discourse is omnipresent in the Ugandan public sphere, and reflects a broader moral revolution in the nation. Television and radio broadcasts, periodicals and evangelical Christian sermons frequently denounce the ‘growing threat’ that homosexuality poses to the nation. Yet, accessibility to the Internet has allowed some Ugandan lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) bloggers to express resistance, contesting anti-gay discourse dominating the Ugandan public sphere. In this way, LGBT blogs act as a site for claims of equal citizenship. By maintaining anonymity, the cybersphere provides a ‘safe space’ for the production of LGBT discourse by Ugandan bloggers. The purpose of this paper is to examine how two Ugandan bloggers have utilised the medium as a site of resistance to dominant anti-gay discourse, while expressing queer identity online. In the context of a bounded public sphere that limits the performance of ‘alternative’ sexualities, the Internet offers public space to claim Ugandan citizenship. Yet, limitations to online access both restrict the types and ways particular forms of sexuality are expressed, and reduce more ‘local’ or private manifestations detached from identity. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 145-162 Issue: 1 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.987508 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.987508 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:1:p:145-162 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_993210_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Øystein H. Rolandsen Author-X-Name-First: Øystein H. Author-X-Name-Last: Rolandsen Title: Another civil war in South Sudan: the failure of Guerrilla Government? Abstract: Popular explanations for the outbreak of a new civil war in South Sudan have centred on ethnic factors and leadership personalities. This article demonstrates that the conflict is rooted in deep cleavages within the ruling political party, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM). When internal tensions came to a head in late 2013, a combination of neopatrimonial politics, a weak state structure and legacies of violence from the previous civil war allowed this to escalate into a full-scale armed conflict. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 163-174 Issue: 1 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.993210 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.993210 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:1:p:163-174 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_729786_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nadine Beckmann Author-X-Name-First: Nadine Author-X-Name-Last: Beckmann Title: Medicines of hope? The tough decision for anti-retroviral use for HIV in Zanzibar, Tanzania Abstract: The provision of free anti-retroviral treatment for AIDS in Zanzibar since March 2005 is the result of enormous struggles at a global scale and has provided immense relief for sufferers. At the same time, the new “medicines of hope”, as they quickly became known, have produced new uncertainties about how best to respond to HIV/AIDS, both for the infected individual and for the society at large. ART programmes make possible a biologised, pharmaceutical life. Drawing on three case studies this paper shows how HIV-positive people struggle to make decisions in an environment characterised by deep uncertainties about the nature and causes of HIV/AIDS in particular, and about the continuity of Zanzibari society in general. It argues that health interventions cannot be orientated to “life itself”; they must be attuned to the contexts in which life takes place. Analysing people's actions and behaviours in the context of their lives-as-lived throws light onto apparently irrational decisions and emphasises the importance of an in-depth understanding of local moral worlds and social contexts. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 690-708 Issue: 4 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.729786 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.729786 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:4:p:690-708 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_735418_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Paola Ivanov Author-X-Name-First: Paola Author-X-Name-Last: Ivanov Title: Constructing translocal socioscapes: consumerism, aesthetics, and visuality in Zanzibar Town Abstract: In examining the burgeoning practices of conspicuous consumption of imported commodities in contemporary Zanzibar Town, this contribution seeks to go beyond simplifying interpretations of non-Western consumerism by focusing on the significance of aesthetics and beauty in Zanzibar's social life. Following Alfred Gell, aesthetics is seen as a “technology of enchantment”. It deploys its effectiveness in an agonistic as well as unifying sense in the course of ceremonial exchanges of the gift of beauty, which in turn serves as a veiled disclosure of socioeconomic and moral values in a Muslim world characterised by the habitus of “covering”. It is argued that the topic of aesthetics, which is mostly neglected by anthropology, provides a clue to a deeper understanding of key processes of constructing difference and value, as well as of community building in Swahili societies. Such a perspective reveals specific, culturally shaped patterns not only of consumerism, but also of relating to the social and material world which cannot be subsumed under Western models. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 631-654 Issue: 4 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.735418 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.735418 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:4:p:631-654 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_729779_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Iain Walker Author-X-Name-First: Iain Author-X-Name-Last: Walker Title: Is social capital fungible? The rise and fall of the Sanduk microcredit project in Ngazidja Abstract: In 1993 the Sanduk, a French microcredit project that was explicitly modelled on the Bangladeshi Grameen Bank, was established on Ngazidja. Reasoning that in order to succeed the project would need to adapt to local conditions, the project operators drew up a blueprint for the project that was inspired by the Grameen Bank but attentive to the specific social and cultural context, thus merging Bangladeshi principles of social solidarity with a Ngazidja cultural context. The concept of social capital was invoked and oversight of the bank conferred upon customary authority figures, the assumption being that men who had acquired status in a ritual context would be able to exercise authority over the banks debtors. This proved not to be the case; many of the banks found themselves operating without effective control and were chronically dysfunctional. This paper looks at how the concept of social capital framed thinking within the project management, and suggests why this led to failure. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 709-726 Issue: 4 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.729779 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.729779 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:4:p:709-726 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_708545_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Mary Sundal Author-X-Name-First: Mary Author-X-Name-Last: Sundal Title: Not in my hospital: Karimojong indigenous healing and biomedicine Abstract: This article presents data collected over 10 months of ethnographic fieldwork in 2006–2007 on the interactions between users of Karimojong indigenous medicine and biomedicine. The Karimojong agropastoralists live in northeast Uganda and rely on local healers to treat illness, bless pending cattle raids, and maintain the spiritual health of communities. Indigenous practice has incorporated various biomedical insights, but the Western-based health sector has not as readily welcomed Karimojong local healing as a viable therapeutic strategy forcing some healers to covertly work in hospitals and clinics. Their work underscores their importance to community well-being and as advocates of holistic healthcare; without them, biomedical health centers will not fully answer to the patients' needs. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 571-590 Issue: 4 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.708545 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.708545 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:4:p:571-590 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_729778_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Martin Walsh Author-X-Name-First: Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Walsh Author-Name: Helle Goldman Author-X-Name-First: Helle Author-X-Name-Last: Goldman Title: Chasing imaginary leopards: science, witchcraft and the politics of conservation in Zanzibar Abstract: The Zanzibar leopard (Panthera pardus adersi) is (was) a little-known subspecies endemic to Unguja island. Rapid population growth and the expansion of farming in the twentieth century destroyed leopard habitat and decimated their natural prey, bringing them into increasing conflict with people. Villagers explained the growing number of attacks on their children and livestock by supposing that the leopards responsible for them were owned by witches and sent by them to do harm. Following the Zanzibar Revolution in 1964, localised efforts to act on this theory culminated in an island-wide leopard eradication and witch-finding campaign, supported by the government. By the 1990s state-subsidised hunting had brought the leopard to the brink of extinction, and most zoologists now presume it to be extinct. However, many islanders believe that leopard keepers are still active in rural Unguja and sightings of leopards continue to be reported. Beguiled by such narratives, visiting researchers and local conservationists have continued to pursue these elusive felids. In this paper we describe and analyse a series of unsuccessful “kept leopard chases”, including abortive calls by government officials for the capture and display of domesticated leopards. These quixotic efforts show no signs of abating, and the underlying conflicts of knowledge and practice remain unresolved, posing a challenge to the theory and practice of conservation not only in Zanzibar but also further afield. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 727-746 Issue: 4 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.729778 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.729778 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:4:p:727-746 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_750459_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Erratum Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 747-747 Issue: 4 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.750459 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.750459 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:4:p:747-747 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_729785_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Alessandra Vianello Author-X-Name-First: Alessandra Author-X-Name-Last: Vianello Title: One hundred years in Brava: The migration of the ʿUmar Bā ʿUmar from Hadhramaut to East Africa and back, c. 1890–1990 Abstract: Contacts between Arabia and the East African Coast, which have marked the history of the western part of the Indian Ocean since ancient times, have often involved the migration of individuals and groups of people who have contributed to the shaping of the Swahili society. However, details of group migrations from Arabia (even comparatively recent) remain to this day largely unexplored as to their causes, the impact the newcomers had on the East African societies, and their material and cultural contribution to the Swahili coastal centres. It has also never been assessed how long it took an Arab migrant group to become fully integrated into their new socio-economic environment. This paper tries to answer some of these questions by illustrating a migration that took place in the late nineteenth century and involved almost the entire South-Arabian qabila of the ʿUmar Bā ʿUmar, originally settled in and around Ghayl Bā Wazīr, some 30 km inland from the ports of Mukalla and Shihr. This group left the Hadhramaut in the 1880s and eventually settled in Brava, a coastal city of Southern Somalia, c. 1890. The first mention of their presence in East Africa is found in the judicial records of Brava, which have been preserved for the period 1893–1900. The events that marked the subsequent period, up to the present, have been reconstructed through personal observations by the author and oral information collected mainly in Brava, which the ʿUmar Bā ʿUmar left when the outbreak of the civil war in Somalia forced them to return to their original home town in the Hadhramaut. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 655-671 Issue: 4 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.729785 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.729785 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:4:p:655-671 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_729774_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Gabriel Lambert Author-X-Name-First: Gabriel Author-X-Name-Last: Lambert Title: “If the government were not here we would kill him” – continuity and change in response to the Witchcraft Ordinances in Nyanza, Kenya, c1910–1960 Abstract: The Kenyan Witchcraft Ordinances, passed by the British administration in 1909 then revised in 1918 and 1925 represented an attempt by the colonial government to control the punishment of a variety of magical practitioners. This article examines how successfully they were applied in Nyanza. Administrators and judges were forced to recognise their own ignorance of what constituted an offence and leave definitional control of witchcraft in the hands of local people, especially after 1933 when Native Tribunals were authorised and actively encouraged to hear most of the cases. There remained a fundamental incompatibility between the “cognitive map” that underpinned beliefs in the power of magic and a colonial rational–legal judicial system that relied on empirical evidence. Despite indications to the contrary, British officials persisted in their claim that such “superstitions” would naturally decline with the advance of education. In this context the colonial mindset had a lesser claim to reality than belief in the power of magic. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 613-630 Issue: 4 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.729774 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.729774 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:4:p:613-630 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_729773_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Archie Matheson Author-X-Name-First: Archie Author-X-Name-Last: Matheson Title: : Zanzibar's remarkable reconciliation and Government of National Unity Abstract: Within the last three years the political situation in Zanzibar has undergone a staggering transformation, from the enduring division which has beset the islands since independence in 1963, to a harmonious Government of National Unity (GNU) formed by two previously antagonistic parties. This change, however, has been overlooked by both academia and the international media. In light of persisting historiographical disagreements and the lack of evidence and analysis referring to the past decade, this paper takes considerable care to set the previous political environment in context. Having done so, the paper draws from interviews with inhabitants of the long-marginalised island of Pemba and senior political figures in order to document the development and effect of the reconciliation process, known as Maridhiano, at both parliamentary and local levels. It shows the GNU to have improved both democratic practices and community relations. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 591-612 Issue: 4 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.729773 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.729773 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:4:p:591-612 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_750462_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Editorial Board Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: ebi-ebi Issue: 4 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.750462 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.750462 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:4:p:ebi-ebi Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_729781_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Marie-Aude Fouéré Author-X-Name-First: Marie-Aude Author-X-Name-Last: Fouéré Title: Reinterpreting revolutionary Zanzibar in the media today: The case of newspaper Abstract: For years, the official narrative of the Zanzibari nation imposed a specific conception of identity and citizenship built on a racial understanding of the Isles' history and the silencing of collective memories of violence perpetrated by the 1964–1972 regime. The democratization process of the mid-1990s allowed for the emergence of a critical public sphere which contributed to the public circulation of alternative national imaginaries and the resurfacing of clandestine collective memories. This paper explores the role of the press in the production and circulation of alternative narratives of the 1964 Revolution and its aftermath by focusing on a newspaper called Dira. It shows how issues raised by the newspaper's memory entrepreneurs engage with collective representations of belonging and the nation in Zanzibar. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 672-689 Issue: 4 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.729781 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.729781 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:4:p:672-689 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1575513_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Gianluca Iazzolino Author-X-Name-First: Gianluca Author-X-Name-Last: Iazzolino Author-Name: Mohamed Hersi Author-X-Name-First: Mohamed Author-X-Name-Last: Hersi Title: Shelter from the storm: Somali migrant networks in Uganda between international business and regional geopolitics Abstract: Recent years have seen a dramatic increase in the Somali population in Uganda. This spike reflects a new development in the history of Somali mobility in East Africa, shaped both by crises and by opportunities, from which sophisticated transnational and translocal strategies have emerged. In this article, we draw attention to these strategies to understand continuity and change in Somali migrant networks in Kampala, highlighting the dual significance of Uganda both as a safe haven and as a stepping stone for upward social mobility and business expansion across the region and beyond. By describing the entanglement of needs and aspirations driving the mobility and livelihood strategies of Somali refugees, students and entrepreneurs, we argue that the historical trajectory of the Somali community in Uganda over the past 30 years has been shaped by the interaction of pre-existing linkages and an institutional framework defined by a mix of donor-oriented policies and presidential patronage. We identify three moments in which Museveni’s ability to ‘manage donors’ perceptions’ has had implications for the economic, demographic and political configuration of the Somali diaspora in Uganda: the economic liberalisation of the 1990s; the 2006 Refugee Act; and the 2007 deployment of UPDF in Uganda. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 371-388 Issue: 3 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1575513 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1575513 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:3:p:371-388 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1579432_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Paddy Kinyera Author-X-Name-First: Paddy Author-X-Name-Last: Kinyera Author-Name: Martin Doevenspeck Author-X-Name-First: Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Doevenspeck Title: Imagined futures, mobility and the making of oil conflicts in Uganda Abstract: In this paper, we examine how oil-related activities in the Albertine region have the potential to influence conflicts of different forms and intensity in Uganda, a new African oil producer in the making. We view this through the lens of the future, for which we propose the ‘in-the-making’ perspective. Through this approach we identify three geographies of conflict, framed around three local narratives on mobility, namely: the peripatetic tradition of a social group commonly known as ‘Balaalo’, speculative labour mobility and ensuing narratives about oil-induced pressure on fishing, and the link between elephant mobility and community grievances. With this paper we seek to contribute to the growing body of empirical research on Uganda’s oilscape, and add a case to the existing work on the interface between oil exploitation and social practices across various oil-producing world regions. We conclude that in Uganda’s pre-oil situation, the emergence of complex local narratives, resulting from a combination of lack-or inadequacy-of information, pre-existing but low-lying ethnic sentiments, and institutional challenges, are important indicators of how materialities of the future frame relationships within societies today. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 389-408 Issue: 3 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1579432 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1579432 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:3:p:389-408 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1605770_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Rasmus Hundsbæk Pedersen Author-X-Name-First: Rasmus Author-X-Name-Last: Hundsbæk Pedersen Author-Name: Peter Bofin Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Bofin Title: Muted market signals: politics, petroleum investments and regulatory developments in Tanzania Abstract: This article contributes to an emergent literature identifying expectations and domestic politics as the drivers of change in Africa’s ‘new oil’-producing countries. Whereas much attention has been paid to weak institutions as an explanation for the resource curse that has marred Africa’s petroleum economies, the article points to the interplay between oil markets and domestic politics that is still under-researched. Based on empirical research into contractual and regulatory changes in mainland Tanzania, the article provides an overview of the development of the country’s petroleum sector and argues that for a new oil country it is a constant struggle to keep abreast of market signals. Changes to contractual and regulatory regimes therefore tend to come rather late in the price cycle, both when high global oil prices allow for tougher fiscal terms and when falling prices call for downward adjustments. This was the case historically and is no less the case in today’s resource nationalist environment, in which terms have been toughened despite falling global oil prices. Driven by electoral politics, decision-making has been politicized to such extent that exploration activities have come to an almost complete halt and no new contracts are being signed. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 409-427 Issue: 3 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1605770 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1605770 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:3:p:409-427 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1599246_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Allard Duursma Author-X-Name-First: Allard Author-X-Name-Last: Duursma Title: He who pays the piper, calls the tune? Non-African involvement in Sudan’s African-led mediation processes Abstract: In spite of a strong preference for African solutions to African conflicts within the African system of states, non-African third parties are frequently involved in mediation in Africa, most frequently in cooperation with African third parties. Yet, the factors that explain the outcomes of non-African involvement remain largely understudied. This article addresses this gap in research through employing a comparative case study between the Naivasha peace process between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement that led to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005 and the Abuja peace process between the Government of Sudan and the Darfurian rebels that led to the Darfur Peace Agreement in 2006. These cases suggest that non-African leverage coordinated by African third parties enhances the prospects for mediation success, while uncoordinated non-African leverage seems to supplant efforts of African third parties. The phrase African solutions to African challenges should therefore be understood as a division of labour, rather than an excuse for non-African third parties to ignore Africa’s problems or African third parties acting on their own. While African third parties should take the lead in resolving civil wars in Africa, non-African third parties should support these processes by lending additional strength. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 428-444 Issue: 3 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1599246 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1599246 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:3:p:428-444 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1628384_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Molly Sundberg Author-X-Name-First: Molly Author-X-Name-Last: Sundberg Title: Donors dealing with ‘aid effectiveness’ inconsistencies: national staff in foreign aid agencies in Tanzania Abstract: In the name of ‘aid effectiveness,’ public foreign aid is meant to be an equal partnership between donors and recipients of aid, while at the same time proving its efficiency to taxpayers in donor countries. Moreover, as state institutions, public aid agencies are required to follow their own bureaucratic regulations, and increasingly so also those of their partner institutions, while simultaneously managing aid in the most cost-efficient way. This article turns the spotlight on a category of aid workers who help foreign aid agencies manoeuvre through these conflicting objectives: the desk officers employed locally by donor agencies in aid-recipient countries. The article centres on Tanzania, a country at the forefront of the aid effectiveness agenda, illustrating well the tensions it embodies. Tanzanian desk officers advance donor conditionality and circumvent heavy bureaucratic regulation by tapping into their resources as locals. Such resources involve their identity as citizens with a right to hold the Tanzanian government accountable for how it spends development money. They also involve desk officers’ personal networks in the Tanzanian development industry, which help agencies expedite aid interventions – a resource important enough to be assessed by some foreign managers in the recruitment of national staff. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 445-464 Issue: 3 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1628384 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1628384 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:3:p:445-464 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1599196_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Thomas McNamara Author-X-Name-First: Thomas Author-X-Name-Last: McNamara Title: The limits of Malawian headmen’s agency in co-constructed development practice and narratives Abstract: Seeking to foreground the role of local agency in development practice, anthropologists laud chieftaincy for its ability to reshape development projects and narratives. However, studies commonly focus on the higher ranks of hierarchical chieftaincies or present chieftaincy as a homogenous and unified institution. This has led to an overstatement of sub-chiefs’ ability to influence development projects and discourses. This article explores the relationship between Malawian villagers and three NGOs, Mbwezi, Nkuvira and GreenEarth. The former two had permanent offices in a small Malawian community, their wealth and the westernization-as-development they promised, prevented village headmen (the lowest strata of Malawian chief) from credulously linking development to traditional rule. The latter’s work in a village distant from its office was utilized by a headman to enhance his legitimacy. This article explores the interplay between village headmen’s agency, chiefly hierarchies and international development signifiers. It argues that headmen’s involvement in a development activity neither inherently confers legitimacy to a project nor represents a local co-creation of development. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 465-484 Issue: 3 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1599196 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1599196 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:3:p:465-484 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1603960_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Karin van Bemmel Author-X-Name-First: Karin Author-X-Name-Last: van Bemmel Title: Phone calls and political ping-pong: nodding syndrome and healthcare provision in Uganda Abstract: This article pays attention to the poorly understood nodding syndrome (NS) and its political connotations, while exploring a case of mortality in northern Uganda. The appearance of a novel set of symptoms combined with heated debates in national media and parliament, resulted in the creation of a parallel healthcare system for children afflicted by NS. This article increases our understanding of the role of the state in healthcare provision and the range of factors influencing the outcomes of, and perceptions of, healthcare programmes. The political constellations that arise from the emergence of NS should be seen within a historical framework of regional politics. The government is perceived as an important actor in the delivery of healthcare, but is also subjected to a lot of distrust that has built up over recent decades in northern Uganda. The response to NS raises questions on the status of Acholi as citizens of Uganda and reveals feelings of detachment from the national healthcare system. By publicly questioning the role of government, the affected families have become participants in the political arena. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 485-503 Issue: 3 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1603960 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1603960 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:3:p:485-503 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1628364_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Almudena Hernando Author-X-Name-First: Almudena Author-X-Name-Last: Hernando Author-Name: Alfredo González-Ruibal Author-X-Name-First: Alfredo Author-X-Name-Last: González-Ruibal Author-Name: Worku Derara-Megenassa Author-X-Name-First: Worku Author-X-Name-Last: Derara-Megenassa Title: The Dats’in: historical experience and cultural identity of an undocumented indigenous group of the Sudanese-Ethiopian borderland Abstract: The Dats’in are an indigenous minority group living on the Sudanese-Ethiopian borderland. They passed unnoticed to researchers, administrators and the wider world until 2013, when the authors of this paper met them in the lowlands of Qwara (NW Ethiopia). They speak an undocumented Nilo-Saharan language, related to Gumuz, and share important cultural and social traits with other indigenous communities in the area, while at the same time remaining clearly distinct. Dats’in history, which is related to that of the so-called Hamej peoples – the blanket name by which they are known to other groups – can be traced back several centuries through oral traditions, texts and archaeology. The Hamej, in fact, played a crucial role during the Funj Sultanate (1504–1821) and probably before. The present article is based on three field seasons carried out in the lowlands of Qwara (Ethiopia), one of the areas where they live today, and intends to offer some insights into their history and culture. They exemplify well the multifaceted relations between small-scale and State societies that have characterized the last millennium in the Sudanese-Ethiopian borderland. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 504-524 Issue: 3 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1628364 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1628364 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:3:p:504-524 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1628163_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Katie Valliere Streit Author-X-Name-First: Katie Valliere Author-X-Name-Last: Streit Title: South Asian entrepreneurs in the automotive age: negotiating a place of belonging in colonial and post-colonial Tanzania Abstract: This article examines the integral role that South Asians fulfilled in the history of motorized road transportation in Tanzania during the twentieth century. Drawing on oral and archival evidence, it argues that the expansion and success of inter-regional, commercial, automotive transportation in southern Tanzania during the British colonial era depended upon the efforts of the region’s Indian commercial community. The Amin family, in particular, created one of the most successful road transportation firms in the territory, called the Tanganyika Transport Company Ltd. or Teeteeko. As national discourse shifted in opposition to entrepreneurial autonomy and African-Asian relations deteriorated following Tanzanian independence, the Amins struggled to retain their status as respected capitalist entrepreneurs and public servants. Situated at the intersection of the automotive and business histories of Tanzania, the history of Teeteeko offers unique insights into the contradictory ways in which automobile ownership helped to shape conceptions of South Asian identity, entrepreneurship, and belonging in colonial and postcolonial Tanzania. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 525-545 Issue: 3 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1628163 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1628163 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:3:p:525-545 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1628103_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Karin Pallaver Author-X-Name-First: Karin Author-X-Name-Last: Pallaver Title: A currency muddle: resistance, materialities and the local use of money during the East African rupee crisis (1919–1923) Abstract: This article combines insights on colonial monetary policies and daily practices of money use, to discuss the impact of international monetary developments on the local usage of money during the rupee crisis in East Africa (1919–1923). To do so, the paper will follow two related lines of investigation. On one hand, it will analyse the protests against the depreciation of East African cents. Even if Africans were excluded from decision-making processes connected to currency, this organized protests offer an example of how Africans could make their voices heard in the official arena in which currency matters were discussed. On the other hand, the article will investigate individual acts of appropriation and rejection of colonial currencies that African societies developed during and after the rupee crisis. These acts partly altered the boundaries of subordination imposed by the colonial regime and made the process of colonial monetization a prolonged and negotiated transition that was, in part, shaped by monetary practices on the ground. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 546-564 Issue: 3 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1628103 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1628103 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:3:p:546-564 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1029296_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: John Harrington Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Harrington Author-Name: Ambreena Manji Author-X-Name-First: Ambreena Author-X-Name-Last: Manji Title: Restoring Leviathan? The Kenyan Supreme Court, constitutional transformation, and the presidential election of 2013 Abstract: This paper analyzes the Kenya Supreme Court's ruling in Odinga v IEBC, a petition challenging the declared outcome of the 2013 presidential election. The case was immediately significant given the hope that recourse to the courts would help to avoid widespread civil unrest which had followed the disputed presidential election of 2007. It was also a crucial test for the new dispensation established under the 2010 Constitution widely held to have broken with the authoritarian and unaccountable regimes which dominated Kenya both under colonialism and after independence. The paper critically reviews the reasoning of the Supreme Court on six key issues raised in the petition attending to the broader normative and political implications of the judgment. We argue that both in its substantive conclusions and in the style of reasoning adopted, Odinga v IEBC is inconsistent with the transformative ambitions underpinning the new constitution. Through its emphasis on evidential and procedural rules, rather than principled analysis, the judgment tends to reinforce the powers of the executive and the model of a unitary state beyond the reach of the law. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 175-192 Issue: 2 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1029296 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1029296 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:2:p:175-192 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1036499_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Davide Chinigò Author-X-Name-First: Davide Author-X-Name-Last: Chinigò Title: Historicising agrarian transformation. Agricultural commercialisation and social differentiation in Wolaita, southern Ethiopia Abstract: This article discusses contemporary agrarian transformation in southern Ethiopia from the perspective of how policies of agricultural commercialisation engender new patterns of rural social differentiation and politicisation of the land issue in the rural setting. By presenting a case of biofuels production through contract farming in Wolaita, the paper sheds light on the historical trajectory of agrarian transformation to elucidate the tensions of the current project of commercialisation. The article concludes that commercialisation of smallholder agriculture is a crucial feature of the country's strategy for socio-economic and political transformation and constitutes one of the main defining aspects of the self-declared ‘developmental state’ in Ethiopia. The current trajectory in Wolaita sees tangible rural social differentiation for the first time since the 1975 land reform. Beyond the success or failure of individual cases, commercialisation reflects two main layers of tension, present also elsewhere in Ethiopia's rural areas. The first has to do with the relationship between bureaucratic centralism and economic liberalisation; the second emerges from the implications of rural social stratification to the redefinition of the ruling elite's political consensus. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 193-211 Issue: 2 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1036499 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1036499 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:2:p:193-211 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1031859_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Elizabeth Laruni Author-X-Name-First: Elizabeth Author-X-Name-Last: Laruni Title: Regional and ethnic identities: the Acholi of Northern Uganda, 1950–1968 Abstract: Ethnic conflict in post-independence Uganda was a consequence of the confrontation between strong, ethnically divided local institutions and the post-colonial push for political centralisation, under the guise of nation building. To strengthen one, the other had to be weakened. Self-governance meant that the stakes for political power sharpened at national and local levels, ensuring that ethnic antipathies became more pronounced. Politicians who had succeeded within local politics were elevated to represent their various ethnic groups at the centre. However, these politicised ethnic demarcations were not, and should not, be considered a product of the Ugandan post-colonial state. Rather, they were a continuation of colonial political structures that had emphasised locality, ethnicities and the ‘tribe’. These were the same power structures that were embedded within Ugandan politics at the eve of independence. Uganda remains regionally divided between the ‘North’ and the ‘South’. Bantu-speaking ethnic groups in the southern, central, eastern and western areas of Uganda dominate the ‘South’. These include the Baganda, Basoga, Banyoro, Bagisu, Batoro and the Banyankole. The ‘North’, which is home to the Nilotic and Central Sudanic-speaking groups, encompasses the Acholi, Lango, Madi, Alur, Iteso and the Karamojong peoples. Historically, the political and ethnic divisions between the peoples of Northern and Southern Uganda have contributed to the country's contentious post-colonial history. Economic underdevelopment played a large part in fostering political tensions between the two regions, and served as useful tool for Acholi power brokers to negotiate for political and economic capital with the state, by utilising the politics of regional differentiation through the ‘Northern identity’. This article assesses how Acholi politicians utilised and then challenged the Northern identity from 1950 to 1968. It argues that in the face of political marginalisation from the late 1960s, Acholi ethnonationalism, rather than regional affiliations, became the most prominent identity used to challenge state authoritarianism. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 212-230 Issue: 2 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1031859 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1031859 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:2:p:212-230 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1021945_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ida Hadjivayanis Author-X-Name-First: Ida Author-X-Name-Last: Hadjivayanis Title: Integration and identity of Swahili speakers in Britain: case studies of Zanzibari women Abstract: An interesting feature of a growing number of the recently arrived Swahili-speaking communities in Britain is their parallel integration into the British society alongside their current integration into the newly emerging spread of ‘correct Islamic rituals’ as opposed to the old traditional ‘African Islamic’ ways from the Swahili coast. The new rituals with strong authorities offer social, emotional as well as economic support in relation to life-changing factors such as birth, death and marriage, and hence, in a way, adopt the role of the traditional Swahili extended family; although at the same time, they also act as alienating factors. This paper is an initial attempt at examining the extent to which the current integration has changed the cultural values and identities of the Swahili living in Britain. It aims at describing the socio-spatial dynamics and identity formation that has transcended the ‘original’ Swahili boundaries and how these are intricately linked to religion. To this end, three case studies of Zanzibari women in the recently arrived Swahili-speaking communities of London, Milton Keynes and Northampton will be presented. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 231-246 Issue: 2 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1021945 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1021945 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:2:p:231-246 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1018407_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Marianne Morange Author-X-Name-First: Marianne Author-X-Name-Last: Morange Title: Street trade, neoliberalisation and the control of space: Nairobi's Central Business District in the era of entrepreneurial urbanism Abstract: Studies focusing on street trade in sub-Saharan Africa place great importance on the continuity with the colonial period and on the neocolonial characteristics of public action. This frame of reference, however pertinent it might be, does not account for all of the dynamics at work. I argue that it can benefit from an additional reading of what I characterise as the neoliberal dynamics also at work in these processes, drawing from governmentality studies and from the theories of ‘the urbanisation of neoliberalism’. The article discusses this hypothesis by examining the evolution of spatial politics on the streets of Nairobi's Central Business District (CBD) in the 2000s, focusing on a specific episode: the displacement of the street traders to an enclosed market located on the outskirts of the CBD. The first section considers the policies of street trade in Nairobi since the colonial period and the changes in their meaning under entrepreneurial rule, questioning the hypothesis of the colonial continuity. I then turn to an analysis of the neoliberal features of current street trade policies. I detail the emergence of the private sector as a major actor in the governance of street trade and its instrumental role in the crafting of a consultative procedure that has helped to reframe the traders' relationship to the state around the ideal of the responsible entrepreneurial citizen and contributed to enrolment as active participants in their own relocation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 247-269 Issue: 2 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1018407 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1018407 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:2:p:247-269 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1036500_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jan Kuhanen Author-X-Name-First: Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Kuhanen Title: ‘No sex until marriage!’: moralism, politics and the realities of HIV prevention in Uganda, 1986–1996 Abstract: This article investigates the historical origins of Uganda's HIV and AIDS prevention and the challenges it faced. By utilising a variety of sources, the article draws a picture of the early prevention campaign that ended in crisis in 1990, the consequent refurbishment of anti-AIDS efforts in the early 1990s and the ideological and practical problems they faced. The article argues that before the mid-1990s the HIV prevention measures were reluctantly accepted by the majority of Ugandans and that not only the Ugandan public, but also the political leaders, donors and professionals involved in AIDS control in the early 1990s recognised this. The article puts the making of the Ugandan ‘success story’ in its historical context, suggesting that it may have involved motives of great urgency and significance for the future of anti-AIDS work in sub-Saharan Africa. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 270-288 Issue: 2 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1036500 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1036500 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:2:p:270-288 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1017334_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sophie De Feyter Author-X-Name-First: Sophie Author-X-Name-Last: De Feyter Title: ‘They are like crocodiles under water’: rumour in a slum upgrading project in Nairobi, Kenya Abstract: This article intends to build a bridge between the anthropological study of rumour and development studies. By analyzing the case study of an upgrading project in Mahali, an (anonymized) informal settlement in Nairobi, Kenya, the importance of rumour for development in practice is revealed. That importance is two-fold: first of all, it is a tool to fulfil personal interests in the interfactional negotiation over project resources, e.g. land, and the related power struggles. Second, it is a tool of sense-making and expression of agency in the uncertain context of a development project. Current literature notably describes development as a process of assemblage rife with gaps and with a tendency to exclude (local/supralocal) political–economic processes from its plans. In such a context, limited access to reliable information pushes people towards the alternative source of information that is rumour. The article looks into the factors contributing to rumour, specifically residents' experience of past events, interfactional conflicts over power and contextual uncertainty. It also discusses the combined effects of rumour on the slum upgrading intervention. Rumour has a definite effect on power struggles between factions as well as the livelihoods of other, less powerful, residents (for instance through displacement). It decreases the trust residents have in a development project as well as their willingness to invest time and effort in that project. Instead, it instigates conflict and occasionally even violence. However, rumour may also be considered a form of agency of weaker groups faced with a development intervention they do not agree with. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 289-306 Issue: 2 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1017334 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1017334 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:2:p:289-306 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1018498_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nina Wilén Author-X-Name-First: Nina Author-X-Name-Last: Wilén Author-Name: David Ambrosetti Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Ambrosetti Author-Name: Gérard Birantamije Author-X-Name-First: Gérard Author-X-Name-Last: Birantamije Title: Sending peacekeepers abroad, sharing power at home: Burundi in Somalia Abstract: This article attempts to answer how Burundi has become one of the main troop-contributing countries to international peacekeeping missions. To do this, it examines how the post-conflict political settlement between Burundian parties and external partners has impacted on the decision to deploy Burundian troops in multilateral peace operations in Africa. The authors claim that Burundi's decision to deploy troops, which took place in the midst of an overarching security sector reform, had a temporary stabilizing effect on the internal political balance due to several factors, including professionalization, prestige, and financial opportunities. From an international perspective, Burundi's role in peacekeeping has helped to reverse the image of Burundi as a post-conflict country in need of assistance to that of a peacebuilding state, offering assistance to others who are worse off. These factors taken together have also enhanced the possibilities for the Burundian Government to continue its trend of demanding independence from international oversight mechanisms and political missions, while maintaining good relations with donors, despite reports of increasing authoritarianism and limited political space. The article draws on significant fieldwork, including over 50 interviews with key actors in the field and complements the scarce literature on African troop-contributing states. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 307-325 Issue: 2 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1018498 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1018498 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:2:p:307-325 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1042627_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Richard Vokes Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Vokes Author-Name: David Mills Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Mills Title: ‘Time for School’? School fees, savings clubs and social reciprocity in Uganda Abstract: The past 25 years have witnessed sweeping educational reforms in Uganda. The introduction of ‘free’ Universal Primary Education (UPE, in 1998) and Universal Secondary Education (USE, in 2007) has raised social expectations about access to quality education. Over the same period the population of young people in Uganda has also grown dramatically. As a result hundreds of new primary and secondary schools have been established across the country. This article examines the social and economic consequences for a rural part of Southwest Uganda. Bringing together secondary data from national household surveys with detailed ethnographic research, the article highlights families’ material and social investments in schooling. It explores the costs faced by even the poorest households whose children attend ‘free’ government schools. Despite public investment, the poor quality of state provision has led to public frustration and demands for reforms. Survey data demonstrate that, as a result, wealthier households are investing in education, sending their children to private schools to benefit from smaller class sizes and better learning outcomes. The article describes how people use a range of social arrangements, including rotating savings and credit associations to manage school fees and access credit in this part of Uganda. Drawing on recent work by Graeber and others, we argue that people are creating new social relationships within these savings clubs. Whilst managing their financial commitments, people invoke and rework existing idioms of reciprocity, interdependence and patronage. The use of human capital theory to explain schooling choices in relation to individual economic or social ‘returns’ downplays the sociality of these arrangements. We argue that educational commitments are now an integral part of the Ugandan social landscape, generating aspiration, nurturing networks and creating new inequalities. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 326-342 Issue: 2 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1042627 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1042627 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:2:p:326-342 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1042629_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Mehmet Ozkan Author-X-Name-First: Mehmet Author-X-Name-Last: Ozkan Author-Name: Serhat Orakci Author-X-Name-First: Serhat Author-X-Name-Last: Orakci Title: Viewpoint: Turkey as a “political” actor in Africa – an assessment of Turkish involvement in Somalia Abstract: The crisis of food security in Somalia in 2011 prompted an increase in Turkish involvement in Eastern African politics. Initially started as a humanitarian response, Ankara's policy has evolved into a fully fledged Somalia policy with political and social dimensions. This article discusses the role and influence of Turkey in efforts bringing stability to Somalia. It is argued that Turkey's Somalia policy, as far as it has succeeded in short term, has not only located Turkey as a “political” actor in Africa but also expanded Turkey's Africa policy into a more complex and multifaceted one. As such, Turkey's experience in Somalia will have significant implications for its broader African agenda. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 343-352 Issue: 2 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1042629 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1042629 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:2:p:343-352 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_805077_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Martin Prowse Author-X-Name-First: Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Prowse Title: A history of tobacco production and marketing in Malawi, 1890–2010 Abstract: During the past century tobacco production and marketing in Nyasaland/Malawi has undergone periods of dynamism similar to changes since the early 1990s. This article highlights three recurrent patterns. First, estate owners have fostered or constrained peasant/smallholder production dependent on complementarities or competition with estates. Second, the rapid expansion of peasant/smallholder production has led to large multiplier effects in tobacco-rich districts. Third, such expansion has also led to re-regulation of the marketing of peasant/smallholder tobacco by the (colonial) state. The article concludes by assessing whether recent changes in the industry – such as district markets, contract farming with smallholders, and the importance of credence factors – have historical precedents, or are new developments in the industry. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 691-712 Issue: 4 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.805077 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.805077 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:4:p:691-712 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_817162_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tagel Gebrehiwot Author-X-Name-First: Tagel Author-X-Name-Last: Gebrehiwot Author-Name: Anne van der Veen Author-X-Name-First: Anne Author-X-Name-Last: van der Veen Title: Climate change vulnerability in Ethiopia: disaggregation of Tigray Region Abstract: Climate change and variability severely affect rural livelihoods and agricultural productivity, yet they are causes of stress vulnerable rural households have to cope with. This paper investigated farming communities' vulnerability to climate change and climate variability across 34 agricultural-based districts in Tigray, northern Ethiopia. It considered 24 biophysical and socio-economic indicators to reflect the three components of climate change vulnerability: exposure, sensitivity and adaptive capacity. A framework was used that combines exposure and sensitivity to produce potential impact, which was then compared with adaptive capacity in order to yield an overall measure of vulnerability. The classic statistical technique of factor analysis was applied to generate weights for the different indicators and an overall vulnerability index was constructed for the 34 rural districts. The analysis revealed that the districts deemed to be most vulnerable to climate change and variability overlapped with the most vulnerable populations. The most exposed farming communities showed a relatively low capacity for adaptation. The study further showed that vulnerability to climate change and variability is basically linked to social and economic developments. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 607-629 Issue: 4 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.817162 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.817162 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:4:p:607-629 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_818776_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Megan Hershey Author-X-Name-First: Megan Author-X-Name-Last: Hershey Title: Explaining the non-governmental organization (NGO) boom: the case of HIV/AIDS NGOs in Kenya Abstract: In the past two decades, Kenya has witnessed the rapid and unprecedented growth of local, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) within its borders. This trend reflects similar NGO sector growth throughout the developing world. Scholars have attributed the growth of these key civil society actors to an increasingly neoliberal orientation among international donors, an ideology which favors non-state service providers. Yet less research has been done on the state-level reasons for NGO sector growth. This article asks why the NGO sector has grown so rapidly in Kenya. Drawing on the example of HIV/AIDS-focused NGOs, an historical analysis of the proliferation of these organizations is offered. It is found that donor pressures to democratize helped lead to an environment that prompted NGO growth. It is then argued that the Kenyan government's failure to respond quickly to the HIV/AIDS crisis created the political space necessary for local NGOs to establish and grow. Also, democratic reforms increased civil liberties and reduced state harassment of NGOs. At the same time, the New Policy Agenda (NPA) adopted by major international donors led to increased funding opportunities for NGOs. This article contributes to the understanding of civil society development in Kenya by demonstrating that both international and domestic factors worked together to lay the groundwork for Kenya's active community of HIV/AIDS NGOs. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 671-690 Issue: 4 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.818776 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.818776 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:4:p:671-690 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_841023_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Cynthia Amati Author-X-Name-First: Cynthia Author-X-Name-Last: Amati Title: “We all voted for it”: experiences of participation in community-based ecotourism from the foothills of Mt Kilimanjaro Abstract: Kenya recognizes tourism as an important economic sector with significant potential to contribute to the national gross domestic product (GDP) and to the country's sustainable development goals. Ecotourism ideals intend to enable communities to benefit from the use of natural and cultural resources available to them by fostering sustainable socio-economic development while maintaining the integrity of those resources. Presently, participation in ecotourism and sustainable development is an issue of contention; mounting criticism due to lack of substantive outcomes, on the one hand, are weighed against conventional tourism characterized by the absence of community participation altogether, producing progressive discourse with the potential to revolutionize conceptualization and practice of participation. To engage with this debate, the objective of this study was to explore individual and household experiences of long-term participation in Kimana Community Wildlife Sanctuary, a former flagship ecotourism initiative in Kenya. Using secondary data, in-depth interviews, a survey, and participant observation in the community hosting the sanctuary, the study found conflicting experiences of participation, especially in the conceptualization and operation of their communal ecotourism initiative. Even though the initiative has been reported as being inclusive and profitable, the study found differentiated experiences of participation, some of which were congruent and others incongruent with the positive ecotourism outcomes previously reported for this initiative. The study advocates reflexive participation by the community together with national and local institutional changes in order to substantiate community power to impact meaningfully upon the performance of community-based ecotourism partnerships. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 650-670 Issue: 4 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.841023 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.841023 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:4:p:650-670 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_841024_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Christian Opitz Author-X-Name-First: Christian Author-X-Name-Last: Opitz Author-Name: Hanne Fjelde Author-X-Name-First: Hanne Author-X-Name-Last: Fjelde Author-Name: Kristine Höglund Author-X-Name-First: Kristine Author-X-Name-Last: Höglund Title: Including peace: the influence of electoral management bodies on electoral violence Abstract: What accounts for the difference between peaceful and violent elections in semi-authoritarian countries? This article analyses the influence of electoral management bodies (EMBs) on the likelihood of widespread violence triggered by opposition protest during election times. It is argued that by establishing inclusive and collaborative relationships through which political actors can jointly negotiate important electoral issues, EMBs influence the incentive structure of the major stakeholders in favour of non-violent strategies. The relationship is explored by comparing elections in Malawi (2004), Ethiopia (2005) and Zanzibar (2005). The analysis supports the idea that inclusive EMBs, rather than legal independence, are critical to guarantee the influence of the opposition in order to address both their interests and their mistrust of electoral politics. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 713-731 Issue: 4 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.841024 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.841024 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:4:p:713-731 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_841025_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Rachel Perks Author-X-Name-First: Rachel Author-X-Name-Last: Perks Title: Digging into the past: critical reflections on Rwanda's pursuit for a domestic mineral economy Abstract: Since 2009, mineral development and trade strategies in the Great Lakes region of central Africa have been tied more closely to security rather than to economic development agendas. This shift has resulted largely from the emergence in 2009 of a ‘conflict minerals’ label coined by Western advocacy organizations, aimed at limiting armed groups access to mineral resources. The ‘conflict minerals’ debate perpetuates a dual single-story narrative to do with mining, namely: firstly, the single story of the region – one in which minerals, particularly those from artisanal and small-scale mining, are a source of capital for armed conflict and outside state building; and secondly, the single story of Rwanda – one in which the country compensates for its lack of significant mineral wealth by sourcing from neighbouring countries. This paper looks at Rwandan mining history prior to the genocide, and reforms since 2000, challenging the dual single-story narrative, and showing how a focus on the security imperative to delink mining from conflict poses severe limitations to the long-term growth of the these economies. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 732-750 Issue: 4 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.841025 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.841025 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:4:p:732-750 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_841026_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Georgina Pearson Author-X-Name-First: Georgina Author-X-Name-Last: Pearson Author-Name: Caroline Barratt Author-X-Name-First: Caroline Author-X-Name-Last: Barratt Author-Name: Janet Seeley Author-X-Name-First: Janet Author-X-Name-Last: Seeley Author-Name: Ali Ssetaala Author-X-Name-First: Ali Author-X-Name-Last: Ssetaala Author-Name: Georgina Nabbagala Author-X-Name-First: Georgina Author-X-Name-Last: Nabbagala Author-Name: Gershim Asiki Author-X-Name-First: Gershim Author-X-Name-Last: Asiki Title: Making a livelihood at the fish-landing site: exploring the pursuit of economic independence amongst Ugandan women Abstract: Qualitative life history data were used to explore the experiences of women who live at five fish-landing sites on Lake Victoria, Uganda. We explored what economic and social opportunities women have in order to try to understand why some women are more vulnerable to violence and other risks than others and why some women are able to create successful enterprises while others struggle to make a living. The ability of women to create a viable livelihood at the landing sites was influenced by a wide variety of factors. Women who had or were able to access capital when they arrived at the landing site to set up their own enterprise had a significant advantage over those who did not, particularly in avoiding establishing sexual relationships in order to get support. Being able to establish their own business enabled women to avoid lower paid and more risky work such as fish processing and selling or working in bars. The development of landing sites and the leisure industry may be having an impact on how women earn money at the landing sites, with the most desirable economic opportunities not necessarily being connected directly to fishing. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 751-765 Issue: 4 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.841026 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.841026 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:4:p:751-765 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_842090_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sophie Blanchy Author-X-Name-First: Sophie Author-X-Name-Last: Blanchy Title: Beyond ‘Great Marriage’: collective involvement, personal achievement and social change in Ngazidja (Comoros) Abstract: The sumptuous ‘Great Marriage’ celebration in Ngazidja, Comoros, is a very dynamic social practice, but it is difficult to comprehend its attraction given the increasing cost. This paper argues that the ‘Great Marriage’ is the most salient part of an age system that should be carefully examined. The framework, in which collective commitment and individual achievement are managed simultaneously, and gendered conception of personhood and of human temporality are put into action, has no equivalent in Western life. Grounded in historical hierarchies, these institutions change under various influences without abandoning the core values on which they are based, which explains their enduring success. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 569-587 Issue: 4 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.842090 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.842090 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:4:p:569-587 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_842369_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Francesca Declich Author-X-Name-First: Francesca Author-X-Name-Last: Declich Title: Transmission of Muslim practices and women's agency in Ibo Island and Pemba (Mozambique) Abstract: Ibo and the entire group of the Querimbas Islands have been among the crucial natural harboring areas of the Mozambican northern coast. The main islands have been meeting points for people and traders from many countries within the Indian Ocean and a place where Islam has flourished since at least the 16th century. Nowadays in Ibo, quranic school education is also offered by women teachers who, as well as men, perform Muslim celebrations typical of the locally present brotherhoods. This paper will analyze the present trend in Muslim practices on Ibo Island and Pemba town and the relevant role women played and are playing. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 588-606 Issue: 4 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.842369 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.842369 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:4:p:588-606 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_843965_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Gaim Kibreab Author-X-Name-First: Gaim Author-X-Name-Last: Kibreab Title: The national service/Warsai-Yikealo Development Campaign and forced migration in post-independence Eritrea Abstract: When the Eritrean war of independence (1961–1991) that forced hundreds of thousands of people to flee in search of international protection came to a victorious end in May 1991, the general expectation was that this would decisively eliminate the factors that prompt people to flee in search of international protection. Paradoxically, the achievement of independence has failed to stem the flow. Since 2002, hundreds of thousands of young men and women have been fleeing the country to seek asylum first in Sudan and Ethiopia and subsequently in the rest of the world. The data on which the study is based is gathered using snowball sampling, focus group interviews and key informants in Sudan, Ethiopia, the UK, Switzerland, Norway, South Africa, Kenya and Sweden, and supplemented by United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other secondary sources. Although it is acknowledged that forced migration is the result of inextricably entwined multiple factors, the question addressed in the article is the extent to which the large-scale displacement that has been taking place in the post-independence period is the consequence of the detrimental effects of the universal, compulsory and indefinite national service (NS) and its concomitant, the Warsai-Yikealo Development Campaign (WYDC) on the agelglot (servers) and their families. It is argued that the most important drivers of forced migration in post-independence Eritrea have been the harmful effects of the universal and the indefinite NS and the WYDC on the livelihoods and well being of servers and their families. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 630-649 Issue: 4 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.843965 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.843965 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:4:p:630-649 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_863655_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Editorial Board Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: ebi-ebi Issue: 4 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.863655 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.863655 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:4:p:ebi-ebi Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_890446_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nic Cheeseman Author-X-Name-First: Nic Author-X-Name-Last: Cheeseman Author-Name: Gabrielle Lynch Author-X-Name-First: Gabrielle Author-X-Name-Last: Lynch Author-Name: Justin Willis Author-X-Name-First: Justin Author-X-Name-Last: Willis Title: Dedication Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 1-1 Issue: 1 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.890446 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.890446 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:1:p:1-1 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_874105_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nic Cheeseman Author-X-Name-First: Nic Author-X-Name-Last: Cheeseman Author-Name: Gabrielle Lynch Author-X-Name-First: Gabrielle Author-X-Name-Last: Lynch Author-Name: Justin Willis Author-X-Name-First: Justin Author-X-Name-Last: Willis Title: Democracy and its discontents: understanding Kenya's 2013 elections Abstract: In the months leading up to Kenya's general election in March 2013, there was much concern – both within Kenya itself and internationally – that political competition would trigger a fresh wave of ethnic violence. However, the 2013 elections passed off largely peacefully, despite an unexpected presidential result and fact that the losing candidate, Raila Odinga, appealed the outcome to the Supreme Court. This article argues that Kenya avoided political unrest as a result of four interconnected processes. A dramatic political realignment brought former rivals together and gave them an incentive to diffuse ethnic tensions; a pervasive ‘peace narrative’ delegitimized political activity likely to lead to political instability; partial democratic reforms conferred new legitimacy on the electoral and political system; and a new constitution meant that many voters who ‘lost’ nationally in the presidential election ‘won’ in local contests. This election thus provides two important lessons for the democratization literature. First, processes of gradual reform may generate more democratic political systems in the long-run, but in the short-run they can empower the political establishment. Second, sacrificing justice on the altar of stability risks a ‘negative peace’ that may be associated with an increased sense of marginalization and exclusion among some communities – raising the prospects for unrest in the future. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 2-24 Issue: 1 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.874105 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.874105 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:1:p:2-24 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_874142_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Susanne D. Mueller Author-X-Name-First: Susanne D. Author-X-Name-Last: Mueller Title: Kenya and the International Criminal Court (ICC): politics, the election and the law Abstract: Kenya's 2013 election was supremely important, but for a reason not normally highlighted or discussed. Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto's run for president and deputy president as International Criminal Court (ICC) indictees was a key strategy to deflect the court and to insulate themselves from its power once they won the election. The paper maintains that the strategy entailed a set of delaying tactics and other pressures to ensure that the trials would not take place until after the election when their political power could be used to maximum effect to halt or delay them. However, unlike in 2007–08, the 2013 election did not result in mass violence. The Kenyatta–Ruto alliance united former ethnic antagonists in a defensive reaction to the ICC. The analysis has implications for theories seeking to explain why countries ratify and comply with treaties. It develops an alternative political economy argument to account for outliers like Kenya and has implications for international criminal justice and democracy in Kenya. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 25-42 Issue: 1 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.874142 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.874142 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:1:p:25-42 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_869008_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Stephen Brown Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Brown Author-Name: Rosalind Raddatz Author-X-Name-First: Rosalind Author-X-Name-Last: Raddatz Title: Dire consequences or empty threats? Western pressure for peace, justice and democracy in Kenya Abstract: This paper examines Western countries' pressure – or lack thereof – for peace, justice and democracy in Kenya. It analyzes the period since the 2008 National Accord, which defused the 2007–08 post-election crisis, focusing on the lead-up to and immediate aftermath of the 2013 elections. The paper draws extensively on interviews conducted in 2008, 2010, 2012 and 2013 with Western officials based in Nairobi, as well as informed Kenyans. It argues, first, that recent Western pressure is the latest iteration of a consistent pattern of donors not enforcing stated conditions for future support, causing diminishing returns. Second, donors not only have been reluctant to use potential leverage over the Kenyan government, but also have consistently underestimated it and erred by publicly threatening to use it only at the least strategic moment and not when it could have been most effective. Third, Western officials have continued to make short-term decisions favoring stability or peace that actually undermine basic principles of democracy and justice. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 43-62 Issue: 1 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.869008 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.869008 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:1:p:43-62 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_869009_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Kennedy Opalo Author-X-Name-First: Kennedy Author-X-Name-Last: Opalo Title: The long road to institutionalization: the Kenyan Parliament and the 2013 elections Abstract: What explains the emergence of a relatively strong legislature in Kenya in a region characterized by “rubber stamp” parliaments? And how do the results of the 2013 election affect the chances of continued strengthening and institutionalization of the Kenyan legislature? This paper addresses these questions by situating the evolution of parliamentary strength and institutionalization in Kenya in the context of the country's political history since independence. The argument advanced is that although the codification of the gains in parliamentary strength and independence only began to take place in the late 1990s, the process that led to the realization of these gains goes back to the first parliament after independence. The paper also analyzes the impact of the constitutional requirement of 50% plus one in the presidential race on party structures in different parts of the country. The findings suggest that while the 2013 elections were marked by a heightened sense of inter-regional alliance-building for the presidential race, at the sub-national level the effective number of parties increased in all regions relative to the 2007 election, with the exception of the Central Region. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 63-77 Issue: 1 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.869009 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.869009 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:1:p:63-77 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_869929_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Natalie Moss Author-X-Name-First: Natalie Author-X-Name-Last: Moss Author-Name: Alasdair O'Hare Author-X-Name-First: Alasdair Author-X-Name-Last: O'Hare Title: Staging democracy: Kenya's televised presidential debates Abstract: Kenyan election campaigning took a novel turn in 2013 with the introduction of televised presidential debates. The two debates were widely celebrated as signalling a positive turn in Kenyan campaigning, from the politics of personality and ethnicity towards a more sober, issue-based form of electoral competition. Organised by the nation's main media houses, the debates offer a unique lens through which to consider the role the media defined for itself during the election period. This paper argues that the debates were staged as part of the media's broader project of ‘peace promotion’. In this way, actual debate between the candidates was of secondary importance to the spectacle of having all eight candidates amicably share the debate floor. This paper's approach thus emphasises the theatrical nature of the performances and the deliberate way in which they were designed to present a portrait of Kenya's maturing democracy. The paper concludes by situating these media spectacles within what is perceived to be a broader trend in Kenya whereby seductive images of the nation's future are produced and projected, thereby distracting from present realities. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 78-92 Issue: 1 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.869929 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.869929 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:1:p:78-92 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_844438_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Gabrielle Lynch Author-X-Name-First: Gabrielle Author-X-Name-Last: Lynch Title: Electing the ‘alliance of the accused’: the success of the Jubilee Alliance in Kenya's Rift Valley Abstract: Against a history of a divided Kalenjin/Kikuyu vote and election-related violence, and a contemporary context of high levels of inter-communal mistrust and intervention by the International Criminal Court (ICC), this article explains the Jubilee Alliance's success amongst Kalenjin and Kikuyu voters in the Rift Valley in the 2013 election. To do this, it examines the pre-election context, election results in Kalenjin- and Kikuyu-dominated areas, local political debates, and election campaigns to reveal how the ‘Uhuruto’ team persuaded local residents to support this seemingly unlikely political marriage in all six elections. It is argued that the alliance used existing and emergent communal narratives of justice and competition to recast socio-economic and political debates in a way that persuaded the majority of Kalenjin and Kikuyu to support Jubilee – and to vote against Raila Odinga and the Coalition for Reform and Democracy (CORD) – as a way to protect and further their individual and collective interests. In making this argument, particular attention is given to relations between community members, and to popular support and investment in peace; negotiations between Uhuru and Ruto, and Kalenjin ‘hosts’ and Kikuyu ‘guests’; the reinterpretation of the ICC as a performance of injustice; and successful presentation of ‘Uhuruto’ as a youthful team that could bring about peace and meaningful change as compared with an old, vengeful, incumbent Odinga Odinga. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 93-114 Issue: 1 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.844438 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.844438 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:1:p:93-114 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_844443_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Justin Willis Author-X-Name-First: Justin Author-X-Name-Last: Willis Author-Name: Ngala Chome Author-X-Name-First: Ngala Author-X-Name-Last: Chome Title: Marginalization and political participation on the Kenya coast: the 2013 elections Abstract: At the coast, the run-up to Kenya's 2013 elections was dominated by fears of violence and the calls for a boycott by the secessionist Mombasa Republican Council. However, the elections passed off largely peacefully, and coastal turnout was significantly higher than in any previous election. This article argues that the secessionist campaign was internally incoherent, and undermined by divisions within the ‘coasterian’ community it claimed to represent; and that a politics of patronage encouraged electoral participation, particularly because so many levels of political office were being contested at the same time. Despite this participation, however, the sense of marginalization remains very powerful among many people at the coast. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 115-134 Issue: 1 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.844443 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.844443 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:1:p:115-134 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_871181_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Neil Carrier Author-X-Name-First: Neil Author-X-Name-Last: Carrier Author-Name: Hassan H. Kochore Author-X-Name-First: Hassan H. Author-X-Name-Last: Kochore Title: Navigating ethnicity and electoral politics in northern Kenya: the case of the 2013 election Abstract: In the 2013 elections, northern Kenya – previously seen as peripheral to national politics – took on great significance as a potential ‘swing’ region, and became the focus of much campaigning and strategizing by presidential and other candidates. It was also seen as a region especially at risk of violence given its history of ethnic politics and the new context of the devolved county system. This paper explores how the north's ethnic dynamics played out in 2013, looking in particular at case studies of three northern counties: Isiolo, Mandera and Marsabit. It traces the history of ethnic politics in these counties, and the strategies used to secure votes in 2013 through strategic alliance formation, exclusionary politics and the anointing of candidates by ‘councils of elders’. While such strategies were not uniformly successful, they led to a remarkable swing to the Jubilee Alliance of Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto in Mandera. Ruto's United Republican Party did especially well in the north, and he appears to have navigated the ethnic and clan politics of the north expertly, playing up his pastoralist background as he did so. While a success for Jubilee, the ethnic strategizing has had serious ramifications, especially in Mandera and Marsabit where exclusion has led to resentment and conflict. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 135-152 Issue: 1 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.871181 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.871181 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:1:p:135-152 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_871182_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Karen E. Ferree Author-X-Name-First: Karen E. Author-X-Name-Last: Ferree Author-Name: Clark C. Gibson Author-X-Name-First: Clark C. Author-X-Name-Last: Gibson Author-Name: James D. Long Author-X-Name-First: James D. Author-X-Name-Last: Long Title: Voting behavior and electoral irregularities in Kenya's 2013 Election Abstract: Data from a unique nationwide exit poll of 6258 voters are employed to explore two central themes of the 2013 Kenyan Election: (1) the correlates of individual vote choice; and (2) the credibility of the electoral process. The analysis reveals several striking relationships between an individual's vote choice, personal attributes, and perceptions of the campaign and candidates. We find that the leading coalitions mostly kept their co-ethnics together, although ethnic alliances proved somewhat less certain than in the past. We find that, for the most part, voters treated Uhuru Kenyatta – not sitting Prime Minister Raila Odinga – as the incumbent. The data show that campaign issues also influenced the vote: Odinga garnered more support on issues related to constitutional implementation, corruption, and the International Criminal Court (ICC), while Kenyatta won on the economy, employment, and security. Exit poll data also reveal irregularities in the electoral process, including some evidence of inflated vote totals benefitting the Jubilee coalition and illegal administrative activities. The data, while not definitive, are highly suggestive of a deeply flawed electoral process and challenge claims that Kenyatta won a majority in the first round. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 153-172 Issue: 1 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.871182 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.871182 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:1:p:153-172 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_869073_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Agnes Cornell Author-X-Name-First: Agnes Author-X-Name-Last: Cornell Author-Name: Michelle D'Arcy Author-X-Name-First: Michelle Author-X-Name-Last: D'Arcy Title: Plus ça change? County-level politics in Kenya after devolution Abstract: For the first time on 4 March 2013, Kenyans voted for county governors. Devolution has significantly changed fiscal and administrative organization, but has it led to changes in politics? Has it enabled the emergence of new elites, the entrenchment of old ones or rebalanced power between the counties and the centre? These issues are explored, by asking, first, whether gubernatorial candidates were ‘insiders’ who had held public office before, or ‘outsiders’, and whether they were locals or not; and second, how national forces impacted on the gubernatorial campaigns. These questions are answered using original primary data on four counties: Nakuru, Kiambu, Mombasa and Kilifi, and aggregated data from all 47 counties. We find that the majority of winning candidates were ‘insiders’ who won using existing patronage networks, suggesting that the gubernatorial elections led to the entrenchment of existing elites and patronage networks. However, the lack of involvement of national leaders in crucial party primaries allowed for the emergence of powerful local insiders who may challenge national elites going forward. Overall, the first chapter of devolution reflected existing political dynamics in Kenya more than it changed them, although challenges to the resilience of national elites are clear. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 173-191 Issue: 1 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.869073 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.869073 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:1:p:173-191 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_888873_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Erratum Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: iii-iii Issue: 1 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.888873 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.888873 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:1:p:iii-iii Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_893078_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Corrigendum Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: iv-iv Issue: 1 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1350178X.2014.893078 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1350178X.2014.893078 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:1:p:iv-iv Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_888179_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Erratum Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: v-v Issue: 1 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.888179 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.888179 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:1:p:v-v Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2075818_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Alex Veit Author-X-Name-First: Alex Author-X-Name-Last: Veit Author-Name: Sarah Biecker Author-X-Name-First: Sarah Author-X-Name-Last: Biecker Title: Love or crime? Law-making and the policing of teenage sexuality in Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo Abstract: Age-of-consent legislation serves to protect children from sexual abuse. In Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo, however, the reform of laws against sexual violence has led to a criminalisation of non-violent and consensual sexual interactions with and between underage teenagers. These reforms have been inspired by evolving international norms, but discourses in both countries emphasised the regulation of female and youth sexuality over norms of self-determination. This contribution unpacks the interlocking actions of activists, parliaments, police, judges and parents, which turned protective anti-sexual violence legislation into an instrument of patriarchal control. Methodologically, the comparative analysis charts discourses and practices in both countries based on ethnographic, qualitative and statistical data. We trace legislative debates, demonstrate the significance of policing and prosecution of consensual youth sexuality, and discuss incentives for police and justice institutions to engage in this field. We contrast young people’s diverse views on underage sexuality with parental attempts to uphold patriarchal norms with the help of the police. The conclusion discusses the social cost of criminalising consensual teenage sexuality and asks whether these violent interventions indicate a crisis of patriarchal authority. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 138-159 Issue: 1 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2075818 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2075818 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:1:p:138-159 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2067959_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ane Karoline Bak Author-X-Name-First: Ane Karoline Author-X-Name-Last: Bak Author-Name: Ole Therkildsen Author-X-Name-First: Ole Author-X-Name-Last: Therkildsen Title: Democratisation in Tanzania: no elections without tax exemptions Abstract: Revenue losses from tax exemptions have become substantial in an increasing number of African countries. We argue that, under conditions of democratisation and economic liberalisation, the growing use of tax exemptions is central to the supply and demand of campaign financing. This argument is explored in relation to Tanzania, where the abolition of one-party rule in 1992 meant reduced state subsidies to parties and growing inter- and intra-party competition for political power through the ballot box. This increased the costs of election campaigns and of keeping together an increasingly fragmented ruling coalition. The subsequent rise in the demand for campaign funding was met in part by a supply of campaign donations from companies and rich individuals, who in exchange could receive tax exemptions and other rents helping them to succeed in business during economic liberalisation. Thus, we find that, around election years when demands for campaign funding are particularly high, tax levels decrease while tax exemptions to private companies and individuals increase. These indicative findings are supported by qualitative observations on the supply and demand of campaign financing in Tanzania. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 47-67 Issue: 1 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2067959 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2067959 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:1:p:47-67 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2069283_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tompson Makahamadze Author-X-Name-First: Tompson Author-X-Name-Last: Makahamadze Author-Name: Muluken Fikade Author-X-Name-First: Muluken Author-X-Name-Last: Fikade Title: Popular protests in the Amhara region and political reforms in Ethiopia, 2016–2018 Abstract: The Amhara Region protests originated in Gondar in 2016 and swiftly spread. The study addresses the questions of how mass mobilization occurred in Amhara, the dynamics, diffusion, and contribution of the protests to national political reforms. Using the political process model, the study identified several local and external factors that provided opportunities for mobilization. Researchers conducted in-depth interviews with activists, government officials, residents of North Gondar, and scholars. The study finds the bitter relationship between Amhara elites and the Tigray People's Liberation Front, the presence of opposition political party structures in the region, divisions in the ruling coalition, the diaspora community, and protests in Oromia to be the major factors that promoted the Amhara protests. Furthermore, the research found out that social capital and social media sites played influential roles in spreading anti-government protests across the region. The study contends that Amharas contributed toward national political reforms through spreading the protests to a wide geographical area and throughout the social and political environment, which compromised the government’s ability to repress decisively. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 115-137 Issue: 1 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2069283 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2069283 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:1:p:115-137 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2076371_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Emma Hunter Author-X-Name-First: Emma Author-X-Name-Last: Hunter Author-Name: Jason Mosley Author-X-Name-First: Jason Author-X-Name-Last: Mosley Author-Name: Paul Tiyambe Zeleke Author-X-Name-First: Paul Tiyambe Author-X-Name-Last: Zeleke Title: Editorial announcement Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 1-1 Issue: 1 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2076371 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2076371 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:1:p:1-1 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2070301_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: David Otieno Ngira Author-X-Name-First: David Otieno Author-X-Name-Last: Ngira Title: Plural-legalities and the clash between customary law and ‘child rights talk’ among rural communities in Kenya Abstract: Plural-legal societies are often characterized by a clash between various conflicting socio-legal realities. This paper starts by exploring the various contestations in human rights and the clash between rights and moral values. Using fieldwork from the Kipsigis community in Kenya, this paper explores the clash between community customary value systems and the language of rights as contained in child rights instruments. The paper demonstrates the prevalence of care ethics as a customary value system and examines how care ethics is upheld or (violated) in children’s matters among grassroots communities such as the Kipsigis. This research revealed that contrary to universalized notions of child well-being which are anchored on rights realization, children among the Kipsigis attain their well-being through non-rights based approaches that encompass the ethics of care and the ‘do no harm principle’ as well as that of customary entitlements (living rights) whose foundation and enforcement systems are different from universal notions of rights. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 25-46 Issue: 1 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2070301 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2070301 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:1:p:25-46 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2074924_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Brendon J. Cannon Author-X-Name-First: Brendon J. Author-X-Name-Last: Cannon Author-Name: Mikiyasu Nakayama Author-X-Name-First: Mikiyasu Author-X-Name-Last: Nakayama Author-Name: Dominic R. Pkalya Author-X-Name-First: Dominic R. Author-X-Name-Last: Pkalya Title: Understanding African views of China: analyses of student attitudes and elite media reportage in Kenya Abstract: There are few questions of greater significance in African international relations than China's actions in and engagement with other states. Chinese infrastructure, businesses, and people have blanketed the continent and revolutionized lifestyles, transportation, and political economies. The advantages and detractions of such developments, in turn, have shaped local attitudes. African attitudes towards China, nevertheless, remain largely the subject of conjecture. This article explores the contemporary attitudes of Kenyan university students to China through surveys and contributes empirical data to the literature. Combined with a comparative textual analysis of the main Kenyan newspaper, the article sheds light on largely unknown—but generally assumed—attitudes of Kenyans towards China. The findings question a stereotype of China in Kenya and, by extension, the actions and reactions of other Africans and African states towards it. They also uncover nuanced attitudes that confound the mostly negative Western narrative about China in Africa. Accelerated by the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as debt, perceived racism and unfair labour practices, Kenyan university students' attitudes and discourse in the elite media have become less positive. There is, in addition, the broad perception that it is Kenya's leadership that benefits from the relationship and not so much its ordinary citizens. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 92-114 Issue: 1 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2074924 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2074924 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:1:p:92-114 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2068234_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Julia Gallagher Author-X-Name-First: Julia Author-X-Name-Last: Gallagher Author-Name: Daniel Mulugeta Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Mulugeta Author-Name: Atnatewos Melake-Selam Author-X-Name-First: Atnatewos Author-X-Name-Last: Melake-Selam Author-Name: Joanne Tomkinson Author-X-Name-First: Joanne Author-X-Name-Last: Tomkinson Title: The histories buildings tell: aesthetic and popular readings of state meaning in Ethiopia Abstract: In this article, we attempt to understand the persistence of the ‘great tradition’ in describing what the state means to Ethiopians. We do this by examining stories about history, told by and about Ethiopia’s architecture. Within these stories we find two ideas in apparent tension. One is an attachment to state history as exceptional, unified and ordained by God. This is told through architectural continuities reaching back to the pre-Christian Aksumite aesthetic that continuously underwrites the notion of a teleological progression of the state; and in current nostalgia for the assertive certainty of exceptionalism expressed in ancient architecture. The other is an acknowledgement of hybridity and disruption. This is expressed in innovative architectural aesthetics and techniques; and in the ways that state buildings have been made to carry the marks of dramatically different types of regime, particularly in the last 50 years. Drawing on the sem-ena-werq (ሰም እና ወርቅ or ‘wax and gold’) tradition we show how these stories-in-tension describe ambiguities within the great tradition, a story of confidence and exceptionalism, but also one that is disturbed and shaped by rupture and compromise. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 2-24 Issue: 1 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2068234 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2068234 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:1:p:2-24 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2075817_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Aisha Ahmad Author-X-Name-First: Aisha Author-X-Name-Last: Ahmad Author-Name: Tanya Bandula-Irwin Author-X-Name-First: Tanya Author-X-Name-Last: Bandula-Irwin Author-Name: Mohamed Ibrahim Author-X-Name-First: Mohamed Author-X-Name-Last: Ibrahim Title: Who governs? State versus jihadist political order in Somalia Abstract: Why has the Somali government failed to provide public order and essential services, while Al-Shabaab has had relatively more success in its governance objectives? To explain this variation in governance success, we offer a political economy explanation of wartime order-making based on the competing bargains that governing actors create to uphold their power. We identify two key political bargains in Somalia: (1) an elite deal, forged among members of the Somali Federal Government (SFG) and Federal Member States (FMS); and (2) a civilian deal, which Al-Shabaab directly establishes with the citizens under its control. Looking at these two deals, we examine how access to foreign support can affect a governing actor’s taxation impetus, and subsequently its commitment to governance. Our results reveal that not only can foreign support undermine the normal taxation-protection relationship between citizen and state, but it can also inadvertently provide jihadists with an opportunity to establish alternative forms of order. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 68-91 Issue: 1 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2075817 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2075817 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:1:p:68-91 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2070303_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: James Drew Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Drew Title: Protest, middlemen and everyday meanings of place: reconceptualising the scramble for East Africa’s drylands Abstract: Kenya's drylands have experienced a recent rise in large-scale land acquisitions, including energy extraction and infrastructure projects. The “scramble” for land and resources involves a range of actors, including pastoralists, many of whom have attempted to secure rights over land in anticipation of new opportunities associated with future investments. Such “economies of anticipation” among communities are transforming investor and state visions. This article adds to discussions of economies of anticipation; it argues that different types of middlemen are central to rural communities' struggles to gain a stake in energy and infrastructure investments, and the precarity they face due to land tenure change. The article argues for the importance of incorporating a temporal dimension into discussions of economies of anticipation and community-middlemen interactions. It charts how one pastoralist community's past experiences of negotiating their inclusion in the Lake Turkana Wind Power investment and other land deals shaped subsequent desires to demarcate land in anticipation of future investments. Alleged nepotism and inequitable inclusion of communities by investment gatekeepers sparked community claims of rightful inclusion based around contested meanings of land and an everyday sense of place. Social stratifications and narratives of belonging that emerged from protests for inclusion determined citizens' subsequent attempts to gain a stake in future investment projects. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 160-179 Issue: 1 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2070303 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2070303 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:1:p:160-179 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1594072_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nic Cheeseman Author-X-Name-First: Nic Author-X-Name-Last: Cheeseman Author-Name: Karuti Kanyinga Author-X-Name-First: Karuti Author-X-Name-Last: Kanyinga Author-Name: Gabrielle Lynch Author-X-Name-First: Gabrielle Author-X-Name-Last: Lynch Author-Name: Mutuma Ruteere Author-X-Name-First: Mutuma Author-X-Name-Last: Ruteere Author-Name: Justin Willis Author-X-Name-First: Justin Author-X-Name-Last: Willis Title: Kenya’s 2017 elections: winner-takes-all politics as usual? Abstract: This article asks what Kenya’s 2017 general elections tell us about the capacity of a new constitution to reduce the stakes of political competition and prospects of political instability. Three constitutional changes are particularly important: the adoption of a 50% + 1 threshold for the presidential election; the devolution of power to 47 county governments; and the introduction of a Supreme Court with the right to hear presidential electoral petitions. We find that the impact of the 2010 constitution has been mixed. The 50% plus 1 threshold encouraged coalition formation, but this dynamic has long been evident. Devolution has given a wider set of Kenyans a stake in the system, but has also created new structures that can be used to channel dissent against the state. The Supreme Court demonstrated its capacity to act as an independent institution, but did little to sustain electoral legitimacy. Indeed, while the 2010 constitution has clearly reshaped the political landscape, it was a personal deal that ended the post-election impasse. The elections therefore demonstrate how formal institutions alone cannot change political logics and reveal the continued significance of individual politicians and informal institutions that may compete with or complement their formal counterparts. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 215-234 Issue: 2 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1594072 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1594072 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:2:p:215-234 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1592326_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Karuti Kanyinga Author-X-Name-First: Karuti Author-X-Name-Last: Kanyinga Author-Name: Collins Odote Author-X-Name-First: Collins Author-X-Name-Last: Odote Title: Judicialisation of politics and Kenya’s 2017 elections Abstract: Kenya’s 2017 elections stand out as the most litigated and judicialised in the country’s electoral history. The election witnessed a litany of legal disputes over rules and regulations ahead of the polls, two presidential petitions, and 388 petitions for other seats. Rulings met with controversy as losers viciously attacked the courts. Every decision the courts made potentially caused them trouble; it raised the ire of either the government or the opposition. Nevertheless, the judiciary made decisions independent of any party and candidate, and played such a critical role in the elections that it ultimately overshadowed the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC). This article reveals how the judicialisation of elections in Kenya is an outcome of the 2010 Constitution, which sought to moderate the country’s ‘winner-takes-all’ politics. We argue that the electoral process in Kenya will remain judicialised not only because the courts have gained a degree of independence and can make brave decisions, but also that the political culture has not changed: the judiciary operates in an environment in which partisan political interests weaken all institutions and in which politicians seek to use the courts to advance their interests. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 235-252 Issue: 2 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1592326 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1592326 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:2:p:235-252 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1592328_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Patrick Mutahi Author-X-Name-First: Patrick Author-X-Name-Last: Mutahi Author-Name: Mutuma Ruteere Author-X-Name-First: Mutuma Author-X-Name-Last: Ruteere Title: Violence, security and the policing of Kenya’s 2017 elections Abstract: Considerable concern ahead of Kenya’s 2017 elections that violence would mar the polls was fuelled by a history of election-related violence, a failure to address many of the underlying causes of violence, a highly polarized political environment, and opposition claims that the polls would be rigged. More specifically, there were fears that a dispute over the presidential election could lead to ethnic violence between supporters of President Uhuru Kenyatta and opposition leader Raila Odinga. There were also concerns that any protests, particularly by opposition supporters, would be met with considerable police force. Given this context, the paper addresses two issues. First, why, despite years of security reforms, limited protests were met with high levels of police force, resulting in loss of life. Second, why ethnic and gang-related violence did not become a widespread problem. The analysis highlights how the (non)occurrence of violence was encouraged by positions taken by prominent politicians, the broader legal and institutional context, and institutional cultures. Hence, the analysis moves beyond a common depiction of election-related violence in Kenya as simply ethnic and elite instigated, and seeks to provide a more nuanced account that looks at the relationship between structure, agency and different kinds of election-related violence. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 253-271 Issue: 2 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1592328 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1592328 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:2:p:253-271 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1592295_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Elena Gadjanova Author-X-Name-First: Elena Author-X-Name-Last: Gadjanova Title: Treacherous coattails: gubernatorial endorsements and the presidential race in Kenya’s 2017 election Abstract: Could there be coattail effects in the absence of strong parties? How would such effects manifest in countries with ethnic and personality-based politics? Kenya’s 2017 election presents an opportunity for a theoretical and empirical contribution to the study of coattail effects in plural societies. With the newly-created and highly attractive positions of county governors, down-ticket races became a lot more competitive, forcing parties to make difficult choices: which races to focus on, how to apportion limited resources across the ballots, and how to forge alliances with local leaders whose networks were key to success in the battlegrounds. Presidential candidates found themselves in a precarious position: endorsing governor aspirants in competitive races could cause a backlash, failing to endorse could signal a lack of confidence in key figures and jeopardize all six positions on the ballot. I argue that coattail effects in Kenya’s 2017 election were conditional on governors receiving clear and public endorsements by the presidential candidates and that effects flowed from presidential candidates to governor aspirants in parties’ strongholds, and vice-versa in battleground counties. The findings have implications for theories of coattail effects, campaign strategy, legislative fragmentation, and citizen-politician linkages in settings with personality-based politics and weakly-institutionalised parties. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 272-293 Issue: 2 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1592295 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1592295 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:2:p:272-293 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1590763_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Michelle D’Arcy Author-X-Name-First: Michelle Author-X-Name-Last: D’Arcy Author-Name: Marina Nistotskaya Author-X-Name-First: Marina Author-X-Name-Last: Nistotskaya Title: Intensified local grievances, enduring national control: the politics of land in the 2017 Kenyan elections Abstract: Constitutional provisions for devolution and land reform sought to address local land grievances and decentralize land administration in ways that would prevent conflict. The article argues that partial implementation of this agenda has intensified local grievances in a context of enduring national control over land administration. Local grievances have intensified as devolution has empowered majority communities and stoked their attachment to homelands, while the constitutional recognition of ancestral land rights has provided them with a legal basis for their claims. The failed decentralization of land administration has left national institutions as the focus of these claims. We examine whether these trends affected the use of land as a political resource and the rhetoric of land grievance during the 2017 elections. Using regression analysis, we find that titles were used patrimonially in the presidential elections, with titles targeted at Kikuyu minorities outside of their homelands. Our qualitative analysis suggests that the rhetoric of land grievances was limited in gubernatorial campaigns, suggesting that continued centralization in land administration retains the focus of land issues at the national level. Overall, our findings suggest that the partial implementation of the Constitution has exacerbated the conditions that led to land-based conflict in the past. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 294-312 Issue: 2 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1590763 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1590763 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:2:p:294-312 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1592294_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Yolande Bouka Author-X-Name-First: Yolande Author-X-Name-Last: Bouka Author-Name: Marie E. Berry Author-X-Name-First: Marie E. Author-X-Name-Last: Berry Author-Name: Marilyn Muthoni Kamuru Author-X-Name-First: Marilyn Muthoni Author-X-Name-Last: Kamuru Title: Women’s political inclusion in Kenya’s devolved political system Abstract: Kenya’s 2010 constitutional reforms devolved the political system and included a quota designed to secure a minimum threshold of women in government. While the 2017 elections yielded the country’s highest proportion of women in government in history via both elected and appointed positions, many political entities still fell short of the new gender rule, leaving them in noncompliance with the constitution. The 2017 elections reveal a tension: while devolution raised the stakes of local elections and the quota has improved women’s political inclusion, these reforms have not fundamentally changed the power of political parties, the way campaigns are financed, cultural ideas about women’s leadership, and the pervasiveness of violence in Kenyan elections. Drawing on data from both the national and county levels, this article maps these persistent obstacles to women’s political inclusion and argues that increasing women’s political power will require both the full implementation of the constitution, as well as a broader consideration of how power operates and is consolidated. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 313-333 Issue: 2 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1592294 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1592294 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:2:p:313-333 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1587951_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Hannah Waddilove Author-X-Name-First: Hannah Author-X-Name-Last: Waddilove Title: Support or subvert? Assessing devolution’s effect on central power during Kenya’s 2017 presidential rerun Abstract: Devolution introduced new local-level political offices in order to transform Kenyan politics by reducing the high stakes around the presidential race. The controversy over the 2017 presidential election rerun, however, saw pressure on county-level politicians to support either the ruling party or opposition coalition, underlining the important intersection between national and county politics. Using a broadened definition of ‘political linkages’, this paper explores the logics shaping how and why county-level politicians responded to the rerun as they did, comparing ruling party and opposition areas. Different forms of linkage politics indicate that devolution’s effect on central power is not uniform across counties, challenging the view that devolution simply leads to a recentralisation of power. The reproduction of national partisan divides at the county level suggests that devolution’s effect on central power is contingent partly on the way that national and county political alliances intersect. Given Kenya’s fluid national electoral alliances, devolution’s effect on central power is therefore not stable and may change with each electoral cycle. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 334-352 Issue: 2 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1587951 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1587951 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:2:p:334-352 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1592332_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Peter Lockwood Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Lockwood Title: The Buffalo and the Squirrel: moral authority and the limits of patronage in Kiambu County’s 2017 gubernatorial race Abstract: In the 2017 race for Kiambu County's governor seat, debates concerning the morality of incumbent governor William Kabogo played a distinctive role in his defeat at the hands of populist challenger Ferdinand Waititu. Shortly before the April nominations for Jubilee Party gubernatorial candidate, rumours circulated that Kabogo had publicly insulted the women of Kiambu at a campaign meeting. Kabogo ultimately gained a reputation for arrogant conduct at public meetings and an apparent belief that giving large cash hand-outs could buy his re-election. Drawing on 19 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Kiambu County, this paper probes the debate surrounding Kabogo's conduct. The article argues that Kabogo's defeat reveals moral premises according to which politicians in central Kenya are assessed, notions that stem from household-based understandings about proper masculine public conduct that Kabogo had allegedly transgressed. I underscore the limitations of patronage – both in Kabogo's actual practice and as an analytical trope. Instead, I emphasise the moral concerns of women voters who rejected the notion that money alone could buy their votes and – in ‘bringing down’ Kabogo – insisted that relations between themselves and politicians could not be divorced from moral qualities of respect. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 353-370 Issue: 2 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1592332 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1592332 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:2:p:353-370 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1403782_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Brendan Bromwich Author-X-Name-First: Brendan Author-X-Name-Last: Bromwich Title: Power, contested institutions and land: repoliticising analysis of natural resources and conflict in Darfur Abstract: The fact that attributing the conflict in Darfur to environmental factors masks human agency and therefore accountability for the violence is well recognised. However, this point is often made with reference to government culpability for the violence in terms that reduce the Darfur conflict to one of political and economic marginalisation alone. The academic discourse has thereby created a misleading dichotomy between a ‘depoliticised’ local conflict and a ‘political’ conflict at the national level. This article bridges that polarised debate by investigating the contested institutions across Darfur that are relevant to conflicts within Darfur, to conflict with Khartoum and to regional conflicts notably involving Libya and Chad. Three case studies of conflict in Darfur are investigated with a focus on the complex interplay between solidarities of livelihood (which downplay ethnic divisions) and solidarities of ethnicity (which feature highly in conflict). Regional and national conflicts interact with conflict within Darfur through manipulation of contested institutions, among other means. The paper investigates how divergent framings of natural resources and conflict have been instrumentalised within the global discourse on Darfur, to the detriment of both the search for peace in Darfur and a theoretical understanding of the links between natural resources and conflict. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 1-21 Issue: 1 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1403782 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1403782 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:1:p:1-21 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1408324_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Peter Ventevogel Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Ventevogel Author-Name: Jérémie Niyonkuru Author-X-Name-First: Jérémie Author-X-Name-Last: Niyonkuru Author-Name: Aline Ndayisaba Author-X-Name-First: Aline Author-X-Name-Last: Ndayisaba Author-Name: Ria Reis Author-X-Name-First: Ria Author-X-Name-Last: Reis Author-Name: Joop T.V.M. de Jong Author-X-Name-First: Joop T.V.M. Author-X-Name-Last: de Jong Title: Change and continuity in Burundian divinatory healing Abstract: Traditional healing practices in Burundi are rarely documented within ethnographic literature; further, it is unknown how practices have changed in the last two decades. This paper analyses data based on interviews and observations with seven Burundian abapfumu (diviner-healers), and 14 focus group discussions with community members. The results show that the position of traditional healers towards tradition is ambivalent; giving less emphasis to the role of ancestor spirits causing and healing misfortune than in the past. Some of the interviewed healers belonged to the kubandwa cult that is found all over the African Great Lakes Area. In this adorcistic cult, afflicted persons are assisted to enter into a peaceful and accepting relation with the possessing spirit. More recently a novel healing technique (gucekera), has emerged, in which unknown spirits are aggressively driven out of the affected person. As elsewhere in Africa, the rise of exorcistic healing in Burundi may be a reaction to the breakdown of community structures resulting from the collective violence and mass displacements that occurred over the past decades. Further, the results show that Burundian healers have considerable flexibility in adapting to new circumstances and are attempting to create new ‘niches’ within a society that is profoundly changing. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 22-43 Issue: 1 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1408324 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1408324 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:1:p:22-43 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1410759_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Robert Macdonald Author-X-Name-First: Robert Author-X-Name-Last: Macdonald Title: Age and gender voting trends in the 2015 Tanzanian general election Abstract: In Tanzania, younger voters have been more inclined to support opposition parties than their elders, who have proven relatively reluctant to look beyond the incumbent party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM). A ‘gender gap’ also exists within Tanzanian politics. Women are more likely to be pro-CCM than men, who are comparatively open to a change of government. Based on qualitative data collected in Tanzania between 2013 and 2015, this article looks to explain these dynamics. Regarding the age-related trend, it argues that young people tend to evaluate CCM less positively than older people due to the difference in their levels of experience of the party’s evolving administrative style. They are also more likely to view the opposition favourably due to higher exposure to their message and a greater reluctance to accept attempts to discredit them. Concerning the gender gap, it contends that women’s generally lower access to information results in their taking a less critical attitude towards CCM. They are also more likely than men to be dissuaded from voting for the opposition due to fear of potential violence. Furthermore, new patterns of political patronage have seen women targeted in CCM’s vote buying exercises. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 44-62 Issue: 1 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1410759 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1410759 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:1:p:44-62 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1410758_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Machiko Tsubura Author-X-Name-First: Machiko Author-X-Name-Last: Tsubura Title: “Umoja ni ushindi (Unity is victory)”: management of factionalism in the presidential nomination of Tanzania's dominant party in 2015 Abstract: This article examines how Tanzania's dominant party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), managed intensified factionalism in its presidential nomination process prior to the 2015 general elections. While CCM was victorious, maintaining its long-term rule, it was seriously challenged by an opposition coalition and its presidential candidate, a former prime minister who defected from CCM after elimination from the presidential nomination. Through an analysis of CCM's presidential nominations in 1995, 2005 and 2015, the article demonstrates how a group of politicians including the former prime minister grew to be a powerful faction and created a sharp division within the party until CCM leaders eliminated him from the 2015 nomination to restore party unity in preparation for the election. Drawing on Boucek's typology of factionalism, the article argues that CCM's 2015 presidential nomination was characterised by a revival of its centralised control and the influence of retired party leaders in leadership succession to prevent a fall into degenerative factionalism that would seriously weaken the party. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 63-82 Issue: 1 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1410758 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1410758 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:1:p:63-82 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1410757_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sina Schlimmer Author-X-Name-First: Sina Author-X-Name-Last: Schlimmer Title: Talking ‘land grabs’ is talking politics: land as politicised rhetoric during Tanzania’s 2015 elections Abstract: During Tanzania’s 2015 general elections, large-scale acquisitions of land by foreigners featured among the electoral topics addressed by political candidates of both the ruling party and the opposition. When Tanzanian politicians talked about ‘land grabs’, they were referring to an issue constructed mainly by various international organisations and actors, focusing on how foreign companies acquire large tracts of farmland in developing countries where land is supposedly abundant and idle. In keeping with a trend that first emerged in parliamentary sessions in 2010, politicians used the expression ‘land grab’ as a rhetorical device to lash out at broader issues of national concern: corruption and the legitimacy of foreign involvement in the economy. Both topics have long been part of the national political debate and have shaped electoral competition in Tanzania since the transition to multi-party politics. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 83-101 Issue: 1 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1410757 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1410757 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:1:p:83-101 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1418187_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Marco Jowell Author-X-Name-First: Marco Author-X-Name-Last: Jowell Title: The unintended consequences of foreign military assistance in Africa: an analysis of peacekeeping training in Kenya Abstract: Peacekeeping training centres in Africa are numerous. These centres are part of broader military assistance programmes provided by bilateral or multilateral donors and are completely funded from outside. The intent is threefold: to improve peacekeeping; to professionalise national defence forces in African states through training and instruction in international norms and to provide areas of socialisation between African militaries in order to foster bonds and forge ties in the hope that the potential for regional conflict will reduce through these elite relationships. This paper argues that few of these intended outcomes are achieved. Using peace support operation training in Kenya and an analysis of organisational functionality it is argued that African militaries reflect the broader socio-political dynamics of the state and are typically patrimonial in nature. By providing patrimonial military institutions with significant external resources such as training centres, foreign donors can actively exacerbate internal patrimonial dynamics. This will, of course, take different forms depending on the nature of the military and the nature of the state. What is common, however, is that foreign military assistance in Africa is subverted for national and usually internal reasons as opposed to the intended and more outward-oriented aims. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 102-119 Issue: 1 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1418187 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1418187 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:1:p:102-119 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1418173_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nina Wilén Author-X-Name-First: Nina Author-X-Name-Last: Wilén Author-Name: Gérard Birantamije Author-X-Name-First: Gérard Author-X-Name-Last: Birantamije Author-Name: David Ambrosetti Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Ambrosetti Title: The Burundian army’s trajectory to professionalization and depoliticization, and back again Abstract: How can post-conflict militaries with a history of politicized oppression and exclusion achieve professionalization? In this article, we examine the Burundian army's trajectory through the longue durée, studying its role in and for the state from 1966 to the current political crisis. The aim of the article is to increase understanding of how, and to what extent, the Burundian army has managed to professionalize after the end of the civil war in the early 2000s, in spite of its violent and exclusionary history. We argue that the Burundian army has managed to professionalize and depoliticize to a limited extent (and with important constraints) following the end of the civil war due to three factors: (1) an important pre-war heritage of a technically and functionally professional, yet politicized army; (2) a favourable domestic political climate where the army no longer needs to play a political role but can take on the role of domestic peacemaker; (3) significant external training and support related to peacekeeping deployment and Security Sector Reform (SSR). This professionalization has, however, partly been reversed during the recent crisis starting in 2015, showing the fragility of a post-conflict professionalization where ties between officers and political actors are revoked again. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 120-135 Issue: 1 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1418173 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1418173 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:1:p:120-135 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1418166_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Thomas Mandrup Author-X-Name-First: Thomas Author-X-Name-Last: Mandrup Title: An uncertain future: South Africa’s national defence force caught between foreign-policy ambitions and domestic development Abstract: In June 2015, the South African Parliament passed the long-awaited defence review (DR2015). The aim of the review was to stop the decline of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) and to create an economical and sustainable force structure capable of continuing to fulfil its constitutional obligations and to support the country’s foreign policy, primarily in relation to Africa. However, implementation of the DR2015 has turned out to be difficult. The major claim of this article is that the processes of demilitarisation and transition since the end of apartheid, combined with years of underfunding and the lack of a priority given to the SANDF has reduced the latter’s professional military capabilities to such an extent that in the future it will find it difficult to function in the active international role it has played since the end of the 1990s. The reduced role of the SANDF is also an illustration of South Africa in general prioritising domestic developmental and security challenges, as well as its footstep in Africa. The study is based on extensive empirical data collection in South Africa and the Democratic Republic of Congo in the form of a string of semi-structured qualitative interviews, primary documentary research and an extensive academic literature review conducted from 2000 to 2017. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 136-153 Issue: 1 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1418166 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1418166 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:1:p:136-153 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1418168_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Josefine Kuehnel Author-X-Name-First: Josefine Author-X-Name-Last: Kuehnel Author-Name: Nina Wilén Author-X-Name-First: Nina Author-X-Name-Last: Wilén Title: Rwanda’s military as a people’s army: heroes at home and abroad Abstract: This article explores the Rwandan military’s central role and functions in both domestic and foreign policy through the two concepts of ‘people’s army’ and ‘hero’. The analysis is informed by material collected during six months of fieldwork inside the Rwandan military. The overarching theoretical objective of the article is to increase our knowledge of the role that narratives play in creating identities in specific contexts. It therefore draws on and contributes to a rich literature grounded in social constructivist ontology, which examines the relationship between narratives and identities. Empirically, the article contributes to the literature exploring the Rwandan military’s collective identity construction in post-genocide Rwanda and the consequences this has for the military’s roles both at home and abroad. The authors argue that the political and military elite’s production of narratives around the concepts: ‘people’s army’ and ‘hero’ in relation to the national military has three aims: (1) to construct a new military identity; (2) to promote domestic stability and to enhance Rwanda’s international status; and (3) to keep the government in power. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 154-171 Issue: 1 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1418168 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1418168 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:1:p:154-171 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1418159_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Paul D. Williams Author-X-Name-First: Paul D. Author-X-Name-Last: Williams Title: Joining AMISOM: why six African states contributed troops to the African Union Mission in Somalia Abstract: Deployed to Mogadishu, Somalia in March 2007, the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) became the Union’s longest running, largest, most costly, and most deadly operation. Yet, of the 54 AU members, only 6 contributed troops to AMISOM: Uganda (2007), Burundi (2007), Djibouti (2011), Kenya (2012), Sierra Leone (2013) and Ethiopia (2014). This article applies a widely utilized theoretical framework to explain peacekeeping contributions in order to analyse why these six states chose to join AMISOM. It concludes that there is no single or uniform explanation for their decision. Nevertheless, the most common official justifications – assertions that events in Somalia posed a direct security risk to the troop-contributing countries (TCCs) and normative commitments to African solidarity – were often less important than other unacknowledged or downplayed factors. Specifically, a combination of institutional, political, and economic factors was generally more important in understanding why these six states became AMISOM TCCs. Joining AMISOM did help alleviate some regional security concerns but the decision also brought tangible benefits at home to both the TCC governments and their militaries. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 172-192 Issue: 1 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1418159 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1418159 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:1:p:172-192 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1989136_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: John R. Campbell Author-X-Name-First: John R. Author-X-Name-Last: Campbell Title: The limitations of international law at the Eritrea-Ethiopia Claims Commission and its implications for future conflict Abstract: This paper examines the litigation strategies adopted by Eritrea and Ethiopia before the Eritrea-Ethiopia Claims Commission convened at The Permanent Commission of Arbitration at The Hague between 2001 and 2009. I pursue insights from the work of Laura Nader concerning how, through binding arbitration, the international community imposes its power on disputing parties as opposed to allowing their competing legal claims to be fairly decided. The claims examined by this paper concern who started the border war and that Ethiopia denationalized ‘Eritrean’ nationals and unlawfully deprived them of their property. I conclude that the PCA’s decisions on Eritrea and Ethiopia were flawed and that its deliberations need to be viewed in a much wider political context; furthermore its decisions contributed to further political instability in the Horn of Africa. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 604-623 Issue: 4 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1989136 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1989136 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:4:p:604-623 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1987701_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Magnus Treiber Author-X-Name-First: Magnus Author-X-Name-Last: Treiber Title: Tentative lifeworlds in Art Deco: young people’s milieus in postwar Asmara, Eritrea, 2001–2005 Abstract: After the end of the Ethiopian-Eritrean border war (1998–2000) life resumed in Asmara, where the young generation flocked to cafés, bars and nightclubs after work or study. During my ethnographic fieldwork (2001–2005) I identified three larger social milieus that pursued and staged their own ideas of a good life: the chic, the shabby and the pious. Until the ‘political spring’ of summer 2001, young people looked forward to building up promising life careers inside the country. Eritrea needed young professionals more than ever before, and not everyone had fallen out with Eritrea’s guerrilla government. 2001s clampdown quickly changed future prospects for individuals, families and for society as a whole. In the different milieus’ meeting places, these events were well observed and cautiously discussed. Social life went on, but from now on performed visions of a good life became unreachable in real life. Migration appeared as the only answer. An existential view of selected protagonists and ethnographic sketches from the early 2000s will help to re-interpret the youth life-worlds of Asmara’s recent past in a regional history of ongoing violence. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 585-603 Issue: 4 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1987701 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1987701 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:4:p:585-603 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1987700_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Kennedy Mkutu Author-X-Name-First: Kennedy Author-X-Name-Last: Mkutu Author-Name: Marie Müller-Koné Author-X-Name-First: Marie Author-X-Name-Last: Müller-Koné Author-Name: Evelyne Atieno Owino Author-X-Name-First: Evelyne Atieno Author-X-Name-Last: Owino Title: Future visions, present conflicts: the ethnicized politics of anticipation surrounding an infrastructure corridor in northern Kenya Abstract: This work analyses the politics of anticipation and ensuing fears, tensions and conflicts in relation to Kenya’s Lamu Port-South Sudan-Ethiopia Transport (LAPSSET) Corridor which is to pass through several previously marginalized counties in the north of the country. Isiolo county, in the centre of Kenya is home to several different ethnic groups of whom some are perceived to be better informed about LAPSSET than others, or have certain advantages in terms of claims to indigeneity, ethno-political dominance, land tenure security or access to markets, which help them to position themselves accordingly. This anticipatory positioning – actions people take in anticipation of the future – is raising fears and heightening the claiming of land and ethnic boundary-making, leading to heightened tensions and exacerbating existing conflicts of which three specific cases are considered. We show how ethno-political divides on a national and regional level become effective at the local and county level, but at the same time, how the positioning of actors in anticipation of future investments impacts on ethnic boundary-making, as division lines are re-enacted and redrawn. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 707-727 Issue: 4 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1987700 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1987700 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:4:p:707-727 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1987698_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Mehdi Labzaé Author-X-Name-First: Mehdi Author-X-Name-Last: Labzaé Title: Gimgema: civil servants’ evaluation, power and ideology in EPRDF Ethiopia Abstract: During its 28 years of rule, the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) had built a strong system for controlling the Ethiopian state and civil society. This article looks at how the party first managed to keep control over the civil service. It analyses the functioning of civil servants’ evaluations called gimgema. Such evaluations comprise the filling of evaluation forms and sessions of criticisms and self-criticisms during which bureaus’ employees have to publicly acknowledge their mistakes and accuse colleagues. Bureau heads who are also party officials then decide on the employee’s future. The article describes the functioning of gimgema, its political efficiency, and some resistance strategies put in force by state agents. Born in a Marxist-Leninist ideological framework, gimgema is an Ethiopian variation on the global socialist evaluation theme, now fitting perfectly with neoliberal injunctions to ‘good governance’, ‘commitment’ and ‘transparency’. As a symbol of the EPRDF’s ideological evolution, gimgema exemplifies the ideological indeterminacy of government techniques. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 546-567 Issue: 4 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1987698 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1987698 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:4:p:546-567 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1989138_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Prince K. Guma Author-X-Name-First: Prince K. Author-X-Name-Last: Guma Author-Name: Mwangi Mwaura Author-X-Name-First: Mwangi Author-X-Name-Last: Mwaura Title: Infrastructural configurations of mobile telephony in urban Africa: vignettes from Buru Buru, Nairobi Abstract: Since its inception in the 1990s, mobile telephony in Africa has evolved, reflecting varied advances in technology. These advances have become particularly reminiscent of the role of mobile technologies in everyday facets of life. In this paper, we examine infrastructural configurations of mobile telephony in an urban African context. We demonstrate how urban Africa is being instrumented through the incoming of mobile telephony, but also how the convergence of the digital and the physical is materializing through the everyday use and appropriation of mobile phone-based technologies. We make this contribution through illustrations and vignettes – including Mkokoteni handcart operations, electricity “token” meter connections, and mobile phone kiosk processes – from Buru Buru, an estate in Nairobi. Thus, we place our analysis within recent area studies scholarship, drawing perspectives from science, technology and society studies, infrastructure studies and urban studies. We contend that the variegated infrastructural configurations of mobile telephony challenge ingrained accounts of technological determinism, not least within conventional area studies. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 527-545 Issue: 4 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1989138 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1989138 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:4:p:527-545 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1989135_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Deborah Fahy Bryceson Author-X-Name-First: Deborah Fahy Author-X-Name-Last: Bryceson Author-Name: Jesper Bosse Jønsson Author-X-Name-First: Jesper Bosse Author-X-Name-Last: Jønsson Author-Name: Michael Clarke Shand Author-X-Name-First: Michael Clarke Author-X-Name-Last: Shand Title: Mining habitat, house and home during an East African gold boom: economic and emotional dimensions Abstract: This article interrogates migrants’ economic and emotionally entwined decision-making regarding migration and settlement in unfolding stages of a gold mining boom. Three Tanzanian gold mining settlements representing temporal, spatial and scalar differences along the gold mining trajectory are contrasted: an artisanal rush site, a mature artisanal mining settlement and Geita town, site of a large industrial gold mine. Our data derives from in-depth interviews with miners, traders, service providers and farmers supplemented by a household survey. Interviewees’ verbatim narratives describing their work and family life are laced with feelings of both anticipation and apprehension. Strategic calculations and contingency thinking combine with emotional anxiety as they pursue efforts to ‘get ahead’ during the mining boom. Amidst the uncertainty of stressful work lives, and obstacles to secure housing and residence in infrastructurally deficient, unsafe and polluted mining environments, a ‘deferred sense of home’ surfaces in many mining settlement residents’ narratives. Seeking a ‘comfortable and secure home eventually’ is a coping mechanism for bridging the gap between initial high expectations and their current material reality. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 663-684 Issue: 4 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1989135 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1989135 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:4:p:663-684 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1987699_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Robert Madoi Nasaba Author-X-Name-First: Robert Madoi Author-X-Name-Last: Nasaba Title: How do I chase away this man? From Bosco to Dismas, unpacking the situated knowledges of MTN Uganda’s adverts Abstract: Much of the appeal of advertisements or adverts derives from a capacity to satisfy a primordial wish for pleasurable looking. An advert essentially sets out to impress on its audience a sign with easily readable mythic meaning. The unconscious of society, however, structures materiality of adverts in such a way that recognition could quite easily be overlaid with misrecognition. This paper uses semiotics to discover where and how the visual presence of adverts works against their intended hegemonic positions. Drawing upon a poststructuralist theoretical framework, the paper’s findings depart from claims to comprehensiveness and instead show a deferral of meaning. They also embrace plurality whilst questioning the validity of authorial authority. Results indicate that the alienated subject – MTN Uganda’s TV adverts – gave rise to other identification tags because its target audience knowingly and willingly wanted to have agency over their stories. The counternarrative that this paper unearths in part owes its existence to social media’s calling card, social endorsements or affordances, which trigger several decision heuristics. The poststructuralist situated knowledges in this case open themselves for new, unthought-of, and, perhaps, unexpected forms of knowledge production, unfolding from interrelated material-semiotic nodes. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 624-644 Issue: 4 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1987699 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1987699 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:4:p:624-644 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1989137_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Fantahun Ayele Author-X-Name-First: Fantahun Author-X-Name-Last: Ayele Title: The untold stories of militiamen from Gojjam, Ethiopia: voices of distress and desperation from the Ogaden and Eritrean fronts, 1977–1991 Abstract: Using untapped archival documents from the Däbrä Marqos provincial archives in Gojjam, and the archives of the Ministry of National Defence (MOND) in Addis Ababa, this study attempts to investigate the untold stories of militiamen drafted into the Ethiopian army in 1977 on the eve of Somalia's invasion of Ethiopia and in the wake of the fall of many towns in Eritrea in the hands of insurgents. These men played a critical role in reversing these threats (temporarily in the case of Eritrea, on a much longer-term basis in that of Somalia), and their impact on the region's history was massive. The archival evidence gathered from the former Gojjam province sheds new light on their personal lives, and the dislocation for those left behind, which is often missing from the larger histories of the Därg's wars. Those stories have been substantiated by interviewing ex-militiamen. Many of the stories revealed in the archives are quite disturbing – broken marriages, emotional distress, separated families and the like. This study, thus, attempts to show the importance of ‘history from below’ in the construction of narratives of the Ethiopian revolutionary wars. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 568-584 Issue: 4 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1989137 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1989137 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:4:p:568-584 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1992173_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Andreas Greiner Author-X-Name-First: Andreas Author-X-Name-Last: Greiner Title: Revisiting a colonial landmark: caravanserais as tools of urban transformation in early colonial Tanzania Abstract: This article uncovers the colonial past of the Bagamoyo Caravanserai, a historic site in the Tanzanian town of Bagamoyo. Situating the origin of the building, as well as that of a similar structure in Dar es Salaam, within the context of both German colonial rule around 1900 and the wider history of colonial camps in Africa, it argues that the colonial authorities conceptualised caravanserais as spatial tools of demobilising and concentrating the non-sedentary group of porters working in the East African caravan trade. Based on primary sources from Tanzanian and German archives, the analysis contends that it was the aim of these tools to disentangle the thousands of transport workers, staying in the towns during the annual trade season, from the urban population for the purpose of social and sanitary control. The analysis also discusses the limitations of this regime, revealing the struggles over space and the ways in which African workers subverted colonial urban transformation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 685-706 Issue: 4 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1992173 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1992173 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:4:p:685-706 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1982301_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Roberto Gaudioso Author-X-Name-First: Roberto Author-X-Name-Last: Gaudioso Title: Verbal art beyond categorization: inductive and aesthetic approaches to Remmy Ongala’s songs Abstract: This article focuses on the textual aesthetics of the Congolese-born (later Tanzanian naturalized) Swahili singer-songwriter Remmy Ongala. In the first part, I argue that a textual approach is also important for songs. The theoretical discussion is mainly based on the studies by Karin Barber, which offer a fundamental perspective on these issues. On this basis, I propose a more literary perspective, related to the ideas of the father of aesthetics Baumgarten (1714-1762), the American writer Susan Sontag (1933-2004) and the Swahili writer Euphrase Kezilahabi (1944-2020). Since Ongala belongs to different textual traditions, Congolese and Tanzanian, I use texts from these traditions for a comparative analysis of style and thought. On the Congolese side the comparison is based on elements of oral literature, like folk tale and song, both in relation to the proverb Kipendacho roho hula nyama bichi (A soul in love eats raw meat), while on the Tanzanian side the comparison is based on Swahili literature of that time. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 645-662 Issue: 4 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1982301 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1982301 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:4:p:645-662 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1380763_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Duncan Omanga Author-X-Name-First: Duncan Author-X-Name-Last: Omanga Author-Name: Kipkosgei Arap Buigutt Author-X-Name-First: Kipkosgei Arap Author-X-Name-Last: Buigutt Title: Marx in campus: print cultures, nationalism and student activism in the late 1970s Kenya Abstract: The Anvil was a student newspaper at the University of Nairobi launched in the mid-1970s after its predecessor The Platform was shut down and its editors suspended from the university. Initially designed to be less militant, The Anvil forged a quasi-Marxist identity at a time of both widespread post-colonial disillusionment in Kenya and a largely conformist ‘patriotic’ press. In this context, the paper shows how ‘Marx’ became a symbol through which The Anvil, arguably the most fearless publication of its time, summoned a politicized ‘student’ public by offering alternative imaginaries of the nation. Drawing from literature on nationalism, publics and ideas from media theory, the paper shows how this socialist lens was routinely used to interpret both local and off-shore events as a tool for proximate political agency by drawing on black cosmopolitanisms, anti-colonial sentiment and Cold War politics. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 571-589 Issue: 4 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1380763 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1380763 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:4:p:571-589 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1373441_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Letha Victor Author-X-Name-First: Letha Author-X-Name-Last: Victor Author-Name: Holly Porter Author-X-Name-First: Holly Author-X-Name-Last: Porter Title: Dirty things: spiritual pollution and life after the Lord’s Resistance Army Abstract: In post-war northern Uganda (as elsewhere), the reintegration of ex-combatants into their home communities is an ongoing process that involves long-term social and spiritual labour. The “re” of “reintegration,” however, might falsely assume a static and cohesive Acholi cosmology within which the parameters of such labours are clearly defined. Pathways taken with the goal of lessening suffering caused by war are tread by Acholi civilians and ex-combatants alike, and the ways former Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) fighters attempt to alleviate spiritual distress illuminate wider struggles for moral authority in everyday life. These practices are embedded in cosmologies which, though predating the 20 years of violent upheaval that ended in 2006, are sites of contestation where the politics of belief and doubt are played out. Drawing on insights gleaned from ethnographic fieldwork over the last decade, we focus here on targeted research from January to August 2014 with former LRA individuals who were part of a bigger study of clients at an ex-combatant reception centre. We explore how these persons have experienced, described, and responded to the suffering caused by ajwani (“dirty things”) – the stuff of a polluted cosmos. We further discuss the politics of “belief” and doubt in contemporary Acholi. The labour of ex-combatants and their communities to alleviate spiritual suffering demonstrates how ritual practices both challenge and uphold the power of moral authorities. In the wider context of post-war sociality in Acholi, effective and socially acceptable alleviation of spiritual suffering is contested, processual, and highly constrained by material resources and perceptions of ritual legitimacy. The practices of belief and doubt are not only a matter of metaphysics or ontology, but of shifts in worldly power. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 590-608 Issue: 4 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1373441 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1373441 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:4:p:590-608 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1378849_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Zelalem Teferra Author-X-Name-First: Zelalem Author-X-Name-Last: Teferra Title: Shifting trajectories of inter-ethnic relations in Western Ethiopia: a case study from Gidda and Kiremu districts in East Wollega Abstract: Inter-ethnic relations in Ethiopia have always been complex and dynamic. As home to diverse ethnic groups with differing livelihood strategies and diverging social institutions, this country is beset with fluidity of relations, shifting allegiances, as well as building and breaking alliances. Yet, the amplitude of political temperature at the center seems to play a decisive role in the making or breaking of these relations at all levels: center and periphery. This article examines the dynamics of inter-ethnic relations in two districts, Gidda and Kiremu, located on the western edge of northern plateau of Ethiopia in East Wollega, Oromiya Regional State, in historical perspective. Based on extensive review of historical documents and on empirical data generated through successive fieldwork conducted during the early 2000s, the paper tries to shed light on changing trends of inter-ethnic relations among diverse communities inhabiting the two districts. The economic, political, cultural and ecological dynamics of these relations are placed in a wider regional and historical context, which includes the former Horro-Gudru Awraja (Amharic: “sub-province”). Competition over resources, particularly land, is identified as a major driving factor in conflict. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 609-627 Issue: 4 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1378849 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1378849 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:4:p:609-627 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1379702_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Anna Macdonald Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Macdonald Title: “In the interests of justice?” The International Criminal Court, peace talks and the failed quest for war crimes accountability in northern Uganda Abstract: This article analyzes the first peace talks to take place against the backdrop of an International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation: the Juba Talks between the Lord’s Resistance Army and the Government of Uganda (2006–2008). Drawing on field research and original source material, it departs from well-worn peace versus justice debates and provides new empirical material to explore how the presence of the court shaped domestic political dynamics at Juba. It argues that at the level of broad rhetoric, the presence of the court created significant discord between negotiating parties. On a practical level, however, it created space for consensus, but not the type envisaged by international justice promoters. The court came to be seen by both sides as an intervention that needed to be contained and controlled. This resulted in the politically expedient Agreement on Accountability and Reconciliation, which showcased a transitional justice “tool-kit,” but was based on a shared desire to evade the jurisdiction of international criminal justice. Given its practical complexity, the transitional justice agreement was ultimately rejected by Joseph Kony, who became increasingly distrustful of his own negotiating team at Juba. In findings relevant to other contexts, the article presents in-depth analyses of how domestic political dynamics around the ICC intervention produced a national transitional justice framework designed to protect both parties from war crimes accountability. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 628-648 Issue: 4 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1379702 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1379702 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:4:p:628-648 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1378447_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Lisa Weighton Author-X-Name-First: Lisa Author-X-Name-Last: Weighton Author-Name: Patrick McCurdy Author-X-Name-First: Patrick Author-X-Name-Last: McCurdy Title: The ghost in the news room: the legacy of Kenya’s 2007 post-election violence and the constraints on journalists covering Kenya’s 2013 General Election Abstract: Domestic journalists covering Kenya’s 2013 General Election worked in an exceptionally challenging media environment; one which was significantly shaped by the 2007 election and post-election violence (PEV). Rooted in literature on peace journalism (PJ), we examine how the PEV of Kenya’s 2007 presidential elections informed and shaped journalists’ practice around the 2013 Kenyan General Election. The article is based on qualitative interviews with 16 Kenyan print journalists and editors at the Daily Nation and Standard newspapers as well as interviews with 6 Kenyan media specialists. Our analysis finds the 2007 PEV significantly constrained journalistic practice in three ways: first, journalists witnessed violence in 2007 which anchored their 2013 coverage; second, interviewees felt a ‘collective guilt’ at journalism’s failure to provide responsible coverage in 2007 creating a ‘culture of restraint’ and third, journalists felt compelled to ‘sanitize’ potentially inflammatory language creating a tension between journalists’ duty to inform and strong desire to avoid contributing to conflict. This article concludes by siding with a growing critical chorus of PJ scholars critiquing its often “individualist” approach and calling for greater attention towards structural factors such as perceived social constraints when conceptualizing and theorizing the agency of journalists working in post conflict environments. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 649-669 Issue: 4 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1378447 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1378447 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:4:p:649-669 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1367994_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jennifer J. West Author-X-Name-First: Jennifer J. Author-X-Name-Last: West Author-Name: Ruth Haug Author-X-Name-First: Ruth Author-X-Name-Last: Haug Title: The vulnerability and resilience of smallholder-inclusive agricultural investments in Tanzania Abstract: This paper compares and contrasts two cases of smallholder-inclusive agricultural investment in Tanzania and investigates the factors that shape their vulnerability and resilience to risks and uncertainties that influence their performance and viability as a development strategy. Drawing on observations and interviews with smallholders, key informants and management and staff of two large-scale rice and sugarcane estates, we discuss how the division of ownership, voice, risks and rewards in these investments affect how small- and large-scale producers negotiate their relationships in practice, highlighting the role of the state and political economy factors in shaping these dynamics. We find that a lack of transparent and reliable policies and mechanisms for governing access to land, resolving contractual disputes, and marketing the crops in question reinforces power asymmetries between the participants, undermining the potential development impacts of both investments. The two estates moreover appear to enjoy different levels of state protection that render their commercial operations more or less vulnerable and resilient to various political and economic risks. We conclude that smallholder-inclusive agro-investments in Tanzania are unlikely to fulfil both a commercial and a development function in the absence of consistent, transparent and enforceable ‘rules of the game’ that incentivize and reward responsible agricultural investment behaviour. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 670-691 Issue: 4 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1367994 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1367994 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:4:p:670-691 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1367998_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Catherine A. Long Author-X-Name-First: Catherine A. Author-X-Name-Last: Long Title: New institutional formation in the intersection of Tanzanian decentralization and HIV/AIDS interventions Abstract: Assessments of sub-Saharan African decentralization processes often overlook change experienced and facilitated by technical institutions operating in recipient countries on behalf of major donor interventions. This change affects public service delivery at different government levels and the decentralization-oriented exchanges between those levels. This article examines these institutions as well as the change they experience and facilitate. It does so from the perspective of program implementing units (PIUs) contracted by donors to support technical public service delivery. The selected PIU cases are those contracted by the Tanzanian operations of the American President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR). PEPFAR Tanzania played an instrumental role in the national health sector’s HIV/AIDS policy shift from a focus on prevention of and care for those with the virus to the adoption and implementation of a national treatment policy. Complicating treatment in Tanzania were expectations for homogenous national distribution of HIV/AIDS requiring extensive, consistent service support at every point of care. The government’s decentralization strategy introduced the PIUs as core HIV/AIDS service institutions. The PIUs’ resulting position in decentralization structures facilitated their own institutional change as well as change in relevant decentralization stakeholders’ exchanges that altered the government’s decentralization-by-devolution strategy. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 692-713 Issue: 4 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1367998 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1367998 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:4:p:692-713 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1378448_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Graeme Young Author-X-Name-First: Graeme Author-X-Name-Last: Young Title: From protection to repression: the politics of street vending in Kampala Abstract: The political evolution of Kampala under the National Resistance Movement (NRM) has profoundly affected the fortunes of the city’s street vendors. This article examines the effects of institutional changes brought about by the NRM’s efforts to monopolize power in the city, arguing that the twin forces of democratization and decentralization allowed street vending to flourish while the reversal of these processes precipitated its dramatic decline. Democratization and decentralization initiated a period of intense political competition in which vendors could trade political support for protection from politicians who were more interested in political survival than the implementation of policy. This ability was lost when the central government introduced a new city government that shifted the balance of power from elected politicians to appointed technocrats. The new city government has since sought legitimacy through development and urban management initiatives that aim to transform Kampala into a supposedly modern, well-organized city. In doing so, it has sought to eradicate street vending, a practice it sees as the antithesis of and an obstacle to its ambitions. Lacking the channels for political influence that they previously enjoyed, street vendors have been forced to face the full brunt of government repression. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 714-733 Issue: 4 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1378448 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1378448 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:4:p:714-733 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1388569_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Gumira Joseph Hahirwa Author-X-Name-First: Gumira Joseph Author-X-Name-Last: Hahirwa Author-Name: Camilla Orjuela Author-X-Name-First: Camilla Author-X-Name-Last: Orjuela Author-Name: Stellan Vinthagen Author-X-Name-First: Stellan Author-X-Name-Last: Vinthagen Title: Resisting resettlement in Rwanda: rethinking dichotomies of “survival”/“resistance” and “dominance”/“subordination” Abstract: This article problematizes the dichotomies between “survival” and “resistance,” and between “dominance” and “subordination.” Based on fieldwork in Rwanda among peasants who experienced the country’s large-scale villagization program, the article shows how some poor farmers – motivated by survival needs – negotiate the reform pressures in a way that amounts to “everyday resistance,” while the local reform implementers – as a result of their “in-between position” as leaders and members of the local communities – navigate between resistance and dominance in ambivalent ways. In this way, our empirical data contribute to the field of resistance studies, particularly to explorations of “everyday resistance,” by (1) questioning the conventional focus on the political consciousness (or “class antagonism”) of subalterns, as well as (2) destabilizing the binary class model of dominant superiors and resisting subalterns. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 734-750 Issue: 4 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1388569 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1388569 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:4:p:734-750 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1392710_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Editorial Board Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: ebi-ebi Issue: 4 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1392710 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1392710 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:4:p:ebi-ebi Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_262406_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Peter Kagwanja Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Kagwanja Title: Calming the Waters: The East African Community and Conflict over the Nile Resources Abstract: Control of the waters of the Nile Basin has long been contested among the ten African riparian states that sit within the wider catchment area. In colonial times, use of the Nile was regulated by treaties promulgated and supported under British rule. These agreements favoured Egyptian and, to a lesser extent, Sudanese primacy in controlling the great river. This situation began to be challenged in the 1960s with the end of colonial rule in the region, and these challenges have now again been renewed in recent years with the revival of the East African Community. The members of the EAC, Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania, have a common interest in facilitating the economic development of the Lake Victoria Basin, and by extension this gives them an incentive to tackle the long-standing issues over the regulatory devices governing use of the Nile waters. This article reviews the background to the conflict over the Nile waters and describes the activities of the revived EAC to demonstrate the ways in which this regional organization has, since 1999, elaborated new policies and structures to strengthen and sustain the Nile Basin Initiative and the Nile Basin River Commission. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 321-337 Issue: 3 Volume: 1 Year: 2007 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531050701625565 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531050701625565 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:1:y:2007:i:3:p:321-337 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_262391_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Abbebe Kifleyesus Author-X-Name-First: Abbebe Author-X-Name-Last: Kifleyesus Title: Food Familiarity and Novelty in a Condition of Socio-economic Transformation in North-Central Ethiopia Abstract: This article is about ideas and practices concerning production, distribution, preparation and consumption of food among the Argobbā of Ethiopia. It examines how Argobbā consumers have become accustomed to foreign foods and new modes of preparation and distribution of foods; how such changes have also altered the ways in which food has expressed social relations in terms of class, ethnic and gender identity; and looks at food politics and aesthetics and the gendered meanings behind the organisation of Argobbā menus and meals in changing environmental and socio-economic conditions. The article explores the nature of meals, not only how they emphasise and formalise gender difference and how children are socialised within gendered relations embedded in food ways, but also how the organisation of dinner ‘tables’ or plates reflects social differentiation that is loaded with gender meanings. It also analyses the extent to which meals construct social boundaries by focusing on the nature of ritual meals in Argobbā households and by discussing the ways in which cooking and cuisine reflect local, regional and national socio-economic changes resulting from environmental disturbances, reorientation of regional trade routes, and internal and external market exchanges. The article describes the contrasts between plenty and scarcity, tradition and modernity, hunger and satiety, and finally change and continuity. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 449-465 Issue: 3 Volume: 1 Year: 2007 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531050701625417 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531050701625417 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:1:y:2007:i:3:p:449-465 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_262407_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Marissa Doran Author-X-Name-First: Marissa Author-X-Name-Last: Doran Title: Reconstructing '95: AIDS, Billy Chisupe, and the Politics of Persuasion Abstract: This article re-examines the case of Billy Goodson Chisupe of Malawi, who in 1995 claimed to have discovered a cure for AIDS, and distributed the cure, at no charge, to nearly a million people. Existing interpretations of these events fail to recognize their significance; the mass movement to Chisupe reflected neither the ‘inevitable’ expression of a cultural pattern nor a public demand for ‘moral purity’, as Schoffeleers and Probst have theorized. It is argued here that the Chisupe affair can be explained not as ‘mass hysteria’ but as the product of rational fears (of AIDS), calculations (of the probability that someone like Chisupe might be ‘real’) and desires (for a chance to speak openly about inequality, politics, and the threat posed by disease). Chisupe's message – about inequality, and respect for African ‘tradition’ and science – is the crucial missing link in the existing portraits of the Chisupe affair, and that there are potential political and public health implications to the failure to understand the appeal of that message. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 397-416 Issue: 3 Volume: 1 Year: 2007 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531050701625573 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531050701625573 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:1:y:2007:i:3:p:397-416 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_262402_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Günther Schlee Author-X-Name-First: Günther Author-X-Name-Last: Schlee Title: Brothers of the Boran Once Again: On the Fading Popularity of Certain Somali Identities in Northern Kenya Abstract: This article focuses upon a cluster of questions about identity: under which conditions can social, political or ethnic affiliations which have been denied for over a generation be revived? Can there be, even in predominantly oral cultures, a kind of backup copy for older identities which are of no use in the present but might be useful again in the future? How does collective memory deal with what is deleted from it? Do insiders preserve and pass on what in the version of history they propagate has been cut out, maybe by describing to the younger generation in detail what it is that they should not say? Two cases are considered. The Ajuran of Kenya, who in the early colonial period were regarded as Oromo, later insisted on being Somali, denying completely that the close ritual and politico-military affiliation they once had to the Boran Oromo ever existed. In recent years the Ajuran have sought an alliance with the Boran again. This case is mirrored by the Degodia Somali, who briefly claimed to be brothers of the Boran, producing even a genealogy in support of that idea, and then went back into the Somali fold. The physical and social environment in which these re-identifications take place comprise arid lowland conditions with contested water and pasture resources, the Kenyan and Ethiopian states and their ethnic policies, neighbouring groups of pastoralists like the Gabra and Garre, and international legal discourses about human, civic and minority rights. As identity games imply, choices are restricted by considerations of plausibility, consistency and the need to be accepted, and it is not easy to re-affiliate in terms of belonging to one major category rather than another according to political and economic needs. Re-affiliation may also fail and the claim to historical links be exposed to ridicule. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 417-435 Issue: 3 Volume: 1 Year: 2007 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531050701625524 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531050701625524 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:1:y:2007:i:3:p:417-435 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_262399_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Andrea Nicolas Author-X-Name-First: Andrea Author-X-Name-Last: Nicolas Title: Founded in Memory of the ‘Good Old Times’: The Clan Assembly of Hiddii, in Eastern Shewa, Ethiopia Abstract: Dealing with questions of the transmittance and transformation of social institutions and organisational patterns throughout history, this article describes an Ethiopian clan assembly which was founded in 1992 in eastern Shewa by members of the Oromo ethnic group, in response to ongoing changes in the ethno-political arena that went along with previous government changes in Ethiopia. The notion of ‘nostalgia’ is introduced as an analytical tool to explain the foundation and growth of this institution. Nostalgia, in this context, is understood as a non-derogative, dynamic concept, and recognised as a powerful motivating force for social action with at times direct effects on social structure. The article shows that, although the official designation of the assembly was to re-install old, traditional patterns of Oromo social organisation and to establish a counter-force to Amhara dominance in the region, the Oromo clan assembly relied to a significant degree on organisational patterns and ‘know-how’ deriving from modern-day contexts and spheres of interaction with the Amhara, such as jointly-run burial associations, NGO capital-raising, and market-oriented projects. The question about the relationship between a possible recognition of ‘tradition’, or continuity on the one hand, and innovation, or ‘invented tradition’ on the other, is thus raised. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 484-497 Issue: 3 Volume: 1 Year: 2007 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531050701625490 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531050701625490 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:1:y:2007:i:3:p:484-497 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_262389_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jon Holtzman Author-X-Name-First: Jon Author-X-Name-Last: Holtzman Title: Eating Time: Capitalist History and Pastoralist History among Samburu Herders in Northern Kenya Abstract: This article examines food and eating practices as a central domain for understanding the changing politics of everyday life for Samburu pastoralists in northern Kenya. The analysis engages with longstanding debates concerning the historical models applied by western analysts to non-western peoples, as well as contemporary issues concerning the contours of ethnography within the context of global processes. Until recent times Samburu were wealthy livestock keepers, with a central cultural emphasis on a pastoral diet of milk, meat and blood. Patterns of provisioning, eating and food sharing constituted a domain densely packed with core cultural values, and thickly entangled webs of social relations. Over the past several decades, however, there has been a significant decline in the Samburu livestock economy. A diet centrally constituted of livestock products is now impossible for most Samburu, while problematizing those wide-ranging social and cultural domains closely entwined with food and eating. Thus, food and eating practices have become a crucial site where Samburu both experience and shape aspects of change, as well as an important indigenous historical idiom through which they understand their own social transformations. I argue that a model of Samburu history centred upon food effectively situates Samburu within broader political-economic forces without subjugating the agency and the meanings of Samburu actors to those concerns most centrally raised by attention to western notions of modernity and global processes. An approach centred upon the mundane realities of everyday life has a value in forging a unique and meaningful alternative to western models of change. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 436-448 Issue: 3 Volume: 1 Year: 2007 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531050701625391 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531050701625391 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:1:y:2007:i:3:p:436-448 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_262427_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Mbugua Wa-Mungai Author-X-Name-First: Mbugua Author-X-Name-Last: Wa-Mungai Title: Tusker Project Fame: Ethnic States, Popular Flows Abstract: Ethnicity has come to be the dominant currency of Kenya's politics over recent years. This article explores the social meaning of ethnicity through an examination of ethnic stereotyping, as this is revealed in a variety of popular discourses. Stereotypes are forged and circulated within popular sites of cultural encounter, and they are one of the principal means through which the objectives of ethnic projects are executed. The predominance of stereotypes within everyday social discourse in Kenya makes ethnic ‘othering’ normative. The article interrogates the links between popular cultural flows that enable the formulation and dissemination of both ethnic-based and other stereotypes, for instance on masculinity. It is argued that a consideration of (en-)gendering, often entirely missing from discussions of stereotypes, enables a more nuanced reading of such practices. It is asserted that stereotypes have become a dominant mode of discoursing in Kenya today because they constitute a corpus of folklore, originated within ‘in-groups’ and deployed in various modes against ‘out-groups’. In a society where folklore reaches deep into the past few people ever stop to question the validity of folkloric interpretations that are constantly at work in the present. These issues around stereotyping and ethnicity are examined through consideration of bar-room conversations, the lyrics of popular songs, text messaging, internet chat rooms, and newspaper cartoons Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 338-358 Issue: 3 Volume: 1 Year: 2007 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531050701625771 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531050701625771 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:1:y:2007:i:3:p:338-358 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_262393_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ben Knighton Author-X-Name-First: Ben Author-X-Name-Last: Knighton Title: Globalizing Trends or Identities through Time? The in Karamojong Ethnography Abstract: Using a range of oral and documentary sources, this article presents a detailed account of how Karamojong traditions have varied over time according to historical contingencies, while retaining a strong commitment to communal will even when this runs counter to perceived global trends. The very dominance of the global discourses surrounding issues of development in the Karamojong country may sometimes drown out local voices and can seem to relegate African agency to a matter of little importance. Despite this appearance of globalizing trends, African agency in Karamojong does in fact remain robustly active in a variety of important social contracts. In marriage, for instance, while the girl's freedom of choice has in some senses reduced, in others it can recently be shown to have increased; similarly, the quantity of bridewealth paid or pledged upon marriage has undergone fluctuations in the recent past, with implications for social relations. In warriorhood, too, new weapons have been acquired in recent times but the gun has long been part of the pastoralist arsenal for Karamojong. It is shown here that the aim and rôle of raiding have changed little over time, and the associated rituals have not atrophied with any secularisation due to the possession of Western technology. The power of Karamojong elders has been challenged by that of government administration and by the cyclical disequilibria of the age-class system, but traditional politics remain more sovereign than the state. African institutions have their history, too, and while it is a history of change it is not necessarily a history of decline. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 466-483 Issue: 3 Volume: 1 Year: 2007 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531050701625433 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531050701625433 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:1:y:2007:i:3:p:466-483 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_262428_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tim Allen Author-X-Name-First: Tim Author-X-Name-Last: Allen Title: Witchcraft, Sexuality and HIV/AIDS among the Azande of Sudan Abstract: The Azande of Ezo county, southern Sudan consider HIV/AIDS to be their worst health problem. Although there have been few confirmed cases, there is ongoing migration from neighbouring countries that are thought to have high prevalence. There are also more locally specific reasons for concern. Zande fears about HIV/AIDS relate to understandings of witchcraft. Witches, like HIV positive people, may look like everyone else, but are secretly killing those around them. Some individuals, who know they are HIV positive, demonstrate that they are moral persons by being open about it. They are active in providing information about the epidemic, and associate their activities with the Christian churches. Their efforts, and those of local religious and political leaders, have contributed to awareness about modes of transmission associated with sexual intercourse and contamination with infected blood. However, accepting such messages does not necessarily contradict witchcraft causality. Also, without knowing who are secretly positive, almost anyone is suspect. Advice about stopping sexual intercourse is viewed as untenable or worse, because sexuality and procreation are fundamental to life. A minority is enthusiastic about the use of condoms; but most people have had no personal experience of them and oppose their introduction. It is unclear why HIV/AIDS controls cannot be like those for other diseases, such as sleeping sickness. Support is expressed for testing facilities, and for clinical treatment. In addition, there are requests for all positive people to be publicly identified and concentrated in one place. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 359-396 Issue: 3 Volume: 1 Year: 2007 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531050701625789 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531050701625789 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:1:y:2007:i:3:p:359-396 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1087757_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: James Brennan Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Brennan Author-Name: Michael Jennings Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Jennings Author-Name: Jason Mosley Author-X-Name-First: Jason Author-X-Name-Last: Mosley Title: Announcement Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 353-353 Issue: 3 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1087757 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1087757 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:3:p:353-353 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1089698_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Valérie Arnould Author-X-Name-First: Valérie Author-X-Name-Last: Arnould Title: Transitional justice and democracy in Uganda: between impetus and instrumentalisation Abstract: While claims abound regarding transitional justice's importance for democracy building in transitioning countries, empirical investigations of these remain limited or have produced contradictory findings. This article seeks to contribute to these debates by investigating the relationship between transitional justice and democratic institution building in Uganda – looking in particular at the rule of law, the security forces and participation. It does so by exploring the causal mechanisms linking transitional justice to democracy, that is, the means through which transitional justice exerts its impact. Transitional justice is widely expected to impact democratic institution building through three mechanisms: (de)legitimation, reform, and empowerment. However, this article finds that in Uganda, transitional justice's impact through these is more circumscribed than has so far been assumed, and that it sometimes impacts democratic institution building negatively. The Ugandan experience furthermore suggests that in contexts of armed conflict and a hybrid regime, expectations about the extent to which transitional justice can support democratic institution building should be lowered. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 354-374 Issue: 3 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1089698 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1089698 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:3:p:354-374 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1091638_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Clémence Pinaud Author-X-Name-First: Clémence Author-X-Name-Last: Pinaud Title: “We are trained to be married!” Elite formation and ideology in the “girls’ battalion” of the Sudan People's Liberation Army Abstract: Women have supported, willingly or not, the Sudan People's Liberation Army's (SPLA) struggle of 22 years that led to the country's independence in 2011 as part of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement. This article explains the movement's relationship to women by contrasting it with other examples of guerilla armies in sub-Saharan Africa at the time. It highlights the lack of ideological depth of the movement from its inception, and dissects the many roots behind the rank-and-file and the population's hostility toward women's fighting. It analyzes the reasons behind the creation of the only “Girls' battalion”, Ketiba Banat, which became an incubator for the creation of a new female elite and fulfilled political and social functions during the 22 years struggle. It also depicts other groups of women who joined the SPLA and were militarily trained outside of Ketiba Banat. Women's engagement was socially stratified during the war and membership to Ketiba Banat became an engine for increased social differentiation during the war and even more so afterwards. The women who were trained in other battalions but found themselves excluded from post-war neo-patrimonial networks, share the same frustrations than in other African post-conflict contexts. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 375-393 Issue: 3 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1091638 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1091638 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:3:p:375-393 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1082713_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tesfa Bihonegn Author-X-Name-First: Tesfa Author-X-Name-Last: Bihonegn Title: The House of Federation: the practice and limits of federalism in Ethiopia's second federal chamber Abstract: Multiethnic Ethiopia has been “exercising” federalism for the last two decades with unique constitutional and institutional designs. This article deals with House of Federation, the second chamber of the federal parliament, which, in both its composition and competence, hardly shares the attributes that characterize federal chambers elsewhere. While previous studies have focused on its powers of constitutional interpretation, this article attempts to provide a wider picture of the House of Federation by discussing its composition and competences, the constitutional and political underpinnings behind its (unique) design, and associated ramifications and paradoxes. It shows how representing individual groups rather than member states at the federal chamber, though constitutionally justifiable, is practically problematic in light of the powers constitutionally attributed to the House of Federation, which are predominantly regional in their dimensions and implications. With regard to its competences, the article argues, the fact that the House of Federation is non-legislative is not only an indication to the paucity of “shared-rule” in Ethiopia, but also paradoxical in view of the emphasis on group “self-rule” and the guardian powers that the House has in respect to the federal constitutional order. Discussing its considerable arbitration assignments, apart from the widely discussed constitutional interpretation, it demonstrates that Ethiopia's House of Federation is also unusually and predominantly adjudicative. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 394-411 Issue: 3 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1082713 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1082713 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:3:p:394-411 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1089699_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Grace Pollard Author-X-Name-First: Grace Author-X-Name-Last: Pollard Author-Name: Matthew I.J. Davies Author-X-Name-First: Matthew I.J. Author-X-Name-Last: Davies Author-Name: Henrietta L. Moore Author-X-Name-First: Henrietta L. Author-X-Name-Last: Moore Title: Women, marketplaces and exchange partners amongst the Marakwet of northwest Kenya Abstract: Based on recent fieldwork, this paper examines the intersecting economic activities of Marakwet women in northwest Kenya with a particular focus on exchange friendships. We highlight the need to expand previous definitions of tilia, based on male exchange of livestock, to include a variety of exchange friendships including those between women. Through investigating women's economic activities in local marketplaces, we demonstrate that marketplaces facilitate the formation of tilia partnerships between women from different areas, and shape women's kinship and friendship interactions within the context of their market activities. We argue that there is a synergy between women's market activities and exchange relationships, but we also emphasise that market activities and tilia exchange relationships are part of the matrix of household economic decision-making navigated by Marakwet women. This has important implications for how we view and support the social and economic contributions of women's activities. Women's tilia relations provide a number of benefits to their trading activities, households and communities, and as such we suggest that rural development interventions would do well to consider and build upon these networks of exchange relations. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 412-439 Issue: 3 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1089699 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1089699 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:3:p:412-439 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1091639_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jeremy Prestholdt Author-X-Name-First: Jeremy Author-X-Name-Last: Prestholdt Title: Locating the Indian Ocean: notes on the postcolonial reconstitution of space Abstract: The networks of human relation that define the Indian Ocean region have undergone significant reconfiguration in the last half-century. More precisely, the economic insularity of the region has diminished while the postcolonial nation has both restricted movement and reoriented the political imaginations of people along the rim. At the same time, the Indian Ocean has been revivified as a unit of social exchange and analysis, particularly since the end of the Cold War. This article explores the meaning of Indian Ocean Africa in the context of a multipolar world by focusing on how the dictates of nations have transformed the region and how the petroleum economy as well as shifting means of social engagement have engendered new linkages. The essay argues that although the postcolonial era affected the closure of certain historical routes of connectivity, relationships structured by contemporary nations and air travel, among other things, have encouraged perceptions of regional coherence. What we might term basin consciousness has begun to reverse the introverted politics of the early postcolonial era and animate the Indian Ocean as an idea. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 440-467 Issue: 3 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1091639 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1091639 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:3:p:440-467 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1082255_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Preben Kaarsholm Author-X-Name-First: Preben Author-X-Name-Last: Kaarsholm Title: Islam, secularist government, and state–civil society interaction in Mozambique and South Africa since 1994 Abstract: This article explores state–civil society interactions in Mozambique and South Africa with a focus on Islamic groupings, and places the two countries within an Indian Ocean coastal continuum of links to East Africa, India, and the Arab world. Contrasting the histories of dominant-party rule since the transitions in 1994 to multiparty-ism in Mozambique and to democracy in South Africa, the article discusses the development of Islamic organisations including both transnational Sufi orders and modernist reform movements as important components in local civil societies. The article contrasts the spaces for accommodation of Islamic groups that have been created in South Africa with the more radical secularism that has been in place in post-Independence Mozambique. Finally, the article discusses the effects of this contrast on possibilities for stability and democratic consolidation in the context of the 2014 elections in South Africa and Mozambique. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 468-487 Issue: 3 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1082255 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1082255 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:3:p:468-487 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1082257_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Scott S. Reese Author-X-Name-First: Scott S. Author-X-Name-Last: Reese Title: Shaykh Abdullahi al-Qutbi and the pious believer's dilemma: local moral guidance in an age of global Islamic reform Abstract: Using the writings of the religious scholar `Abdullahi al-Qutbi, this article examines the ‘transregional’ nature of Muslim reformist discourse in the early twentieth century and the way in which the trajectories of individuals, objects and ideas cut across the largely imaginary boundaries traditionally used to divide the Middle East and Africa. African Muslims have maintained intimate ties with their non-African brethren across space through various intellectual, economic and political relationships throughout the history of Islam. However, they have also remained entwined across time via engagement with the more or less commonly accepted canon of the faith and what Talal Asad has termed the ‘discursive tradition.’ This essay demonstrates the persistence of these processes through the age of European colonialism into the early twentieth century. But equally important is the way in which the increasingly elaborate and rapid networks of empire created in the nineteenth century facilitated and intensified the interaction of both people and ideas helping create the modern horizontally integrated community of believers. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 488-504 Issue: 3 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1082257 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1082257 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:3:p:488-504 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1092281_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jatin Dua Author-X-Name-First: Jatin Author-X-Name-Last: Dua Title: After piracy? Mapping the means and ends of maritime predation in the Western Indian Ocean Abstract: From 2008 to 2012, a dramatic upsurge in maritime piracy in the Western Indian Ocean captivated global attention and led to the development of robust counter-piracy measures, including the deployment of navies, legal prosecutions, and the use of armed guards on merchant ships transiting through the region. By the end of 2012, incidents of maritime piracy, successful or otherwise, plummeted by over 80% leading many to cautiously declare an end to the Somali piracy cycle. The rise and fall of piracy is primarily seen as an indicator highlighting the strength or weakness of global governance mechanisms at sea or the stability and reach of the central government on land in Somalia. While issues of governance at sea and on land are key factors in explaining the ebb and flow of this practice in the Western Indian Ocean, this article focuses on the particular structure of Somali piracy as a kidnap and ransom economy in order to account for its rise and fall. Framed within a language of work and entrepreneurship, piracy was enabled through systems of risk pooling and credit networks that both allowed for its spectacular expansion and ultimately led to its decline. Emphasizing the framing of piracy as a form of work also ties this practice simultaneously to longer histories of predation in oceanic domains from the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean, and territorializes it within a wider Somali trans-regional economy in ways that befuddle distinctions between legal and illegal, public and private, formal and informal. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 505-521 Issue: 3 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1092281 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1092281 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:3:p:505-521 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1087682_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Stephanie Jones Author-X-Name-First: Stephanie Author-X-Name-Last: Jones Title: The absent pirate: exceeding justice in the Indian Ocean Abstract: Legal, literary and visual archives are replete with absent pirates. It is remarkable how often the pirate is only partly delineated or seen from a distance, is ghostly, or plotted off-stage. These figurations variously nerve and unnerve imperial discourses and narratives of justice. This paper addresses some recent, fictional non-representations of ‘the Somali pirate’. I propose that this absenting of the pirate is critical to the texts’ various approaches or reproaches to justice. I further suggest that these fictions are concerned with an ethics of proximity – of physical space and geographical affect – that exceeds the primacy and virtue of ‘justice’. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 522-535 Issue: 3 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1087682 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1087682 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:3:p:522-535 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1082254_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: David M. Anderson Author-X-Name-First: David M. Author-X-Name-Last: Anderson Author-Name: Jacob McKnight Author-X-Name-First: Jacob Author-X-Name-Last: McKnight Title: Understanding al-Shabaab: clan, Islam and insurgency in Kenya Abstract: Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen has proven itself to be a highly adaptable organisation. Their most recent evolution has seen them transform from an overt, military and governmental force in southern Somalia to a covert, insurgent and anarchic force in Kenya. This article indicates how al-Shabaab has reinvented itself in Kenya. Both ‘clan’ and ‘Islam’ are often thought of as immutable factors in al-Shabaab's make-up, but here we show that the organisation is pragmatic in its handling of clan relations and of Islamic theology. The movement is now able to exploit the social and economic exclusion of Kenyan Muslim communities in order to draw them into insurgency, recruiting Kenyans to its banner. Recent al-Shabaab attacks in Kenya, launched since June 2014, indicate how potent and dangerous their insurgency has become in the borderlands and coastal districts where Kenya's Islamic population predominates. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 536-557 Issue: 3 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1082254 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1082254 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:3:p:536-557 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_776280_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jatin Dua Author-X-Name-First: Jatin Author-X-Name-Last: Dua Title: A sea of trade and a sea of fish: piracy and protection in the Western Indian Ocean Abstract: Based on an ethnographic engagement with the Somali coast, this article reframes maritime piracy as an economy of protection linked to longer histories and contestations over trade, plunder, and profit in this region. Through the lens of protection, the article brings into view an emergent moral economy of piracy and ethical debates over the nature of work and trade, including the work of piracy in this oceanic space. Specifically, it brings to the forefront and argues for the analytical separation of two distinct processes and practices of Somali engagements with the sea. The first part locates the development of a “sea of trade” and the centrality of economies of protection within this maritime world. The second part of the argument emphasizes a “sea of fish” and the development of a licensing and rent-seeking regime off the coast of Somalia, from the 1970s onwards. The emergence of maritime piracy is located within these shifting currents and visions of the sea. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 353-370 Issue: 2 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.776280 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.776280 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:2:p:353-370 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_776282_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Virginia Luling, Anthropologist (24 June 1939–7 January 2013) Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 196-198 Issue: 2 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.776282 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.776282 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:2:p:196-198 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_776281_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Mohamed Ingiriis Author-X-Name-First: Mohamed Author-X-Name-Last: Ingiriis Author-Name: Markus Hoehne Author-X-Name-First: Markus Author-X-Name-Last: Hoehne Title: The impact of civil war and state collapse on the roles of Somali women: a blessing in disguise Abstract: Somali society can be characterized as patriarchal ‘to the bone’. Despite tremendous political and economic changes in the 20th century, and from colonial to post-colonial rule, the situation of women changed only minimally. In fact, some authors argue that women enjoyed even less independence from male ‘wards’ during the democratic and later revolutionary governments from 1960 to 1991 that were promulgating modernization and gender equality, at least rhetorically. Paradoxically, the most substantial changes regarding gender relations that led to a considerable empowerment of women in the social, economic and political sphere were triggered by the tragedy of civil war and state collapse. Women had to bear the brunt of the fighting. But they also became actively involved in armed conflict as combatants, motivators of their men and also as peace-makers. Women also took over more economic responsibilities and fought their way into politics. This article traces the challenges and opportunities that the civil war and the collapse of the state provided for women, arguing that the Somali tragedy provided a blessing in disguise at least for some women who gained social, economic and political power. Still, what we are observing is not a revolution but at best an incidental ‘reform’. If this will eventually lead to more just gender relations in the long run remains to be seen. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 314-333 Issue: 2 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.776281 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.776281 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:2:p:314-333 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_776276_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Günther Schlee Author-X-Name-First: Günther Author-X-Name-Last: Schlee Title: Customary law and the joys of statelessness: idealised traditions versus Somali realities Abstract: There is some truth in the statement that in Somalia the periods and regions least affected by struggles about the state have provided better living conditions than the ones more affected by statehood. It is also true that the state, especially in the final stage of its existence leading up to its collapse in 1991, was of a predatory nature and, rather than contributing to development, affected it adversely. There is no doubt that no state at all is better than some of the experience the Somali have made with actually existing statehood (but not in comparison with many alternative courses history could have taken). In some recent writings about Somalia, however, the advantages of statelessness have been grossly overstated, and the disadvantages of not having a functioning nation-state in a world of nation-states have grossly been neglected. Especially the Somali customary law (xeer) has been romanticized and praised as a cost-efficient mechanism for the provision of ‘justice’ in the absence of statehood. This paper examines the actual working of customary law and finds it to be based on negotiation, often between unequals with a number of structural advantages for the demographically, economically and militarily stronger side. Xeer does regulate the use of violence to a degree, but it does not produce ‘justice’ in the universal or Western sense of the term, as some of its advocates seem to assume. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 258-271 Issue: 2 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.776276 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.776276 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:2:p:258-271 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_776277_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Anna Lindley Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Lindley Title: Displacement in contested places: governance, movement and settlement in the Somali territories Abstract: South–central Somalia is the epicentre of one of the worst displacement situations in the world in terms of both the numbers of people affected and the dire conditions in which many are living. Key aspects of Somali displacement – the protracted and unresolved nature of much displacement, the contested nature of the places where people seek refuge, and the scale and significance of movement – unsettle common assumptions about internal displacement, and point to the importance of understanding the situation of displaced people at destination. Based on primary research with displaced people, political, aid and business actors, as well as secondary sources, this paper highlights the key forces and frameworks which mediate the situation of displaced people. The relevance of local social relations, macro-political authorities and the international humanitarian regime are examined, including how these structures articulate with each other. The paper concludes that much more research is needed to explore the perspectives of displaced people themselves, and to understand the impact of displacement in the Somali territories. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 291-313 Issue: 2 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.776277 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.776277 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:2:p:291-313 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_776278_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jutta Bakonyi Author-X-Name-First: Jutta Author-X-Name-Last: Bakonyi Title: Authority and administration beyond the state: local governance in southern Somalia, 1995–2006 Abstract: After 1995, southern and central Somalia splintered into a patchwork of weakly institutionalized forms of authority. These localized power-figurations had common characteristics: they were established by clan-based militias, used primary forms of revenue extraction and mobilized followers on the basis of clan affiliation. Their degree of legitimacy varied considerably between the regions, depending on the history of conquest, the organizational structure of domination and the utilized forms of administration. This article will examine the social order established in the south-western regions Bay and Bakool. It was established by the Rahanweyn Resistance Army (RRA) and enjoyed a relatively high degree of legitimacy among the local population. However, the RRA faced the same problems as other ruling militias in south–central Somalia. It could not transform its highly personalized power structure into bureaucratic, and hence more stable, forms of authority. Instead, it was challenged by internal competition, which eventually led to fragmentation and decay. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 272-290 Issue: 2 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.776278 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.776278 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:2:p:272-290 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_776279_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Markus Hoehne Author-X-Name-First: Markus Author-X-Name-Last: Hoehne Title: Limits of hybrid political orders: the case of Somaliland Abstract: Hybrid political orders are in the literature discussed as a heuristic tool to understand how power and legitimacy are negotiated in settings where the Western model of the liberal democratic state does not work. Sometimes they are presented as an alternative model for successful statehood, e.g., by combining ‘traditional’ and ‘modern’ political institutions. The Republic of Somaliland is frequently presented as functioning hybrid political order. A cornerstone for Somaliland's success was the integration of traditional authorities in government. These authorities engaged in peace-building and state formation in the early 1990s. Their role was institutionalized in the ‘House of Elders’, the upper house of parliament. This article argues that the hybrid political order of Somaliland has outlived its success. What is left at the beginning of the 21st century is an imbalanced and in many regards ‘crippled’ hybrid. It threatens democratic progress and undermines the authority and legitimacy of the state institutions as well as the leading traditional authorities in the region. These developments in Somaliland show the limits of hybrid political systems in general. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 199-217 Issue: 2 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.776279 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.776279 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:2:p:199-217 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_777217_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Dominik Balthasar Author-X-Name-First: Dominik Author-X-Name-Last: Balthasar Title: Somaliland's best kept secret: shrewd politics and war projects as means of state-making Abstract: The de facto state of Somaliland has featured prominently as constituting an allegedly exceptional case of state-making, especially because peaceful and democratic elements of its trajectory have frequently been emphasized. Yet, evidence suggests that the polity's state-making project not only showed considerable traits of authoritarian leadership, but also that it was significantly perpetuated by the civil wars encouraged by President Egal during his first term in office. Hence, this article proposes that Somaliland's ‘best kept secret’ lies less with the commonly emphasized processes of reconciliation and consensus-based governance driven by ‘traditional authorities’ than with the shrewd politics and war projects that underpinned its state-making endeavour. While clarifying that war was neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for state-making, this article counters the neo-liberal proposition that war invariably constitutes ‘development in reverse’ and contributes to the argument that we need to disaggregate the ‘black box’ of war in order to enhance our understanding of under what condition war, or certain elements thereof, can be constitutive of state-making in the contemporary world. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 218-238 Issue: 2 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.777217 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.777217 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:2:p:218-238 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_776273_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Markus Hoehne Author-X-Name-First: Markus Author-X-Name-Last: Hoehne Title: Introduction Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 195-195 Issue: 2 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.776273 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.776273 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:2:p:195-195 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_776274_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nicole Stremlau Author-X-Name-First: Nicole Author-X-Name-Last: Stremlau Title: Hostages of peace: the politics of radio liberalization in Somaliland Abstract: Somaliland has held several competitive and multiparty elections that have been cited by international election monitors as being “free and fair.” While political competition has been tolerated, or even encouraged by the governments in power, there has been a continued reluctance to allow private radio stations. Citing the possibility of destabilizing Somaliland's delicate peace, arguments against the liberalization of the media include concerns of radios used to further political polarization, mobilize groups to escalate simmering conflicts and violence, and the capacity of the government to regulate media outlets. This article locates these arguments against media liberalization in the context of Somaliland's larger nation- and state-building project suggesting that in transitions from war to peace, no matter how prolonged, there are very real concerns about processes of institutionalization and the sequencing of democratic reforms. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 239-257 Issue: 2 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.776274 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.776274 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:2:p:239-257 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_776275_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Neil Carrier Author-X-Name-First: Neil Author-X-Name-Last: Carrier Author-Name: Emma Lochery Author-X-Name-First: Emma Author-X-Name-Last: Lochery Title: Missing states? Somali trade networks and the Eastleigh transformation Abstract: Since the collapse of the Somali state, Nairobi's Eastleigh estate has played host to thousands of Somali refugees and developed from a quiet residential suburb to a major East African commercial hub. This article examines this transformation, arguing that it builds on pre-existing cross border trade networks, as well as diaspora and Kenyan sources of capital, and regional and global processes that intensified in the early 1990s. The Eastleigh story provides a lens through which we trace economic changes associated with Somalia's extended statelessness, in particular how connective fabric has been generated and sustained in this stateless period. However, the Eastleigh story is not just one of Somali statelessness, but also of interaction with other states. In particular, this article focuses on the ambiguous relationship of Eastleigh to the Kenyan state, suggesting that Somali business in Eastleigh, although born of a collapsed state and informality, is integrated in various ways into the formal state-regulated sector. Furthermore, Eastleigh businesspeople hope for more Kenyan state involvement in the estate to provide better security and infrastructure, while Somali businesspeople in general long for a viable Somali state that will allow them to invest their capital at home. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 334-352 Issue: 2 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.776275 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.776275 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:2:p:334-352 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_664708_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Kristof Titeca Author-X-Name-First: Kristof Author-X-Name-Last: Titeca Author-Name: Koen Vlassenroot Author-X-Name-First: Koen Author-X-Name-Last: Vlassenroot Title: Rebels without borders in the Rwenzori borderland? A biography of the Allied Democratic Forces Abstract: This article provides a detailed analysis of the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), a Ugandan rebel movement that is operating from Congolese soil but so far has attracted very limited scholarly attention. Having its roots in Ugandan Islamic community, it has become part of larger transborder dynamics of rebellion and resistance. It is argued that although its institution is linked to several internal dynamics in Uganda, the movement's character has been largely shaped by the specific characteristics of the Uganda–DRC Rwenzori borderland, where it became a key player of local power struggles and conflicts. The article provides a detailed account of the origins, characteristics and strategies of the ADF, its integration into Congolese society and its impact on local and regional dynamics of conflict. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 154-176 Issue: 1 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.664708 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.664708 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:1:p:154-176 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_669117_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: James Brennan Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Brennan Author-Name: Michael Jennings Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Jennings Author-Name: Jason Mosley Author-X-Name-First: Jason Author-X-Name-Last: Mosley Title: Announcement Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 1-1 Issue: 1 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.669117 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.669117 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:1:p:1-1 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_664704_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ben Mergelsberg Author-X-Name-First: Ben Author-X-Name-Last: Mergelsberg Title: The displaced family: moral imaginations and social control in Pabbo, northern Uganda Abstract: Looking at the internally displaced people (IDP) camp in Pabbo, northern Uganda, the article focuses on aspects of displacement less frequently discussed. People in Pabbo were not only victimised by violence from the side of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) rebels on one side and the Ugandan government on the other. They also felt threatened by the experience of a moral crisis in the IDP camp. At the centre of this crisis was the family, the place where people were supposed to care for each other and control each other's behaviour. The setting of the IDP camp was experienced as making this ideal model of mutuality and accountability impossible. The ways in which threats of witchcraft, HIV/AIDS and antisocial behaviour were discussed reflected this crisis of the family. In an effort to restore what was expressed as collectively acceptable moral values, people in Pabbo resorted to measures which to outsiders may appear violent. This led to the somewhat contradictory situation in which aid agencies, working in the region, informed people's understanding of the moral crisis (mostly through HIV/AIDS awareness campaigns) but found it impossible to reconcile their human rights-based approach with the local measures of social control aimed at restoring moral values. The people of Pabbo, this case study suggests, were far from being passive victims of powerful outside actors. Rather, they had clear ideas of the threats they experienced and found ways of acting against them. They exercised agency, but mostly within their own terms of reference. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 64-80 Issue: 1 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.664704 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.664704 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:1:p:64-80 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_664705_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Holly Porter Author-X-Name-First: Holly Author-X-Name-Last: Porter Title: Justice and rape on the periphery: the supremacy of social harmony in the space between local solutions and formal judicial systems in northern Uganda Abstract: In the Acholi sub-region of Uganda, historically and geographically peripheral since the colonial era and the epicenter of over 20 years of war – there is a peculiar manifestation of what appear to be contradictory phenomena: brutally violent retribution and extraordinary forgiveness. This article suggests that both responses to wrongdoing are motivated by the same supremely important value of social harmony. The article focuses on one crime, rape, and examines what justice means for Acholi women in the vacuum of justice created by the decayed state of former local methods of responding to wrongdoing and the still inadequate role and legitimacy of Uganda's judicial system and the International Criminal Court. The research indicates that notions of appropriate punishment are oriented by the degree to which the perpetrator is seen as important to future social harmony. The various responses to rape are a product of dynamics in the justice gap, and, I want to suggest, are illustrative of responses to crime or wrongdoing more generally. The article highlights the centrality of two integral aspects of lived Acholi reality: there is a profound value of social harmony, and a deep distrust of higher authorities to dispense justice in their interest. Women's experiences after rape in this study underscore the importance of an arbiter of injustice that has earned moral jurisdiction on a local level. When authority is recognized and trusted, parties typically accept the outcome of arbitration, restoring broken social harmony. However, without moral jurisdiction, outcomes of such processes are viewed with suspicion and usually exacerbate existing tensions. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 81-97 Issue: 1 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.664705 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.664705 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:1:p:81-97 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_664706_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Melissa Parker Author-X-Name-First: Melissa Author-X-Name-Last: Parker Author-Name: Tim Allen Author-X-Name-First: Tim Author-X-Name-Last: Allen Author-Name: Georgina Pearson Author-X-Name-First: Georgina Author-X-Name-Last: Pearson Author-Name: Nichola Peach Author-X-Name-First: Nichola Author-X-Name-Last: Peach Author-Name: Rachel Flynn Author-X-Name-First: Rachel Author-X-Name-Last: Flynn Author-Name: Nicholas Rees Author-X-Name-First: Nicholas Author-X-Name-Last: Rees Title: Border parasites: schistosomiasis control among Uganda's fisherfolk Abstract: It is recognized that the control of schistosomisais in Uganda requires a focus on fisherfolk. Large numbers suffer from this water-borne parasitic disease; notably along the shores of lakes Albert and Victoria and along the River Nile. Since 2004, a policy has been adopted of providing drugs, free of charge, to all those at risk. The strategy has been reported to be successful, but closer investigation reveals serious problems. This paper draws upon long-term research undertaken at three locations in northwestern and southeastern Uganda. It highlights consequences of not engaging with the day to day realities of fisherfolk livelihoods; attributable, in part, to the fact that so many fisherfolk live and work in places located at the country's international borders, and to a related tendency to treat them as “feckless” and “ungovernable”. Endeavours to roll out treatment end up being haphazard, erratic and location-specific. In some places, concerted efforts have been made to treat fisherfolk; but there is no effective monitoring, and it is difficult to gauge what proportion have actually swallowed the tablets. In other places, fisherfolk are, in practice, largely ignored, or are actively harassed in ways that make treatment almost impossible. At all sites, the current reliance upon resident “community” drug distributors or staff based at static clinics and schools was found to be flawed. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 98-123 Issue: 1 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.664706 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.664706 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:1:p:98-123 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_664707_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Mareike Schomerus Author-X-Name-First: Mareike Author-X-Name-Last: Schomerus Title: “They forget what they came for”: Uganda's army in Sudan Abstract: Uganda's army, the Uganda People's Defence Force (UPDF), has been operating on Sudanese territory since the late 1990s. From 2002 to 2006, a bilateral agreement between the governments in Khartoum and Kampala gave the Ugandan soldiers permission to conduct military operations in Southern Sudan to eliminate the Ugandan rebel Lord's Resistance Army (LRA). Instead of conducting a successful operation against Uganda's most persistent rebels – who had withdrawn into Sudanese territory and acted as a proxy force in Sudan's civil war – the UPDF conducted a campaign of abuse against Sudanese civilians. Drawing on extensive fieldwork conducted over several years, this article documents local experiences of a foreign army's involvement in the brutal Sudanese civil war. It outlines why continued operations of the UPDF outside their borders recreate the same problem they purport to be fighting: abuses of civilians. Since 2008, US military support for the UPDF mission against the LRA has called into question the viability of continued militarisation through an army that has committed widely documented human rights abuses. The foreign military has not brought peace to the region. Instead, it has made a peaceful environment less likely for residents of South Sudan. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 124-153 Issue: 1 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.664707 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.664707 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:1:p:124-153 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_664701_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Koen Vlassenroot Author-X-Name-First: Koen Author-X-Name-Last: Vlassenroot Author-Name: Sandrine Perrot Author-X-Name-First: Sandrine Author-X-Name-Last: Perrot Author-Name: Jeroen Cuvelier Author-X-Name-First: Jeroen Author-X-Name-Last: Cuvelier Title: Doing business out of war. An analysis of the UPDF's presence in the Democratic Republic of Congo Abstract: This paper analyses how Ugandan army commanders have mobilised transborder economic networks to exploit economic opportunities in eastern DRC during the military intervention of the Ugandan People's Defence Force (UPDF) in Congo's wars (1996–97; 1998–2003). These transborder networks are the starting point of our evaluation of the informal political structures and networks linking Uganda's political centre to Congo's war complex. While it is often claimed that military entrepreneurismalism in the DRC has undermined political stability in Uganda, we argue that the activities of Ugandan military entrepreneurs and networks under their control were an integral part of Uganda's governance regime. Crucial to the development of this entrepreneurialism was the existence of pre-war transborder networks of economic exchange that were connecting Congo to eastern African markets. Military control over these highly informalised networks facilitated UPDF commanders’ access to Congo's resources. Rather than operating as privatised sources of accumulation, these military shadow networks were directly linked to the inner circles of the Ugandan regime. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 2-21 Issue: 1 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.664701 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.664701 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:1:p:2-21 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_664702_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tim Allen Author-X-Name-First: Tim Author-X-Name-Last: Allen Author-Name: Laura Storm Author-X-Name-First: Laura Author-X-Name-Last: Storm Title: Quests for therapy in northern Uganda: healing at Laropi revisited Abstract: This article presents a case of diachronic ethnography. It examines quests for therapy among the Madi people of northern Uganda. It is based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out in and around the small trading centre of Laropi; originally in the late 1980s and again in 2008. By revisiting the same field site at different points in time, and by drawing on related ethnographic material collected in the 1950s and 70s, we are able to examine how such quests have altered and to discuss factors influencing these changes. We also comment on shifts in conceptual approaches of medical anthropology that have influenced perceptions and analysis. Laropi lies close to the border with Sudan and its inhabitants have experienced much upheaval and political isolation. We examine how this has influenced understandings and responses to ill-health and misfortune. Particularly important in recent years has been the increasing availability and accessibility of biomedicine, which the population have embraced and indigenized as a mark of progress and political recognition. On the face of it, this has rendered recourse to more “traditional” forms of healing obsolete. However, as we describe, the situation is more ambiguous. Notions of witchcraft, spirit possession and ancestor veneration are more pervasive than they might seem. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 22-46 Issue: 1 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.664702 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.664702 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:1:p:22-46 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_664703_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Kristof Titeca Author-X-Name-First: Kristof Author-X-Name-Last: Titeca Title: Tycoons and contraband: informal cross-border trade in West Nile, north-western Uganda Abstract: This article presents ethnographic evidence on the activities of the “tycoons” – large-scale cross-border contraband traders in north-western Uganda. It shows how engagement with state officials, but also integration in the broader community are two crucial aspects which explain the functioning of informal cross-border trade or “smuggling” in north-western Uganda. In doing so, it shows how, although there is a high degree of interaction between the “formal” and the “informal”, the informal economy still has a distinct regulatory authority rather than simply merging in the state regulatory framework. Secondly, the regulatory authority governing this trade has a distinct plural character: rather than being either a “weapon of the weak” for marginalised sections of the population or a “weapon of the strong” for political elites, it has a much more ambiguous character, which influences the behaviour of the tycoons: both of these interactions limit the maneuvering space of these traders. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 47-63 Issue: 1 Volume: 6 Year: 2012 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.664703 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.664703 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:6:y:2012:i:1:p:47-63 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1106743_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Victoire Chalin Author-X-Name-First: Victoire Author-X-Name-Last: Chalin Author-Name: Valérie Golaz Author-X-Name-First: Valérie Author-X-Name-Last: Golaz Author-Name: Claire Médard Author-X-Name-First: Claire Author-X-Name-Last: Médard Title: Land titling in Uganda crowds out local farmers Abstract: A boom in land titling has hit the outskirts of Kampala in Uganda, with the development of housing projects and new types of investments in the farm sector. Most of the new title-holders are not the tenants who used to be at the basis of the local agricultural system despite legislation officially intended to protect them. Tenant families are progressively losing their rights and trapped with insufficient land for farming. Most are today involved in both farm and non-farm activities, linking up agrarian and urban spaces, side to side with absentee urban investors. The current dynamics of the land market around Kampala contributes to deep changes in both agricultural production and social composition of the population, leading to new forms of marginalisation and rising inequalities. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 559-573 Issue: 4 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1106743 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1106743 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:4:p:559-573 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1112934_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Mediatrice Kagaba Author-X-Name-First: Mediatrice Author-X-Name-Last: Kagaba Title: Women's experiences of gender equality laws in rural Rwanda: the case of Kamonyi District Abstract: This article analyses how women in the rural district of Kamonyi experience gender equality laws and policies in their everyday lives. Traditional Rwandan society had a patriarchal social structure that accepted unequal power relations between men and women. The 2003 new constitution, adopted after the 1994 Tutsi genocide, recognizes the importance of gender equality and includes specific legal provisions to ensure women's equal protection under the law. Drawing on focus group discussions with women in Kamonyi, it emerges that women's experiences are mixed with regard to the new laws: they enjoy the right of access to family assets, inheritance, and work opportunities; yet they also experience a “gender dilemma” of whether to exercise rights enshrined in the constitution even though that may lead to marital difficulties in their households. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 574-592 Issue: 4 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1112934 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1112934 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:4:p:574-592 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1116142_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Eveliina Lyytinen Author-X-Name-First: Eveliina Author-X-Name-Last: Lyytinen Title: Congolese refugees’ ‘right to the city’ and urban (in)security in Kampala, Uganda Abstract: The concept of the ‘right to the city' (RTC), originally developed by Lefebvre, refers to the idea that justice is embedded in social and spatial processes, and accordingly cities are spaces of inequality and resistance. In this paper, Congolese refugees’ RTC is examined with regard to their city of exile, Kampala, Uganda. The analysis is based on extensive qualitative research conducted during 2010–2011. The notion of RTC is understood to signify refugees’ right to access and occupy urban space. This study also acknowledges and reinterprets the essentially Lefebvrian elements of appropriation and participation. Appropriation of space is featured in refugees’ discourses on how to transform insecure urban areas into protective spaces. Refugees’ participation in decision-making regarding their formal protection is analysed as a collective, community-based right argued for in different forms of resistance. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 593-611 Issue: 4 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1116142 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1116142 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:4:p:593-611 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1105438_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Katrin Seidel Author-X-Name-First: Katrin Author-X-Name-Last: Seidel Author-Name: Timm Sureau Author-X-Name-First: Timm Author-X-Name-Last: Sureau Title: Introduction: Peace and constitution making in emerging South Sudan on and beyond the negotiation tables Abstract: By way of introduction to this special collection, this article addresses the question: Does the ‘emerging’ state South Sudan need a ‘permanent’ constitution, especially in light of the ongoing negotiations on the mode of statehood? We shed light on the resulting dilemma between the hasty production of a ‘permanent’ constitution and the idea of deriving its authority from the will of the people, implying the existence of a certain societal consensus. An analysis of a peace conference over land tenure clearly demonstrates that regional and national consensuses on issues to be inscribed in a ‘permanent’ constitution could not be reached. During this conference, a ‘processual solution’ permitted not only for the continuation of negotiations, but also for the integration of all involved actors. By contrast, the de jure makings of both the Transitional Constitution which currently serves as the preliminary normative frame of the new state, and the upcoming ‘permanent’ constitution show that many actors are ousted from the decision-making process. Furthermore, actors on, off, and beyond the constitution-making table negotiate within the normative frames of international actors, even if these frames and the mode of statehood are still under negotiation. The current political and military re-negotiations can be seen as an opportunity to fundamentally rethink the constitution-making endeavour. The paper argues that a slowing down of the constitution making and a ‘processual solution’ to the dilemma – without an immediate claim to consent on substance – seems to be a more appropriate ‘solution’. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 612-633 Issue: 4 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1105438 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1105438 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:4:p:612-633 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1105439_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Samson S. Wassara Author-X-Name-First: Samson S. Author-X-Name-Last: Wassara Title: South Sudan: state sovereignty challenged at infancy Abstract: South Sudan is losing control over its territory. The state was born prematurely into a conflict society where fragility is manifested through multiple challenges. Although the emerging state fulfilled the declarative requirements of a state in international law, the tools needed to build a sovereign state were lacking and South Sudan descended rapidly into another civil war and disorder. The theoretical significance of this paper lies in its explanation of the theory of sovereignty with relevance to the emergence of South Sudan as a state. It examines how post-conflict policies, decisions, and practical actions have influenced trends of national sovereignty. A variety of conflicts, and political violence and poor infrastructure in particular, challenge the capacity of South Sudan to maintain control over its territory. Using descriptive research approaches this paper concludes that legacies of prolonged civil war including unresolved issues within the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, politico-military incongruent policies, and communal violence present serious challenges to the Government of South Sudan as it struggles to sustain its independence. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 634-649 Issue: 4 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1105439 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1105439 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:4:p:634-649 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1105440_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Cherry Leonardi Author-X-Name-First: Cherry Author-X-Name-Last: Leonardi Title: Points of order? Local government meetings as negotiation tables in South Sudanese history Abstract: This paper explores the long-term, local-level history of state formation in South Sudan over the past century, by focusing on local government meetings. The resilience of local state institutions and practices has been overlooked in recent state-building agendas and by scholars critical of authoritarian government and failed decentralization in South Sudan's history. But this paper argues that meetings of local government officials and chiefs have long been significant institutions for negotiating the state and performing its authority. Yet they were also risky and unpredictable events for state officials, who at times struggled to control the critical and unruly talk of the participants. These officials were made vulnerable by the very logic and performance of the meeting as a binary dialogue between ‘state’ and ‘society’, constituting a boundary which was otherwise blurred or non-existent among the local elites who recognized each other as legitimate negotiators in meetings. The performance of this dichotomy contributed to the idea of the state as an entity standing separate from society, to which people might appeal against the failings and corruptions of local government, and with which a contractual relationship was continually being negotiated. The performative aspect of these meetings should not simply be dismissed then as evidence of their impotence or control by the state, but rather as a vital means by which the state has come to be imagined and negotiated at the most immediate local levels of government. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 650-668 Issue: 4 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1105440 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1105440 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:4:p:650-668 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1105441_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ferenc David Marko Author-X-Name-First: Ferenc David Author-X-Name-Last: Marko Title: Negotiations and morality: the ethnicization of citizenship in post-secession South Sudan Abstract: In 2011, two days prior to its declaration of independence, South Sudan adopted a new nationality act and set up a bureaucracy to handle citizenship-related issues. Despite striking similarities with Sudanese bureaucratic traditions, the paper argues that South Sudan altered the overarching logic of its citizenship and moved towards an ethnic definition, in which applicants chiefly have to prove their ethnic affiliation. While Sudan stratified its citizenship regime and thus discriminated against people among its citizenry, South Sudan preselects its applicants. The paper, through the analysis of stories of citizenship applicants, seeks to investigate how people who do not immediately fit into the imagined categories of good citizens, cope with the situations. On these shaky grounds, where evidence is indecisive, bureaucrats and applicants invoke moral arguments, and thus – through these moral negotiations of citizenship – constantly redefine the state. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 669-684 Issue: 4 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1105441 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1105441 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:4:p:669-684 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1105442_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Rens Twijnstra Author-X-Name-First: Rens Author-X-Name-Last: Twijnstra Title: ‘Recycling oil money': procurement politics and (un)productive entrepreneurship in South Sudan Abstract: Since its inception as a semi-autonomous state in 2005, the South Sudanese government procurement sector has been a booming business. Funded by oil income, the government procurement regimes have become instrumental institutional mechanisms for the allocation of rents within the political marketplace. This type of ‘rentier' politics is often considered to be anti-developmental in mainstream thinking about statebuilding in fragile states, while others argue that rentierism is not growth-retarding per se, but that its impact on development depends on how rents are utilized and reinvested. Taking the latter less-normative approach to rentierism as a starting point, this article begins by identifying patterns of rent allocation that characterized the government procurement sector during the 2005–2011 interim period. Following the political decision to shut down oil production in early 2012, the rent process that had sustained these clientelistic arrangements became suddenly unsustainable. In this context, another cadre of entrepreneurs comprised largely of diaspora returnees with higher technological capabilities and transnational linkages started to gain ground within the government procurement sector, signifying the emergence of a potentially ‘developmental' feature in the rent process. Notwithstanding, while the 2012–2013 austerity period arguably precipitated certain developmental features, it also uprooted the political settlement, which culminated in the December 2013 crisis, pushing the young country back to civil war. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 685-703 Issue: 4 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1105442 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1105442 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:4:p:685-703 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1105443_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Andreas T. Hirblinger Author-X-Name-First: Andreas T. Author-X-Name-Last: Hirblinger Title: Land, political subjectivity and conflict in post-CPA Southern Sudan Abstract: While South Sudan's independence formally marks the beginning of a new era, the recent relapse into violence raises important questions about the continuous impact of the post-colonial trajectories through which the country has become defined. This article discusses such impact by asking about the kind of political subjectivity which has emerged in post-Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) South Sudan, by exploring the tri-partite relationship between political subjectivity, government and land. Through a reconstruction of major reform processes in local and land governance, the article demonstrates that questions of political subjectivity and land remained closely interlinked in post-CPA South Sudan. Moreover, they have also proven particularly relevant the country's post-war development agenda, as well as for the continued conflicts which characterize South Sudan's first years of independence. The article explores how communal land tenure limited the state's and private actors' access to land, as well as the government's authority over economic development. Changes in land practice since the CPA however have shaped a political subject, which could be shepherded towards socio-economic transformation through a distinctly post-colonial apparatus of governance. Moreover, the specific post-colonial traits of subjectivity also provided resources on which resistance to the state could be mobilized, and this affected the dynamics of conflict in post-CPA South Sudan. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 704-722 Issue: 4 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1105443 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1105443 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:4:p:704-722 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1124499_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Editorial Board Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: ebi-ebi Issue: 4 Volume: 9 Year: 2015 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1124499 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1124499 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:9:y:2015:i:4:p:ebi-ebi Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1952797_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Charlotte Cross Author-X-Name-First: Charlotte Author-X-Name-Last: Cross Title: Dissent as cybercrime: social media, security and development in Tanzania Abstract: In the context of increasing interest in the relationship between digital communications and authoritarian politics, this paper considers the criminalisation of online dissent in Tanzania. Based on interviews with police officers, local government officials and mobile phone users, the paper explores contested framings and understandings of “cybercrime”. It argues that contemporary repression of online freedoms can be understood within longer histories of social and political ordering, whereby understandings and experiences of “security” and “development”, and the relationships they imply between government and citizens, are implicated in the delegitimisation of dissent. However, it also finds that social media use enables and amplifies articulation of opposition to repressive measures and may destabilise the politics of security and development that inform the policing of online spaces and politics more broadly. The paper thus contributes, firstly, to understanding the ambiguous and contingent relationships between information and communications technologies and politics in particular places. Secondly, by analysing debates about internet freedom it offers insights into broader negotiations over politics, security and development, which are in turn rendered more urgent by the disruptive impact of new modes of communication. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 442-463 Issue: 3 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1952797 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1952797 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:3:p:442-463 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1952796_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Annalisa Bolin Author-X-Name-First: Annalisa Author-X-Name-Last: Bolin Title: The strategic internationalism of Rwandan heritage Abstract: Heritage, a practice shot through with political forces, is mobilized by states within their international relationships through methods such as heritage diplomacy. Focusing on the connections between Rwanda and Germany, this article traces how heritage serves as a technique of foreign relations for the Rwandan state. The uses of heritage are shaped by the state’s higher-level political orientations, especially the project of agaciro, which pursues an agenda of increased sovereignty for Rwanda in relation to the rest of the world. This conditions how ‘shared heritage’ and heritage repatriation contribute to establishing strategic alliances and decolonizing, making heritage part of a suite of tools used to advantageously reposition the country in the international arena. The article deepens our understanding of the Rwandan state’s governing techniques and examines heritage’s role as a mediator of international relationships, even for less-powerful nations whose agency is sometimes neglected in discussions of heritage diplomacy. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 485-504 Issue: 3 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1952796 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1952796 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:3:p:485-504 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1949118_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Daniel Mains Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Mains Author-Name: Robel Mulat Author-X-Name-First: Robel Author-X-Name-Last: Mulat Title: The Ethiopian developmental state and struggles over the reproduction of young migrant women’s labor at the Hawassa Industrial Park Abstract: Tens of thousands of young Ethiopian women have migrated from small towns and rural areas to work in the Hawassa Industrial Park (HIP), where working conditions and wages are far below their expectations. Low wages and a high cost of living mean that workers face severe challenges in meeting their basic needs for food and shelter that are necessary for reproducing their own labor. Attention to struggles over the reproduction of migrant women’s labor at the HIP generates insights into the practices of the Ethiopian developmental state. The developmental state actively makes and reproduces cheap labor to attract international capital and support economic growth. The state protects international textile manufacturers from the burden of reproducing the labor that manufacturers rely on for profits. The case of the HIP is a necessary complement to recent scholarship on urban Africa that has focused overwhelmingly on the informal economy. The precarious nature of factory work leads some young women to search out stability with small scale, often informal, entrepreneurial work, a process that disrupts conventional narratives of economic development. The complex relationship between wage labor and self-employment suggests possibilities for pro-poor policies that go beyond reproducing labor for international manufacturers. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 359-377 Issue: 3 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1949118 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1949118 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:3:p:359-377 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1938812_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jonathan M. Jackson Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan M. Author-X-Name-Last: Jackson Title: ‘Off to Sugar Valley’: the Kilombero Settlement Scheme and ‘Nyerere's People’, 1959–69 Abstract: Despite colonial echoes, settlement schemes represent a major element in ‘nation-building’ endeavours in Tanzania's history. Their evolution through the 1960s was circuitous and haphazard. This article explores the origins of one of the earliest schemes linked to Julius Nyerere and TANU: the Kilombero Settlement Scheme (KSS). It traces its origins from 1959 and ragged progress over the subsequent decade before its eventual transmutation under Ujamaa. Nyerere personally promoted KSS and its basic premise in sending unemployed men from cities to uncleared countryside to grow sugar cane for sale to a local factory. The scheme's extended trajectory reveals its palimpsestic nature through a history layered by different approaches to the reorganisation of rural life in Tanzania. This was an embryonic testing ground, both in terms of the politics of resettlement and of funding development projects of this kind. For one of the surviving settlers, they were ‘Nyerere's People’ as ideologies met practical realities. KSS was flawed but resilient. For its failures more than its successes, it became an important model in Tanzania's programme of social development for understanding the challenges of rural transformation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 505-526 Issue: 3 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1938812 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1938812 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:3:p:505-526 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1951944_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Atenchong Talleh Nkobou Author-X-Name-First: Atenchong Author-X-Name-Last: Talleh Nkobou Author-Name: Andrew Ainslie Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Ainslie Title: ‘Developmental nationalism?’ Political trust and the politics of large-scale land investment in Magufuli's Tanzania Abstract: Research on large-scale land investments (LSLIs) can provide valuable insights into the support for developmental nationalism in Tanzania today. ‘Developmental nationalism’ is ‘a creative variant of liberation’, which purports to make ‘Tanzania great again’. The nationalist turn of late President Magufuli was grounded in political ideology and the selective history of the past that swept him to power. However, there is limited research on how political practice around land investments contribute to trust and support for public institutions. This paper makes two key contributions to scholarship on the political economy of LSLIs. First, we examine the messy politics of LSLIs, the failures in design and implementation, and the rise in local support for developmental nationalism in two rural settings in Tanzania. Second, using Latent Class Analysis (LCA), we identify distinct groups of individuals based on their trust in the President, the ruling party (CCM), the Tanzania Investment Centre (TIC) and support for LSLIs. We define political trust as ‘an evaluative orientation towards an institution or government, based on people's normative expectations’. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 378-399 Issue: 3 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1951944 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1951944 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:3:p:378-399 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1950749_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Natascha Mueller-Hirth Author-X-Name-First: Natascha Author-X-Name-Last: Mueller-Hirth Title: Reparations and the politics of waiting in Kenya Abstract: This article examines transitional justice in Kenya, drawing on interviews and focus groups with survivors of the post-election violence of 2007–2008. Focusing particularly on the experiences of women and internally displaced persons (IDPs), it explores how survivors understood and negotiated waiting for reparations and analyses the effects of temporal uncertainty (around timing and scope) and of inequality (in relation to waiting times). Uncertainty and inequality contributed to survivors’ senses of passivity and exacerbated their feelings of marginalisation. To delay reparations for an uncertain time contributes to senses of continuity with the past, which transitional justice precisely seeks to disrupt. However, the study also demonstrates that waiting is not only endured, but at times actively resisted or rejected, which might be understood as a claim to ownership of local peace and exercise of peacebuilding agency but also as resistance against the dominant temporality of transitional justice. By framing survivors’ experiences with the scholarship on time and power and the “politics of waiting”, the research contributes to the literature on local experiences and understandings of transitional justice and to recent debates around its temporalities. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 464-484 Issue: 3 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1950749 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1950749 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:3:p:464-484 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1949119_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Allen Munoriyarwa Author-X-Name-First: Allen Author-X-Name-Last: Munoriyarwa Title: When watchdogs fight back: resisting state surveillance in everyday investigative reporting practices among Zimbabwean journalists Abstract: The recognition that digital surveillance is becoming ubiquitous has prompted varied responses from targeted groups. This article explores the ways through which journalists resist state-driven digital surveillance in Zimbabwe. It is based on in-depth qualitative interviews with practising journalists, sampled from the print media. The article utilises panopticon theory, which holds that victims of surveillance alter their behaviour upon the realisation of being surveilled. The interviews were subjected to thematic analysis. The article finds, among other issues, that as forms of resistance to surveillance, journalists in Zimbabwe now reduce their ‘digital footprints’ and have started to re-think the spaces in which they engage with their sources. The article argues that journalists, as a discursive community, should keep the issue of state surveillance on the mainstream agenda and maintain both organised and ad-hoc forms of resistance as ways of ‘speaking back to the state’. Conscientising the public can, possibly, provide a positive starting point for responsible, transparent and fair regulation of state surveillance practices and assist in ‘fencing off’ state intrusion in the field of journalism. In addition, journalists should push for legislation that protects their news sources. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 421-441 Issue: 3 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1949119 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1949119 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:3:p:421-441 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1950751_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Joanna Nayler Author-X-Name-First: Joanna Author-X-Name-Last: Nayler Title: ‘Much better than earlier’: dam-building in Uganda and understanding development through the past Abstract: This article illustrates that development discourses are historically constructed and contingent, demonstrating the value of adopting a discursive and historical approach to development projects. It juxtaposes recent and late-colonial Ugandan dam-building, using Owen Falls and Bujagali dams respectively, to bring the past and present into conversation. Focusing on history as the representation of past events shows how actors’ articulation of development tropes is intimately linked with historical associations and claims, and how actors use recent history to advance contemporary aims while discussing development. For example, critiques of contemporary situations are strengthened through unfavourable comparison with a romanticised past, and development planners justify their actions by presenting development projects as different from previous interventions. This historical lens identifies findings that an approach focused on the present might miss, including the ways the late-colonial government emphasised the small-scale nature of its projects and positive remembrances of Owen Falls in contemporary Uganda (in spite of the project not achieving its objectives); large-scale development projects should therefore not only be analysed from the perspective of their ostensible failure. This approach also illustrates how ideas of development are articulated differently in different historical contexts, including more individualised and divergent applications in the contemporary period. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 400-420 Issue: 3 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1950751 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1950751 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:3:p:400-420 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1348000_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Cindy Horst Author-X-Name-First: Cindy Author-X-Name-Last: Horst Title: Implementing the Women, Peace and Security agenda? Somali debates on women’s public roles and political participation Abstract: In conflict and post-conflict settings, the international community operates with the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda supporting gender equality. During and after war, gender roles are often deeply contested as part of larger societal transformations and uncertainties. In Somalia since the 1960s, gender identities and roles have undergone substantial changes, influenced by contemporary political systems, the women’s movement, civil war and religious transformations. The international community’s role in these societal transformations should not be over-estimated. Life history research with Somali women shows that debates on women’s roles in the public sphere are taking place irrespective of the international agenda. Somali women have, at least since the 1960s, held civil-political leadership positions, despite substantial disagreements on the public role of women in Somalia. Furthermore, the “international” and “local” are difficult to disentangle. The Somali female elite have often spent years abroad and introduced new gender perspectives from places as divergent as Egypt, Russia and the United States. Global cultural and religious trends are influencing post-war Somalia, Somaliland and Puntland. In this complex socio-cultural landscape, the international WPS agenda can support – but also risk delegitimizing – Somali processes and perspectives. The article illustrates the gap that exists between global norms and local realities by focusing on Somali discourse on women’s public roles and political participation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 389-407 Issue: 3 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1348000 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1348000 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:3:p:389-407 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1359878_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: William John Walwa Author-X-Name-First: William Author-X-Name-Last: John Walwa Title: Land use plans in Tanzania: repertoires of domination or solutions to rising farmer–herder conflicts? Abstract: Government officials and politicians constantly cite the lack of land use plans as being one of the main sources of growing violent lethal conflicts between pastoralists and peasant farmers in Tanzania. Even so, based on empirical evidence gathered through qualitative methods in Kisarawe and Rufiji districts, this paper maintains that land use plans do not practically resolve farmer–herder conflicts; they instead exacerbate them. The preparation of land use plans is shaped and mediated by powerful actors, notably the state and investors to enclose the land already occupied by peasant farmers and the minority pastoral communities in favor of large-scale farming investments. In Rufiji, for example, attempts to create land use plans contributed to the enclosure of more than half of the land that was in 2006 allotted to pastoral communities. As the concept of “repertoire of domination” would posit, therefore, land use plans in Rufiji and Kisarawe are indeed attempts by powerful actors to exert control over resources occupied by marginalized pastoral communities and peasant farmers. This intensifies land conflicts by pushing pastoralists and peasant farmers into smaller areas with close proximity to each other. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 408-424 Issue: 3 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1359878 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1359878 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:3:p:408-424 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1355582_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Devin Smart Author-X-Name-First: Devin Author-X-Name-Last: Smart Title: Developing the racial city: conflict, solidarity and urban traders in late-colonial Mombasa Abstract: Much of the scholarly literature on race and decolonization in East Africa focuses on how this period created new and exacerbated existing racial tensions, divisions and conflicts between diverse coastal communities that came to increasingly identify or be identified as “African” or “Arab.” While this article will examine such a moment in which these two groups came into conflict, it will also consider the possibility and nature of solidarity between Arabs and Africans in late-colonial East Africa. The tension surrounding race and decolonization in Mombasa and the wider Kenyan coast during this period was influenced by Mwambao, a movement advocating for coastal autonomy as independence approached. This article will focus on how the politics of mwambao and race came to shape the ways in which African vendors and hawkers in Mombasa mobilized against a municipal council that had become increasingly authoritarian in its administration of “informal” industries, especially those relating to food, policing them through fines, harassment and the demolition of the structures in which they conducted business. In their struggle to remain in operation in the city, African traders identified the municipal council as an institution that not only repressed them, but also provided structural privileges to Arab traders. Consequently, when the Mombasa African Traders Association (MATA) organized a boycott in 1961 to focus attention on its members’ grievances and pressure the municipal council, the association targeted not only city authorities, but also Arab businesses. Part of MATA’s concern with Arab traders was they saw them as colluding with Mwambao activists, which they feared meant that Arab advantages in the governing structures of the city would be carried through independence. However, in the face of a wider coastal context that was moving towards conflict and at times even violence between these groups, this article will examine how African and Arab traders in Mombasa were able to alternatively fashion a class-based and anti-colonial solidarity. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 425-441 Issue: 3 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1355582 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1355582 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:3:p:425-441 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1354521_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Anaïs Angelo Author-X-Name-First: Anaïs Author-X-Name-Last: Angelo Title: Jomo Kenyatta and the repression of the ‘last’ Mau Mau leaders, 1961–1965 Abstract: Around the time of independence (1961–1965), Kenya’s African nationalist government organized the continued repression of the remaining Mau Mau fighters who had refused to surrender after the ending of the Emergency in January 1960. This article focuses on Meru district, in Eastern Province, where Mau Mau fighters gathered under the leadership of Field Marshalls Mwariama and Baimungi. Documents from the Kenyan National Archives, in particular the correspondence of the provincial administration and security reports, show that politicians and officials alike saw the remaining fighters in Meru as a potent political threat to the nationalist government of Jomo Kenyatta. Kenya’s government sought to deal with the Mau Mau threat by co-opting its leaders, while Kenyatta carefully distanced the presidency from the government’s choice of repressive politics. A symbolic propaganda campaign was organized to maintain the myth that Kenyatta had always been the Mau Mau leader the British arrested and jailed in 1953, despite the reality of Kenyatta’s repeated denunciation of the movement. After 1963, the President continued to ignore Mau Mau fighters’ fundamental claims over land redistribution. This article shows that the Mau Mau were not simply ‘forgotten’, and uncovers the role of the military and the silent tactics of repression organized by the Kenyan independent government. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 442-459 Issue: 3 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1354521 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1354521 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:3:p:442-459 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1355569_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Paul Spencer Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Spencer Author-Name: Richard Waller Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Waller Title: The Maasai age system and the Loonkidongi prophets Abstract: Spencer wrote this article as a discussion paper to be presented at the African Studies Association conference in San Diego, USA in 2015. The paper is largely based on fieldwork conducted in Kenya in 1976–1977, and critically engages with Spencer’s earlier published work to ask new questions and suggest new perspectives. The article combines a re-consideration of three earlier themes – the role of prophets, the management of age and generational relationships and the differences between Maa-speaking communities along a ‘north–south continuum’ – and examines the wider implications of the relationship between the Loonkidongi Prophets and variations in the age-organisation of different Maasai sections. The article speaks to recent trends in revising the history of Maa-speaking peoples in Kenya and Tanzania. Richard Waller and Tom Spear have edited the paper for publication, and Waller added an introduction. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 460-481 Issue: 3 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1355569 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1355569 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:3:p:460-481 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1356622_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Hanne Svarstad Author-X-Name-First: Hanne Author-X-Name-Last: Svarstad Author-Name: Tor A. Benjaminsen Author-X-Name-First: Tor A. Author-X-Name-Last: Benjaminsen Title: Nothing succeeds like success narratives: a case of conservation and development in the time of REDD Abstract: This article provides a case study of a project in Kondoa, Tanzania under the programme Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD). It demonstrates how a success narrative came to dominate presentations about the project as a multi-win involving not only climate change mitigation and biodiversity conservation, but also benefits for local people and poverty reduction. Based on repeated fieldwork using qualitative methods, we find that there is lack of evidence to substantiate the success claims. These claims are in particular based on the assertion that a component of ‘conservation agriculture’ was successfully implemented as compensation for forest enclosure. Gaps between claims and evidence are often exhibited in the scholarship on political ecologies of conservation in Africa, as well as by observers of development aid projects. But how can such gaps be explained? We suggest taking the interests of the actors behind the project as a point of departure, including how individuals as well as organisations have stakes in marketing a success narrative. Furthermore, we argue that an unsubstantiated success narrative of an aid project can be maintained only when there is a lack of structures to ensure independent and adequate examinations of the project by evaluators and researchers. In this case, Norway was the funder of the project, and as the dominant funder of REDD, the Norwegian government has a particular interest in reproducing REDD success narratives, since the credibility of the country’s climate mitigation policy depends on REDD being a success. In addition, the case study demonstrates how ‘success projects’ emerge in the wake of new development fads. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 482-505 Issue: 3 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1356622 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1356622 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:3:p:482-505 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1357103_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Grete Benjaminsen Author-X-Name-First: Grete Author-X-Name-Last: Benjaminsen Title: The bricolage of REDD+ in Zanzibar: from global environmental policy framework to community forest management Abstract: The policy framework known as Reducing Emission from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) is based on the underlying idea of creating economic incentives for forest conservation and CO2 emission reductions. This article explores what happens when REDD+, as a globally conceived environmental policy framework, is translated into practice in Zanzibar. Based on ethnographic fieldwork among actors involved in the policy translation process, the article investigates how these actors receive, interpret and give meaning to the introduction of REDD+. With the concept of institutional bricolage as an overarching perspective, the article engages in a discussion of what factors provide legitimacy to REDD+ at policy level in Zanzibar, and moreover, why certain elements of the REDD+ policy framework are incorporated into practice while others are discarded. The article demonstrates how actors make creative use of the resources available, but only within a spectrum that allows for reinvention of established practices and acceptable ways of doing. The article concludes that although the process of carbon accounting represents a ‘technical necessity’ of the REDD+ policy framework, it lack the legitimacy necessary to become durable. REDD+ in Zanzibar is thus at risk of becoming yet another example of a ‘conservation fad’ – an approach that initially invoked a widely shared enthusiasm, but later was dubbed a failure and abandoned. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 506-525 Issue: 3 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1357103 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1357103 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:3:p:506-525 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1357102_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Andreas Scheba Author-X-Name-First: Andreas Author-X-Name-Last: Scheba Author-Name: Suraya Scheba Author-X-Name-First: Suraya Author-X-Name-Last: Scheba Title: REDD+ as ‘inclusive’ neoliberal conservation: the case of Lindi, Tanzania Abstract: In recent years, market-based conservation has emerged as the ‘panacea’ to the environmental crises we face today. A prominent example of this trend is REDD+, which turns terrestrial carbon in the global South into fictitious commodities that can be sold for profit. In this paper, we conceptualise REDD+ as a form of ‘inclusive’ neoliberal conservation, highlighting how neoliberalism has embraced notions of good governance, local ownership, social safeguards and active citizenship when promoting global conservation markets. While demonstrating the genuine efforts by project proponents to practice ‘inclusion’, we highlight their limits due to larger structural inequalities and demonstrate how the commodification of carbon inevitably causes new forms of inclusion and exclusion to local forest users. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in two forest-dependent villages in the Lindi Region of Tanzania, where two different REDD+ projects were underway, we show how material and discursive powers shaped ‘inclusive’ strategies to market forest-carbon. We then locate these strategies, concerned with the commodification of forest-carbon, within a historical field of power struggles and local politics over forest resources, strongly evidenced in contestations around establishing community-based forest management. We argue that a sharp disjuncture operated between the ‘inclusive’ strategies to market forest-carbon and the historical dimensions and power relations within the area; resulting in new forms of inclusions and exclusions, both in and outside rural villages. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 526-548 Issue: 3 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1357102 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1357102 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:3:p:526-548 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1356623_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tom Blomley Author-X-Name-First: Tom Author-X-Name-Last: Blomley Author-Name: Karen Edwards Author-X-Name-First: Karen Author-X-Name-Last: Edwards Author-Name: Stephano Kingazi Author-X-Name-First: Stephano Author-X-Name-Last: Kingazi Author-Name: Kahana Lukumbuzya Author-X-Name-First: Kahana Author-X-Name-Last: Lukumbuzya Author-Name: Merja Mäkelä Author-X-Name-First: Merja Author-X-Name-Last: Mäkelä Author-Name: Lauri Vesa Author-X-Name-First: Lauri Author-X-Name-Last: Vesa Title: When community forestry meets REDD+: has REDD+ helped address implementation barriers to participatory forest management in Tanzania? Abstract: Tanzania has a progressive forest policy and legal jurisdiction for land and natural resource tenure, coupled with a strong decentralisation process that mandates village institutions with forest management responsibilities. Participatory forest management (PFM) has been a central part of government as well as a donor focus in the forest sector since the early 1990s. Numerous studies have been carried out by Tanzanian and international researchers to assess performance and synthesise experiences of PFM in recent years. The results are well documented, including the identification of a number of key bottlenecks to implementation and up-scaling. From 2009 onwards, a series of pilot projects were launched to develop and test local-level approaches to REDD+, all of which have now come to an end, and have recently been subjected to external evaluations. A central theme of many of these projects was the application of community-based approaches to forest and woodland management, building strongly on the legal framework for PFM. When REDD+ was adopted by the Tanzanian government as a new policy, feelings among civil society regarding how REDD+ might impact hard-won forest and land tenure rights were mixed. Some observers feared that REDD+ would stifle PFM and lead to a recentralisation of forest tenure by government, while others felt that REDD+ offered new opportunities for addressing long-standing bottlenecks and governance barriers to PFM implementation. Combining PFM with the specific goal of reducing forest carbon emissions has generated important lessons, some of which have the potential to strengthen the application of PFM in Tanzania and elsewhere. In some cases, we found that orienting PFM to REDD+ goals has helped address long-standing barriers to PFM implementation. In other cases, REDD+ has highlighted new weaknesses with current approaches to PFM, while elsewhere it has created problems where none existed before. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 549-570 Issue: 3 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1356623 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1356623 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:3:p:549-570 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_770678_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tatiana Thieme Author-X-Name-First: Tatiana Author-X-Name-Last: Thieme Title: The “hustle” amongst youth entrepreneurs in Mathare's informal waste economy Abstract: This article examines the alternative economic strategies of youth in the informal waste management sector living and operating within one of Nairobi's largest and oldest informal settlements, Mathare. These youths' expressions of place and work within the informal waste economy are continuously entangled in references to “hustling” that reflect three spheres of meaning: hustle as a “last resort” survival mechanism; hustle as a “livelihood strategy” and risk management; and “hustle” as the contestations that cross-cut waste management practices amongst youth living in urban poverty. Based on 15 months of ethnographic research, the article explores and articulates the meaning of “hustling” within Mathare's informal waste economy where other forms of formal institutions and social services are otherwise absent or inaccessible, and where the choices between entrepreneurship, opportunistic group crime and “idling” are integral to youth's daily struggle. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 389-412 Issue: 3 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.770678 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.770678 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:3:p:389-412 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_770679_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: David Taylor Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Taylor Title: Truth under the avocado trees. Local needs and Burundi's TRC: whither the truth? Abstract: Decades of cyclic violence have been met with a near total absence of meaningful redress in Burundi leading to a festering culture of impunity and entrenched divisions. Transitional justice has traditionally been a non-starter. A proposed Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) slated to commence work in 2012 will thus constitute the country's first systematic attempt to deal with its past. Attempting to contextualize this development at the grassroots level, this article seeks to understand whether the objectives and the truth likely to emerge will be meaningful and relevant to ordinary people affected by violence. Using evidence from interviews conducted in Burundi, together with an analysis of the truth commissions in Sierra Leone and South Africa, key themes are introduced to offer a sobering and critical assessment of the likelihood that truth, reconciliation and the restoration of the dignity of victims will be realizable through the TRC. By questioning the truth likely to emerge, the analysis suggests that at present there is an acute risk that the TRC will repeat many shortcomings of the past and become disconnected from the communities it purports to serve. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 450-470 Issue: 3 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.770679 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.770679 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:3:p:450-470 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_810839_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nicolas de Torrenté Author-X-Name-First: Nicolas Author-X-Name-Last: de Torrenté Title: Understanding the 2011 Ugandan elections: the contribution of public opinion surveys Abstract: In the run up to Uganda's 2011 election, five public opinion surveys carried out by three different research firms found that President Yoweri Museveni would win between 64% and 70% of the vote, which closely matched the eventual electoral outcome. By revealing opinions and attitudes of would-be voters, opinion surveys shed light on some key aspects of the electoral process and its result in Uganda. First, they highlight the wide gap between the National Resistance Movement (NRM) and the opposition in terms of recognition, affection and capacity for grassroots mobilization. Second, they reveal a disconnect between the opposition's denunciatory campaign message and would-be voters’ more positive appreciation of their political and socio-economic situation. Finally, surveys highlight the importance of material benefits to voters, as well as their serious concerns about possible electoral violence, which both played in the NRM's favor as patronage and control of the security agenda have been cornerstones of its rule. While polls help understand how voter support was induced, they also raise questions about its durability, as pre-electoral optimism soured reflecting a deterioration in the post-electoral economic situation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 530-548 Issue: 3 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.810839 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.810839 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:3:p:530-548 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_794532_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Erik Henningsen Author-X-Name-First: Erik Author-X-Name-Last: Henningsen Author-Name: Peris Jones Author-X-Name-First: Peris Author-X-Name-Last: Jones Title: ‘What kind of hell is this!’ Understanding the Mungiki movement's power of mobilisation Abstract: There is a flourishing of collective actors such as vigilante groups, militias and gangs that could be termed ‘uncivil society’. These actors often have a ‘Janus faced’ nature and slide between roles as legitimate providers of social services and oppressors of communities. A potent channel for the articulation of grievances of underprivileged youths in particular, due to their illegality or militancy these actors are often disqualified from participation in formal political arenas. A case in point is the Mungiki movement in Kenya. How exactly Mungiki attains its capacity to mobilise thousands, if not millions, of members requires more nuanced explanations for why young men in particular are attracted to the movement and what effect this has on their lives. A ‘framing-based’ analysis from social movement studies is used to interpret empirical findings that draw on in-depth interviews with grassroots members. The article finds mobilisation a response to both social and personal crisis but with attendant programmatic responses that empower members. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 371-388 Issue: 3 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.794532 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.794532 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:3:p:371-388 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_811027_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Claire Médard Author-X-Name-First: Claire Author-X-Name-Last: Médard Author-Name: Valérie Golaz Author-X-Name-First: Valérie Author-X-Name-Last: Golaz Title: Creating dependency: land and gift-giving practices in Uganda Abstract: President Museveni's re-election in February 2011 demonstrated once more the skills of the Ugandan leader to remain in control ever since he took over power in 1986 heading a guerrilla movement. Some of the campaign themes dealt with land and administration, others with security and the role of the armed forces in bringing back peace to the country. Museveni's populist stance in favour of squatters, in places where user rights are threatened by the progress of individual titling, came out prominently. Actual gifts and many promises of money, land, new districts as well as offers of protection were made during the campaign. These were meant to foster moral indebtedness and political support for the regime and its leader, making it difficult to break off from such an uneven relationship. This paper focuses on the double-edged politics of dependency and protection in Uganda. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 549-568 Issue: 3 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.811027 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.811027 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:3:p:549-568 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_811026_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jude Murison Author-X-Name-First: Jude Author-X-Name-Last: Murison Title: Judicial politics: election petitions and electoral fraud in Uganda Abstract: This paper examines judicial politics in Uganda after the 2011 elections, when a number of election petitions were filed against incumbent parliamentarians alleging electoral fraud and malpractice. The paper argues that Uganda has the structures and procedures in place to enable election petitions to allow for redress when election malpractice has occurred, but this is more likely to occur in the High Court than the Supreme Court. By briefly examining the 2001 and 2006 presidential and parliamentary election petitions, the paper shows that the Supreme Court, which hears presidential election petitions, acknowledged voting irregularities, yet was unwilling to rule against the president. In parliamentary election petitions held before the High Court during the same period, judges were not immune to annulling the election results. Following the 2011 elections, no presidential election petitions were made, but over 100 parliamentary election petitions were filed. Many of the High Court judgements on the 2011 election petitions gave a degree of optimism that due process is being followed since a number of petitions were upheld and MPs removed from their seats. These included some high-profile politicians. However, as the Court of Appeal begins to overturn some of these High Court decisions, perhaps this optimism will be short-lived. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 492-508 Issue: 3 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.811026 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.811026 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:3:p:492-508 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_770680_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Steven Fabian Author-X-Name-First: Steven Author-X-Name-Last: Fabian Title: Locating the local in the Coastal Rebellion of 1888–1890 Abstract: This article reopens debate and discussion about the so-called Abushiri Uprising of 1888. Previous scholars have examined the origins of the rebellion, or the motivations of its participants. This article focuses upon the way in which the rebellion unfolded along the central East African coastline. As a means of interpretation, it looks at the influence of local factors such as the significance of place, and the attachments of particular groups towards place, on the rebels’ behavior and the outcome of the uprising. This local framework permits scholars to situate events more accurately in larger narratives of anti-colonial resistance. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 432-449 Issue: 3 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.770680 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.770680 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:3:p:432-449 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_811889_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Florence Brisset-Foucault Author-X-Name-First: Florence Author-X-Name-Last: Brisset-Foucault Title: Buganda royalism and political competition in Uganda's 2011 elections Abstract: Although the 2011 elections in Uganda did not result into the expected split between Buganda voters and President Museveni, the electoral campaign is a good empirical entry point to understand the forms of contemporary royalist mobilisations, and the way Buganda, its nature and its fate, are conceptualised by political elites today. In the constituency of Kampala where fieldwork was conducted, Buganda was very present in the rally speeches. Political adversaries saw it as a powerful source of popular support. It thus impacted the lines against which politicians competed: their strategies and the criteria against which they were asking to be judged. In their rally speeches, electoral candidates produced conflicting, but also sometimes convergent, conceptions of what it means to be a good leader in Buganda, for both men and women. Particularly, political opponents shared and projected a behavioural conception of ‘Gandaness’ that mixes autochthony and loyalty to the king. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 509-529 Issue: 3 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.811889 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.811889 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:3:p:509-529 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_809206_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jonathan Fisher Author-X-Name-First: Jonathan Author-X-Name-Last: Fisher Title: The limits – and limiters – of external influence: donors, the Ugandan Electoral Commission and the 2011 elections Abstract: This article explores the role of international ‘donors’ in the lead-up to the 2011 Ugandan elections, focusing particularly on their engagement with the issue of Electoral Commission partiality. Controversially reappointed without consultation in 2009 by Uganda's President, Yoweri Museveni, the Ugandan Electoral Commission was perceived as unacceptably pro-government by opposition parties, civil society and donors. Its seven commissioners’ administration of the 2011 polls cast a shadow of illegitimacy over the process long before the results were declared. This study attempts to explain why donors ultimately drew back from taking a ‘political’ (as opposed to a ‘technical’) approach to the matter in their dealings with the Museveni regime, in spite of their willingness to do so elsewhere (including in Nigeria) and with regard to other areas of disagreement with Kampala. It is argued that three major factors led donors to take the inconsistent and ineffective approach(es) they did: competing foreign policy priorities (particularly in relation to security – Somalia – and trade – oil); the internal politics of the donor community; and an arguably misplaced perception, in the minds of many donor officials, that their missions did not possess sufficient influence over the regime to alter its stance on the issue. The findings of this study, it is suggested, are of broader relevance for policy-makers and scholars, particularly in the fields of democratization and international development. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 471-491 Issue: 3 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.809206 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.809206 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:3:p:471-491 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_770677_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Joseph Venosa Author-X-Name-First: Joseph Author-X-Name-Last: Venosa Title: Adapting to the new path: Khatmiyya Sufi authority, the al-Mirghani family, and Eritrean nationalism during British Occupation, 1941–1949 Abstract: This article examines the relationship between Sufi authorities and political transformation in Eritrea during the mid- and late 1940s. It analyzes the role of Eritrea's largest and most influential Sufi order, the Khatmiyya, and how its leadership struggled to maintain its influence amidst the rapidly changing political and social climate initiated by the collapse of Italian colonial authority in 1941. With the arrival of the British Military Administration (BMA), much of the region comprising the Khatmiyya's historical heartland in western and northern Eritrea experienced rapid social and political transformation, as landless Tigre-speaking peasants mobilized a widespread emancipation movement to assert their economic independence, while other Muslim groups beyond the Khatmiyya's base articulated a pro-independence political platform. This article argues that Khatmiyya authorities were largely unable to transition the order from its previous role as an Italian-supported Sufi power into a legitimate authority in post-colonial Eritrea. The Khatmiyya leadership's half-hearted, compromised support for “serf” emancipation among Tigre-speaking groups and its eventual withdrawal from the Eritrean nationalist movement signaled a major decline in the order's influence by the end of the decade. This article thus looks at the role of Khatmiyya authorities to help illuminate one of the more complex and misunderstood aspects of Eritrea's early nationalist history. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 413-431 Issue: 3 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2013.770677 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2013.770677 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:3:p:413-431 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1710366_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Judith Verweijen Author-X-Name-First: Judith Author-X-Name-Last: Verweijen Author-Name: Vicky Van Bockhaven Author-X-Name-First: Vicky Author-X-Name-Last: Van Bockhaven Title: Revisiting colonial legacies in knowledge production on customary authority in Central and East Africa Abstract: Renewed attention on customary authority in both scholarship and development interventions renders it pertinent to revisit how contemporary engagement with this form of authority is still informed by colonial legacies. These legacies include: first, the penchant to see customary authority as solely invested in ‘chiefs’, rather than being relational and multifaceted; second, compartmentalized approaches that emphasize chiefs’ role as political authorities, while overlooking ritual, medicinal and spiritual aspects; third, misanalysing the role of female agency in the customary domain; and fourth, drawing on dichotomies that are often heavily inscribed in Western understandings, in particular, the modern versus traditional and state versus non-state divides. A growing body of work, however, has overcome these biases and developed more nuanced understandings of customary authority. Building on this work we propose to approach both the constitution of customary authority as well as knowledge production on this social institution in terms of ‘contested coproduction’. This concept helps focus on the socially constructed boundaries between different categories, and to see customary authority as a contextually shaped product of both structure and agency. It, therefore, advances the project of developing general conceptual tools that can capture the bewildering variety of expressions of customary authority while still enabling comparison. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 1-23 Issue: 1 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1710366 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1710366 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:1:p:1-23 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1708544_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nicole Eggers Author-X-Name-First: Nicole Author-X-Name-Last: Eggers Title: Authority that is customary: Kitawala, customary chiefs, and the plurality of power in Congolese history Abstract: This paper uses the history of the religious/healing movement Kitawala in the Democratic Republic of Congo as a lens to explore the relationship between forms of state-sanctioned “customary” authority and alternative nodes of “authority that is customary.” Focusing on three different case studies from different eras of the colonial and post-colonial history of Kitawala, the article explores the history of how the movement became part of the broad field of authority in Congo – at times cutting across, at times transforming, and at times subverting or fracturing the authority of customary chiefs. The article emphasizes not only how state-appointed customary authorities had to negotiate their position between emergent institutions like Kitawala and the colonial state, but also how Kitawalist communities themselves cultivated ideas and institutions of authority, legitimacy, and morality that were often explicitly critical of the state and its institutions and representatives (whether colonial or customary). The article argues that alternative nodes of authority like those cultivated by Kitawalist communities were and are, even in their innovations, rooted in the dynamic history of Central African ideas and institutions of power and must therefore be considered in histories of customary authority in the region. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 24-42 Issue: 1 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1708544 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1708544 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:1:p:24-42 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1708545_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Naomi Ruth Pendle Author-X-Name-First: Naomi Ruth Author-X-Name-Last: Pendle Title: Politics, prophets and armed mobilizations: competition and continuity over registers of authority in South Sudan’s conflicts Abstract: Spiritual and divine authorities play a prominent role in mobilizing armed violence. This article provides a micro-history of a contemporary Nuer prophetess (guan kuoth) in South Sudan who mobilized hundreds of armed men including in support of current anti-government rebellions. The article grapples with apparent paradoxes in her approach to kume (a broadly defined notion of government) and customary law. This prophetess rejects logics of authority associated with the kume. At the same time, she champions the continuity of the language and imaginaries of customary authority that are deeply associated with government registers of authority in this context. The article argues that at the heart of the prophetess’s approach is her attempt to overturn historic government initiatives that separated the political and religious nature of institutions, and to assert that governance without government is possible. Previous attempts to govern without the divine have interrupted the customary law’s ability to offer healing including from the spiritual and physical dangers of killing. Her ability to mobilize people to arms is partly based on political claims to reconstitute the divine authority behind the customary law. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 43-62 Issue: 1 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1708545 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1708545 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:1:p:43-62 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1710363_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Vicky Van Bockhaven Author-X-Name-First: Vicky Author-X-Name-Last: Van Bockhaven Title: Anioto and nebeli: local power bases and the negotiation of customary chieftaincy in the Belgian Congo (ca. 1930–1950) Abstract: By means of two case studies, this paper demonstrates how customary chiefs in Northeast Congo crafted their power position under colonial indirect rule. The first case discusses chiefs’ role in anioto or leopard-men killings to secure their authority over people, land and resources whilst circumventing colonial control. The second case concerns nebeli, a collective therapy characterised by the distribution of a medicine or charm used to protect, heal and harm in Northeast Congo and South Sudan. These case studies show that indirect rule designed customary chieftaincy too one-sidedly, based on patrilineal succession and land rights. It tried to cut chiefs off from spiritual and coercive power bases such as anioto and nebeli, which were part of local political culture. While colonial authorities framed institutions such as anioto and nebeli as subversive, and expected government-appointed chiefs to renounce them, they were clandestinely used by chiefs to retain their grip on local society whilst fulfilling their state-imposed duties. However, these institutions were not simply used to resist or by-pass colonial control, but also to support it. These historical cases help to gain insight in contemporary chiefs and militia leaders’ continued use of similar coercive, spiritual and remedial means to boast their power. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 63-83 Issue: 1 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1710363 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1710363 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:1:p:63-83 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1711313_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sarah E. Watkins Author-X-Name-First: Sarah E. Author-X-Name-Last: Watkins Author-Name: Erin Jessee Author-X-Name-First: Erin Author-X-Name-Last: Jessee Title: Legacies of Kanjogera: women political elites and the transgression of gender norms in Rwanda Abstract: Kanjogera looms large in Rwandan history as a Queen Mother (1895–1931) – a position equal to that of the king – who wielded extraordinary political power. While she was not the first Rwandan woman to exercise this kind of power, she is arguably the most widely remembered in Rwandan popular culture largely due to the brutalities she allegedly inflicted upon her perceived enemies. But why do Kanjogera’s violent excesses stand out when other monarchical figures also occasionally used violence to maintain or expand their power? What might the way her name is invoked in the present tell us about modern Rwandan gender norms and people’s attitudes toward women who exercise significant political power? We respond to these questions by examining the permissible behaviours of Rwandan women political elites in historical perspective. Following an overview of Kanjogera’s political legacy, we turn our attention to two First Ladies, Agathe Kanziga (1973–1994) and Jeannette Kagame (2000-present) who, for different reasons, are occasionally referred to as modern incarnations of Kanjogera. In these two cases, we argue Kanjogera’s name serves as a rhetorical device that reveals ongoing anxieties about women exercising significant political power, while simultaneously undermining the politically prominent men with whom they are associated. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 84-102 Issue: 1 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1711313 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1711313 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:1:p:84-102 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1711312_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sophie Komujuni Author-X-Name-First: Sophie Author-X-Name-Last: Komujuni Author-Name: Karen Büscher Author-X-Name-First: Karen Author-X-Name-Last: Büscher Title: In search of chiefly authority in ‘post-aid’ Acholiland: transformations of customary authorities in northern Uganda Abstract: This paper investigates the complex relation between protracted donor interventions and the production of customary authority. More specifically, the paper analyses the impact of post-conflict donor interventions (and their withdrawal) on the position of customary chiefs in the Acholi region in northern Uganda. As important brokers between international aid agencies, the Ugandan government and Acholi communities, customary chiefs became key actors in post-conflict peacebuilding programmes. Using the concepts of extraversion and development brokerage, the paper demonstrates how dwindling access to external donor funds has strongly affected Acholi customary authority. To secure their authority and legitimacy, customary chiefs re-shifted from an ‘outward’ to an ‘inward’ orientation, a process that we call ‘introversion’ Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 103-124 Issue: 1 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1711312 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1711312 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:1:p:103-124 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1711321_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Kasper Hoffmann Author-X-Name-First: Kasper Author-X-Name-Last: Hoffmann Author-Name: Koen Vlassenroot Author-X-Name-First: Koen Author-X-Name-Last: Vlassenroot Author-Name: Emery Mudinga Author-X-Name-First: Emery Author-X-Name-Last: Mudinga Title: Courses au pouvoir: the struggle over customary capital in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo Abstract: This article analyses the production and reproduction of traditional chieftaincy in war-torn eastern DR Congo, through the case of a succession dispute in Kalima (South Kivu). Kalima has gone through two decades of political instability and violent conflict involving a plethora of local, national and regional actors. During this period of uncertainty and upheaval, the institution of traditional chieftaincy has remained politically salient. We argue, that this salience is conditioned by a widespread belief in the authenticity and sacredness of the institution of traditional chieftaincy and by the ethno-territorial imaginary of the Congolese political order. Both of these are historically produced through rituals, ceremonies and narratives of origin. They imbue the institution of traditional chieftaincy with charisma and enable customary chiefs to accumulate resources and exercise authority in a wide range of domains of public life in rural eastern Congo. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu, we call this ability to rule through the notion of ‘custom’, customary capital. However, we also show that ‘customary capital’ does not automatically accrue to chiefs as a variety of internal and external actors vie for customary capital. As such it fluctuates over time as different actors move in and out of the capacity to legitimately wield customary capital. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 125-144 Issue: 1 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1711321 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1711321 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:1:p:125-144 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1711311_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Felicitas Becker Author-X-Name-First: Felicitas Author-X-Name-Last: Becker Title: Locating the ‘customary’ in post-colonial Tanzania’s politics: the shifting modus operandi of the rural state Abstract: This paper examines how both rhetoric about custom and practices drawing on elements of deep-rooted political culture remain relevant in post-colonial Tanzania. This is the case despite the Tanzanian government’s aggressively modernising stance and the erasure of colonial-era ‘traditional’ chiefs after independence. The paper identifies three patterns. Firstly, witchcraft cleansing remains a rare flashpoint over which rural people are willing to defy officials, amid legislation that has barely moved on from the colonial period. Secondly, for defenders of certain practices, describing them as customary is a way to try to place them beyond criticism, while for officials it becomes a way to wash their hands of the attendant problems. Lastly, a performative political practice can be discerned in the interactions between rural populations, officials and development experts that resonate with descriptions of pre-colonial political encounters. By looking for local legitimacy in interactions with so-called elders, development experts have become arbiters of (pseudo-)traditional authority despite their modernising identity. These observations show that discourses about and practices drawing on the customary have become deeply imbricated with the political practices of the rural state. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 145-163 Issue: 1 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1711311 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1711311 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:1:p:145-163 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1305678_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nicki Kindersley Author-X-Name-First: Nicki Author-X-Name-Last: Kindersley Title: Subject(s) to control: post-war return migration and state-building in 1970s South Sudan Abstract: This article looks at the history of post-war state-building in South Sudan through a study of one of the region’s many return migration projects. South Sudan was arguably the subject of the first state-led mass repatriation campaign of twentieth-century Africa, after the first civil war that escalated in 1963 and ended in 1972 with the Addis Ababa Agreement. Using archival material from the newly reformulated South Sudan National Archives in Juba, this paper examines this comparatively forgotten post-war return and reconstruction project in South Sudan from 1969 to 1974. In this period, civil war ideas, staff, and techniques were recycled into an apparently benevolent and ‘peace-building’ project of Relief, Repatriation and Rehabilitation. The returns management project set out where the returning citizens of Sudan should go, how they should settle, live, and relate to the state. This study argues that this project developed and entrenched particular wartime state ideas of its imagined South Sudanese population, and the nature of its compact with its society. It argues for a longer view of the continuities of war- and peacetime population control, as a way to explore postcolonial ideas of ‘good government’. The return and resettlement period also demonstrates the South Sudanese populations’ expanding repertoire of engagement as post-war citizens: return migration and resettlement projects are good opportunities for people to reformulate their skills and tactics of negotiating, approaching, cheating, and avoiding a ‘new’ state. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 211-229 Issue: 2 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1305678 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1305678 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:2:p:211-229 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1314997_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Luca Puddu Author-X-Name-First: Luca Author-X-Name-Last: Puddu Title: Border diplomacy and state-building in north-western Ethiopia, c. 1965–1977 Abstract: In the first half of the twentieth century, the north-western lowlands of imperial Ethiopia were the typical interstitial frontier of the Ethiopian–Sudanese borderlands. Starting in the early 1960s, a cash crop revolution paved the way to the transformation of the Mazega into a settlement frontier and the emergence of a dispute with Sudan for demarcation of the international border. This article explores the entanglement between the political economy of frontier governance and border diplomacy in the contested area. It highlights how the management of the border dispute was deeply affected by the contradictory interests of the various layers of government and “twilight” entities that projected Ethiopian statecraft at the periphery. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 230-248 Issue: 2 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1314997 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1314997 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:2:p:230-248 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1305672_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Christopher Tounsel Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Author-X-Name-Last: Tounsel Title: Race, religion and resistance: revelations from the Juba archive Abstract: There is scant information on Angelo Tutuo, the first Zande Catholic priest, beyond his entries in two biographical dictionaries. In recent years, however, I have discovered letters written by and about Tutuo in the Comboni Archives and the recently organized South Sudan National Archives. These letters disclose unpublished information about his life, including accusations of racism against the Verona Fathers, his parliamentary campaign, and his thoughts as a member of the Anyanya movement. This article uses these writings to examine the broader dimensions of South Sudanese resistance language during the late colonial and early independence periods. While some expressed fears of “enslavement” from Northern Sudanese leading up to independence, patriots like Tutuo forged a spiritualized, separatist lexicon after independence. This strategy marked an important development in the evolution of South Sudanese political thought and points to the role of Sudanese priests as key architects of liberation vocabulary. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 249-265 Issue: 2 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1305672 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1305672 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:2:p:249-265 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1302690_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Katharine Frederick Author-X-Name-First: Katharine Author-X-Name-Last: Frederick Title: Global and local forces in deindustrialization: the case of cotton cloth in East Africa’s Lower Shire Valley Abstract: Numerous scholars have suggested that nineteenth-century industrial decline in the global “periphery” was driven by externally wrought global forces that promoted cash-crop agriculture and dis-incentivized local industry, particularly strong global demand for tropical agricultural commodities and increasing competition with imports of cheap, factory-produced manufactures from industrializing regions. To what extent did global market forces affect production choices, and to what degree did local forces guide outcomes? The deindustrialization process is investigated through a case study of Malawi’s Lower Shire Valley, where the Mang’anja cloth industry declined – and cash-crop production began – in the second half of the nineteenth century. I demonstrate that changing production choices were not directly motivated by global market opportunities. Indeed, other cloth-producing sub-Saharan African regions faced nineteenth-century global forces but did not deindustrialize. Rather, economic change in the valley was stimulated by local factor-endowment shifts precipitated by both global and local forces. Labour declined sharply due to slave raiding and famine, while supplies of fertile land increased due to environmental change. Within this altered context, Mang’anja villagers responded by abandoning labour-intensive cloth production in favour of cash-crop cultivation. In more labour-abundant African regions, on the other hand, cloth production continued to thrive alongside cash-crop exports. The mechanisms behind deindustrialization can only be understood through careful local-level examination of the local contexts that influenced responses to broader global processes. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 266-289 Issue: 2 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1302690 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1302690 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:2:p:266-289 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1327167_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Genaye Tsegaye Author-X-Name-First: Genaye Author-X-Name-Last: Tsegaye Author-Name: Stefaan Dondeyne Author-X-Name-First: Stefaan Author-X-Name-Last: Dondeyne Author-Name: Mulugeta Lemenih Author-X-Name-First: Mulugeta Author-X-Name-Last: Lemenih Author-Name: Abraham Marye Author-X-Name-First: Abraham Author-X-Name-Last: Marye Author-Name: Jan Nyssen Author-X-Name-First: Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Nyssen Author-Name: Jozef A. Deckers Author-X-Name-First: Jozef A. Author-X-Name-Last: Deckers Author-Name: Miet Maertens Author-X-Name-First: Miet Author-X-Name-Last: Maertens Title: ‘Facing conservation’ or ‘conservation with a human face’? People–park interactions in southern Ethiopia Abstract: Whereas some conservationists argue that ‘people-oriented approaches’ failed to achieve conservation goals, Nechisar National Park presents a case where ‘strict conservation approaches’ have at best been only partly successful. Nechisar National Park, heralded as a success in the 1990s, today shows a collapsed population of the endemic Swayne’s hartebeest and severe degradation of the emblematic grasslands of the plains. The park is also heavily under pressure from firewood collectors and fish stocks have plummeted. Drawing on the concepts of ‘indirect’ and ‘direct’ costs/benefits of conservation areas – as proposed by Richard Bell – we wanted to get beyond the ‘strict’ versus ‘people-oriented’ conservation debate. Based on semi-structured interviews (12 women, 4 men) and oral testimonies (19 women, 17 men) we analyse how access to natural resources evolved under different political regimes and conservation strategies. The strict conservation approach resulted in strong opposition against the park. By considering both the ‘indirect’ costs (such as loss of land) and the ‘direct’ costs’ (such as historical and cultural ties with the land) important insights for a conservation strategy with a ‘human face’ could be gained. Conservation with a human face will require: first formally involving the local people in the management of the park; second, that the historical rights of the pastoralists and the farmers over the area, as well as the legitimacy of their grievances with regard to the past management, are recognised. Such a new conservation strategy will however require political commitment and strong institutions at all levels. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 290-309 Issue: 2 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1327167 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1327167 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:2:p:290-309 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1315016_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jennifer Nyawira Githaiga Author-X-Name-First: Jennifer Nyawira Author-X-Name-Last: Githaiga Title: When ‘chemo is failing’ … ‘the illness is indigenous’. Therapeutic pluralism and reclaiming agency: family cancer caregivers’ experiences in Nairobi Abstract: This article explores therapeutic pluralism as a reclaiming of lay agency through (a) reframing illness and (b) generating options, in the context of palliative cancer care in urban Nairobi. Utilizing an interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) approach as a framework, data were drawn from individual interviews and focus group discussions with a total of 20 family caregivers of patients with advanced cancer in Nairobi Kenya. Findings show that therapeutic pluralism was largely collective – (family and community focused), rather than individual – (primary caregiver or patient) focused. Decisions on therapy choices were influenced by socio-cultural understandings of cancer propagated informally through family and community networks. Therapeutic pluralism in this context marks a reclaiming of agency as lay caregivers, family and community members collectively got involved in caring for ill members by sourcing for available therapeutic resources. Three implications for public health and specifically palliative healthcare interventions follow from the findings: (a) the need for a shift from patient-centred approaches to family and community inclusive approaches that encapsulate communities of care; (b)a recognition of the idea of cancer as a communal concern and (c) a call for engagement and knowledge exchange between healthcare professionals, cancer patients, family and community members about therapeutic pluralism and the necessity of addressing the current dichotomy between mainline professionals in healthcare institutions and traditional healers in light of the reality that both play key roles in primary healthcare. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 310-328 Issue: 2 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1315016 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1315016 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:2:p:310-328 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1302694_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Carine Plancke Author-X-Name-First: Carine Author-X-Name-Last: Plancke Title: Dance performances in post-genocide Rwanda: remaking identity, reconnecting present and past Abstract: Since it took power by putting an end to the 1994 genocide, the Rwandan Patriotic Front has initiated the project of building a new Rwanda. The latter is conceived as a de-ethnicised nation-state which, while being “modern” and open to socioeconomic development and the processes of globalisation, remains rooted in its ancestral past. Hence, Rwandan cultural heritage is integrated in this undertaking to create a unified and developed Rwanda. This article examines the current revitalisation of so-called traditional dances in Kigali as part of the endeavour to build a new national identity. It explores the changes in dance repertoire and dynamics that are brought about in current Rwandan dance performances in order to materialise the utopia of the new Rwanda. Special attention is given to the alliances between old and new, used as a way to establish continuity with an idealised precolonial past: classical pieces alternate with novel creations; long-standing dance forms are the basis for experimenting with new figures; Western-style dresses coexist with purportedly traditional costumes; and songs, performed without the need for innovation by Twa singers and considered tokens of tradition, are joined with constantly changing choreographies staged mainly by university students. While recognising the success of youth dance troupes in embodying the image of the new Rwanda, the article also critically addresses the unacknowledged effects of the imposition of the post-genocide state ideology: the growing uniformisation, spectacularisation and instrumentalisation of dances; persistent ethnic tensions within the troupes and Rwandan youth as well as an increasing divide between rich and poor, centre and periphery; and the marginalisation and exclusion of large parts of the population who cannot access the envisaged ideal. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 329-346 Issue: 2 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1302694 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1302694 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:2:p:329-346 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1305664_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Philipp Schulz Author-X-Name-First: Philipp Author-X-Name-Last: Schulz Title: Discussing community-based outreach activities by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda Abstract: Due to its remote location, language barriers and the overall complexity of judicial trials, the proceedings of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) are generally not well known nor positively perceived in Rwanda. In response to such criticism, the ICTR pioneered in setting up an outreach programme, mandated to improve the Rwandan population’s understanding of the work of the Tribunal, and to facilitate more positive attitudes towards the ICTR and its theorised contribution to reconciliation. This article sets out to discuss and provide an empirical evaluation of the effectiveness of such outreach activities by the ICTR on the community level. Through integrating novel empirical data deriving from focus group discussions with participants of community-based outreach activities in Rwanda, this article provides a nuanced assessment of the Rwanda Tribunal’s outreach efforts. Evaluating the level of knowledge about the ICTR and perceptions towards the Tribunal and its expected effects on reconciliation among outreach participants, and contrasting these findings with control groups who did not participate in outreach, reveals that community-based outreach activities by the ICTR did contribute to a more nuanced and advanced knowledge level regarding the Tribunal. Such an increased understanding, however, contrary to theoretical arguments, did not translate into more favourable perceptions towards the ICTR or the Tribunal’s contribution to reconciliation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 347-366 Issue: 2 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1305664 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1305664 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:2:p:347-366 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1303249_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Line Engbo Gissel Author-X-Name-First: Line Engbo Author-X-Name-Last: Gissel Title: Legitimising the Juba peace Agreement on Accountability and Reconciliation: the International Criminal Court as a third-party actor? Abstract: This article analyses the Juba peace negotiations on accountability and reconciliation. It advances a new interpretation of the Agreement on Accountability and Reconciliation, focusing on five justice features: national proceedings, restorative accountability, alternative sentencing, individual responsibility and forward-looking victimhood. The article argues that the nature of the agreed justice policy derives from negotiators and mediators’ pursuit of international legitimation by the International Criminal Court (ICC) and its compliance constituency. This argument has implications for our understanding of the role of the ICC in internationally judicialised peace processes: the need for peace agreement legitimation combined with the legitimacy requirements in such peace processes structurally constitutes the ICC as metaphorically present in the negotiation room and thus akin to a third-party actor. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 367-387 Issue: 2 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1303249 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1303249 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:2:p:367-387 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1902695_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Willow Berridge Author-X-Name-First: Willow Author-X-Name-Last: Berridge Title: The “Civilizational Project” and the southern Sudanese Islamists: between assimilation and exclusion Abstract: Drawing upon interviews and a variety of newspapers and other media associated with the Sudanese Islamic Movement, this article analyses historic developments in its strategy for the Islamization of the now independent region of southern Sudan with particular reference to the experience of members of the movement from that region. It identifies significant parallels between the colonial and Islamist designs for “civilizing” southern Sudanese, arguing that like its colonial predecessor the “Civilizational Project” of Hasan al-Turabi’s “Salvation Regime” alternated between assimilating and excluding them. The post-1989 Islamist regime’s treatment of Islamist southerners before and after the secession of the south in 2011 highlighted the division between these assimilationist and exclusionary trends. Although the movement was largely unsuccessful in recruiting southern members, those who did join were not simply Islamist satellites – like Islamists from the other marginalized regions, they sought to use the Movement to traverse the social divide between center and periphery, sometimes in a manner that challenged the riverain elites that dominated it. In thus deconstructing the notion that Islamic movements are ideologically and socially homogenous, the article contributes a fresh perspective on the debate about Arabization and Islamization in Sudan as well as center–periphery relations in post-colonial contexts. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 214-235 Issue: 2 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1902695 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1902695 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:2:p:214-235 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1907704_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Katharina M. B. Newbery Author-X-Name-First: Katharina M. B. Author-X-Name-Last: Newbery Title: State identity narratives and threat construction in the Horn of Africa: revisiting Ethiopia's 2006 intervention in Somalia Abstract: The Ethiopian military intervention to remove the Union of Islamic Courts from Mogadishu in December 2006 has been interpreted in overlapping narratives of historical-religious conflict between Ethiopia and Somalia, proxy war with Eritrea, and counter-terrorism. This article adds another: the Ethiopian government's own dominant narrative of danger at the time. Based on a discourse analysis of materials generated during a year of fieldwork in Addis Ababa, the article explores how Ethiopia's political leadership constructed developments in Somalia as an existential threat to the Ethiopian state. It argues that the language and actions of specific actors were presented as threatening the idea of the post-1991 Ethiopian state and, more specifically, the foundational narrative with which the EPRDF-led Ethiopian government sought ontological security for Ethiopia as a distinct political community and international actor. By focusing on the relationship between processes of collective identity formation and perceptions of (in)security, this article highlights the role of state identity narratives for understanding evolving threat perceptions and their political implications in the Horn of Africa. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 255-273 Issue: 2 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1907704 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1907704 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:2:p:255-273 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1913704_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Anuarite Bashizi Author-X-Name-First: Anuarite Author-X-Name-Last: Bashizi Author-Name: An Ansoms Author-X-Name-First: An Author-X-Name-Last: Ansoms Author-Name: Guillaume Ndayikengurutse Author-X-Name-First: Guillaume Author-X-Name-Last: Ndayikengurutse Author-Name: Romuald Adili Amani Author-X-Name-First: Romuald Adili Author-X-Name-Last: Amani Author-Name: Joel Baraka Akilimali Author-X-Name-First: Joel Baraka Author-X-Name-Last: Akilimali Author-Name: Christian Chiza Author-X-Name-First: Christian Author-X-Name-Last: Chiza Author-Name: Innocent Karangwa Author-X-Name-First: Innocent Author-X-Name-Last: Karangwa Author-Name: Laurianne Mobali Author-X-Name-First: Laurianne Author-X-Name-Last: Mobali Author-Name: Emery Mushagalusa Mudinga Author-X-Name-First: Emery Mushagalusa Author-X-Name-Last: Mudinga Author-Name: David Mutabesha Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Mutabesha Author-Name: René-Claude Niyonkuru Author-X-Name-First: René-Claude Author-X-Name-Last: Niyonkuru Author-Name: Joseph Nsabimana Author-X-Name-First: Joseph Author-X-Name-Last: Nsabimana Author-Name: Aymar Nyenyezi Bisoka Author-X-Name-First: Aymar Nyenyezi Author-X-Name-Last: Bisoka Author-Name: Emmanuelle Piccoli Author-X-Name-First: Emmanuelle Author-X-Name-Last: Piccoli Title: Real governance of the COVID-19 crisis in the Great Lakes region of Africa Abstract: During the COVID-19 crisis in Africa, several contradictory discourses have tried to predict how the continent will experience the pandemic. Based on a qualitative approach, this article goes beyond generalized and arbitrary predictions and analyzes how three countries in the Great Lakes region of Africa have managed the pandemic. We first analyze which measures the respective governments of the three countries – and their decentralized authorities – have taken. We also analyze up to which extend international prescriptions – as propagated by the World Health Organization – have influenced their choices. Second, we analyze how government measures have transformed throughout implementation and interacted with the specific circumstances of each context. Authorities, on the one hand, navigated between rigid and more flexible interpretation of national prescriptions, entering into practical arrangements or adopting force. Populations on the other hand have resorted to acceptance, circumvention, contestation or resistance. Our research ultimately points to the way in which political dynamics, resistance, violence, and local redefine both national policies and their international reference frames. In this way, the governance dynamics of the COVID-19 pandemic in the African Great Lakes region provide a lens through which we can complexify our understandings of real governance in Africa. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 190-213 Issue: 2 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1913704 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1913704 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:2:p:190-213 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1904704_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Will Langford Author-X-Name-First: Will Author-X-Name-Last: Langford Title: A common situation? Canadian technical advisors and popular internationalism in Tanzania, 1961–1981 Abstract: In the 1960s and 1970s, technical advisors participated in postcolonial development efforts and popular internationalism. This article addresses the politics of technical assistance as an entry point for exploring the wider shared histories of Tanzania and Canada. It shows how Canadian advisors reflected on ujamaa, race, and their relationships with Tanzanians. And it charts how lived experiences shaped their commitments abroad as well as back at home. Insisting that technical assistance is part of Tanzanian transnational history, the essay argues that Canadian advisors were divided on the politics of poverty. They held liberal and left internationalist perspectives, two overarching ways of understanding global structures that were opposed as well as internally varied. The first vision presumed that developmental work had mutualistic benefits within global capitalism. The second stressed solidarities for a building an anti-imperialist world and, in different ways, involved social democrats, New Leftists, and Black Canadian and Indigenous activists. Debates eventually led to a left-leaning attempt to rethink technical assistance. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 317-338 Issue: 2 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1904704 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1904704 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:2:p:317-338 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1904703_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sjaak Kroon Author-X-Name-First: Sjaak Author-X-Name-Last: Kroon Title: Language policy in public space: a historical perspective on Asmara’s linguistic landscape Abstract: This article presents a linguistic landscape analysis of pictures taken in Eritrea’s capital Asmara between 2001 and 2018, stemming from the respective periods of Italian, British, Ethiopian and Eritrean rule. The analysis illustrates how these semiotic signs, fossilized as well as contemporary, bear witness of the ways in which language and state ideologies of the country’s respective rulers were symbolically implemented and enshrined in visible language. Next to Italian, Amharic, Tigrinya and Arabic, attention is given to English, the international language that was introduced during the British Protectorate period and managed to maintain and strengthen its position in Asmara in recent years in relation to the inhabitants’ connection to the internet as a means to virtually escape from the city. Central in the analysis is the notion of public space as a multilayered socially constructed phenomenon showing the imprints of societal happenings. Such traces of history in Asmara contribute to changing concrete places into spaces and as such help memorizing and handing over the narratives connected to them as reflections of historical and contemporary language policies that over the years have co-constructed and given meaning to Asmara’s public space. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 274-296 Issue: 2 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1904703 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1904703 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:2:p:274-296 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1920240_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Emma Hunter Author-X-Name-First: Emma Author-X-Name-Last: Hunter Author-Name: Jason Mosley Author-X-Name-First: Jason Author-X-Name-Last: Mosley Author-Name: Richard Vokes Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Vokes Title: Editorial announcement Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 189-189 Issue: 2 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1920240 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1920240 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:2:p:189-189 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1907703_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Daniel Branch Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Branch Title: Public letters and the culture of politics in Kenya, c.1960-75 Abstract: Despite only a minority of Kenya’s African population being literate at the time of independence, letter-writing constituted a significant form of engagement between grassroots political participants and national leaders during decolonisation. This paper sets out to ask why individuals and collaborative groups of writers sent large quantities of letters to their leaders, what they wrote about, and their expectations of the effect of their correspondence. It argues that these letters constituted a public sphere in decolonising Kenya. Through their letters, Kenyans debated development policy, critiqued the actions of the new governing elite, and set out their hopes and fears for independent rule. Furthermore, letter-writing also provided the opportunity for large groups of authors, often including those without sufficient literacy to write in their own name, to reach consensus among themselves on otherwise contentious issues. Just as importantly, the responses – at first constructive and later suspicious - of state officials to these letters illustrates the continuities and changes in the nature of governance during decolonisation. Letter-writing became less effective and more anachronistic as the post-colonial period progressed as the post-colonial state became reliant upon other rituals of political participation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 339-357 Issue: 2 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1907703 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1907703 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:2:p:339-357 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1913700_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Bilge Sahin Author-X-Name-First: Bilge Author-X-Name-Last: Sahin Title: Mobile hearings in the Eastern DRC: prosecuting international crimes and implementing complementarity at national level Abstract: Through the complementarity principle of the International Criminal Court, international criminal law enforcement is transferred from international courts to national courts. This has led to an increase of international actors’ focus on national courts to achieve international criminal justice. The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) presents a significant example to examine the prosecution of international crimes by national courts and international actors’ support to Congolese legal system to promote complementarity and international criminal justice. International actors provide assistance to mobile hearings to prosecute international crimes and to implement complementarity at the national level in the eastern DRC. This article explores mobile hearings through their role in implementing complementarity in the DRC and international and national influences on mobile hearings regarding the prosecution of international crimes. The main argument is that although mobile hearings are significant to bring justice closer to local communities and increase the visibility of justice in remote and rural areas, their independence is in question as a result of the selective interest of international actors and political interferences coming from Congolese political and military elites. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 297-316 Issue: 2 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1913700 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1913700 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:2:p:297-316 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1904705_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Moritz A. Mihatsch Author-X-Name-First: Moritz A. Author-X-Name-Last: Mihatsch Title: Dependence after independence: Sudan’s bounded sovereignty 1956–1958 Abstract: This article sheds light on the little discussed democratic period, directly after Sudanese independence in 1956 and preceding the military takeover in 1958. The article uses parliamentary and public discussions around an American aid offer as a lens to understand Sudanese perspectives on decolonisation, independence, dependence, sovereignty, and neo-colonialism in a Cold War context. The article aims to explore how politicians in post-independence Sudan perceived their range of potential political actions and outcomes. It argues that politicians prioritised the protection and strengthening of Sudanese sovereignty, but held strongly differing and at times contradicting views of what that meant; for example, accepting aid from the Americans was understood by the Umma Party as necessary for economic development and thus strengthening domestic sovereignty, while it was seen by the NUP as potentially weakening external sovereignty. The decisions of Sudanese politicians at the time were shaped by their fear of Sudan losing its independence once again. In making this argument, the article serves as a case study deconstructing theoretical conceptions of sovereignty as absolute and indivisible, showing that Sudanese politicians were acutely aware that sovereignty was bounded and dependent on compromises. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 236-254 Issue: 2 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2021.1904705 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2021.1904705 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:2:p:236-254 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1150240_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: David M. Anderson Author-X-Name-First: David M. Author-X-Name-Last: Anderson Author-Name: Michael Bollig Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Bollig Title: Resilience and collapse: histories, ecologies, conflicts and identities in the Baringo-Bogoria basin, Kenya Abstract: The concept of resilience is now applied across the natural and social sciences to provide a means of examining and understanding adaptation and transformation over a longer time period, in response to environmental, economic, cultural, or political shocks or adverse events. This essay introduces a collection of 10 studies that analyse resilience in the context of the Baringo-Bogoria basin, a predominantly savannah ecological zone in Kenya's northern Rift Valley. Framed by the adaptive cycle model, the studies span a history of 200 years, but also detail current challenges to the social-ecological system of the region. Resilience has allowed the communities of Baringo-Bogoria to adapt and transform in order to maintain production systems dominated by cattle pastoralism, with intensive agriculture in niche locations. The authors suggest that the most recent challenges confronting the peoples of this region – intensified conflicts, mounting poverty driven by demographic pressures, and dramatic ecological changes brought by invasive species – have contributed to a collapse in essential elements of the specialised cattle production system, requiring a re-orientation of the social-ecological system. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 1-20 Issue: 1 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1150240 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1150240 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:1:p:1-20 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1141568_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Michael Bollig Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Bollig Title: Adaptive cycles in the savannah: pastoral specialization and diversification in northern Kenya Abstract: Comparative evidence from Eastern Africa suggests the emergence of a highly specialized mobile pastoral livelihood came about in the early- to mid-nineteenth century. Developments in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries have seen a distinct turn away from this model of pastoral specialization, towards a more mixed and spatially varied set of livelihood strategies. Low intensity warfare, environmental degradation, rapid population increase, and a shift away from cattle pastoralism and towards goat and camel herding are all evident in the current transition of Pokot livelihoods. Lifestyles have become more sedentary and diversified, while agricultural activities have rapidly spread, with the increased marketing of livestock and other commodities. This article traces the history of these changes among the pastoral Pokot of north-western Kenya (today's Baringo County), using the notions of the adaptive cycle and resilience as key explanatory tools in seeking to understand the patterns and drivers of change over time. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 21-44 Issue: 1 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1141568 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1141568 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:1:p:21-44 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1134532_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: David M. Anderson Author-X-Name-First: David M. Author-X-Name-Last: Anderson Title: The beginning of time? Evidence for catastrophic drought in Baringo in the early nineteenth century Abstract: New developments in the collection of palaeo-data over the past two decades have transformed our understanding of climate and environmental history in eastern Africa. This article utilises instrumental and proxy evidence of historical lake-level fluctuations from Baringo and Bogoria, along with other Rift Valley lakes, to document the timing and magnitude of hydroclimate variability at decadal to century time scales since 1750. These data allow us to construct a record of past climate variation not only for the Baringo basin proper, but also across a sizable portion of central and northern Kenya. This record is then set alongside historical evidence, from oral histories gathered amongst the peoples of northern Kenya and the Rift Valley and from contemporary observations recorded by travellers through the region, to offer a reinterpretation of human activity and its relationship to environmental history in the nineteenth century. The results reveal strong evidence of a catastrophic drought in the early nineteenth century, the effects of which radically alters our historical understanding of the character of settlement, mobility and identity within the Baringo–Bogoria basin. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 45-66 Issue: 1 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1134532 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1134532 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:1:p:45-66 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1134417_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Matthew I. J. Davies Author-X-Name-First: Matthew I. J. Author-X-Name-Last: Davies Author-Name: Henrietta L. Moore Author-X-Name-First: Henrietta L. Author-X-Name-Last: Moore Title: Landscape, time and cultural resilience: a brief history of agriculture in Pokot and Marakwet, Kenya Abstract: The Marakwet and Pokot communities of northwest Kenya are keen farmers, known notably for their creation of extensive pre-colonial irrigation networks. Over the last century both communities have been subjected to a range of external agricultural interventions but Marakwet and Pokot farming remains largely based on practices with a deeper history. We argue, however, that this continuity through time also masks smaller-scale innovations, movements and changes that attest to a dynamic, yet hidden ‘cultural resilience' spanning several centuries. We explore this deeper history through a range of archaeological, ethnographic and historical data and use this analysis to re-think the various agricultural narratives and interventions previously employed in the region. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 67-87 Issue: 1 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1134417 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1134417 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:1:p:67-87 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1134401_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Hauke-Peter Vehrs Author-X-Name-First: Hauke-Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Vehrs Title: Changes in landscape vegetation, forage plant composition and herding structure in the pastoralist livelihoods of East Pokot, Kenya Abstract: Oral evidence from pastoral Pokot on vegetation changes in the rangelands of northern Baringo District points to major changes in structure and biodiversity composition over the past century. A landscape of perennial grasses has turned into an Acacia-dominated bush-land. Pelil (Acacia nubica), talamogh (Acacia mellifera), or anyua (Acacia reficiens), which characterise the pastoral landscape today, have increased rapidly since the 1950s. This article compares perceptions of current changes in grass compositions with former accounts, highlighting local assessments of declining high-quality grasses such as abrute (Brachiaria deflexa, Setaria homonyma) or puyun (Eragrostis cilianensis). The changes described are linked to a number of causal factors (high grazing pressure, restriction of pastoral mobility, increasing population numbers), allowing us to historicise the profound change in landscape vegetation. The costs and benefits of bush encroachment are also examined. The tremendous increase in goat numbers, and the sizeable growth of camel herds, is closely connected to the increased availability of fodder plants for browsers. The article concludes by contrasting the views expressed on landscape by Pokot elders with scientific accounts of environmental change. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 88-110 Issue: 1 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1134401 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1134401 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:1:p:88-110 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1138664_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Mathias Becker Author-X-Name-First: Mathias Author-X-Name-Last: Becker Author-Name: Miguel Alvarez Author-X-Name-First: Miguel Author-X-Name-Last: Alvarez Author-Name: Gereon Heller Author-X-Name-First: Gereon Author-X-Name-Last: Heller Author-Name: Paul Leparmarai Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Leparmarai Author-Name: Damaris Maina Author-X-Name-First: Damaris Author-X-Name-Last: Maina Author-Name: Itambo Malombe Author-X-Name-First: Itambo Author-X-Name-Last: Malombe Author-Name: Michael Bollig Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Bollig Author-Name: Hauke Vehrs Author-X-Name-First: Hauke Author-X-Name-Last: Vehrs Title: Land-use changes and the invasion dynamics of shrubs in Baringo Abstract: In the semi-arid savannahs around Lake Baringo, Kenya, the recent spread of bush encroachment by the invasive alien species Prosopis juliflora and the native Dodonaea viscosa has changed human–environment interactions. This article suggests how the spread dynamics of Prosopis and Dodonaea have operated. It also describes the strategies Baringo's peoples have adopted in the face of this dramatic bush invasion, relates these dynamics to current invasion theory, and analyses possible implications for Baringo's social–ecological systems. It is suggested that recent increased climate variability has triggered changes in land management and livelihoods around Lake Baringo, paving the way for bush encroachment and species invasion. The extent and speed of these changes has exceeded the capacity of local communities to adapt their productive systems, destabilizing the socio-ecology of the dryland savannahs around Lake Baringo and placing them in imminent danger of collapse. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 111-129 Issue: 1 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1138664 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1138664 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:1:p:111-129 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1134488_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Clemens Greiner Author-X-Name-First: Clemens Author-X-Name-Last: Greiner Author-Name: Innocent Mwaka Author-X-Name-First: Innocent Author-X-Name-Last: Mwaka Title: Agricultural change at the margins: adaptation and intensification in a Kenyan dryland Abstract: Land-use and livelihood patterns among Eastern African pastoralists have undergone dramatic change in recent decades. The dynamics in East Pokot effectively illustrate these changes. We focus on the spread and intensification of honey production and crop cultivation, describing the patterns of adaptation and diffusion and the current techniques of production. These processes must be understood as dynamics of agricultural intensification, and not as forms of diversification, because current transformations in pastoral communities go beyond temporal strategies of risk avoidance. In the case of East Pokot, intensification is related to population growth, albeit not in the linear manner proposed by Boserup. Rather, this relation is mediated by variables that include markets, labour, technology and the micro-conditions of the agro-ecological environment. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 130-149 Issue: 1 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2015.1134488 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2015.1134488 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:1:p:130-149 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1138657_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ivy L. Pike Author-X-Name-First: Ivy L. Author-X-Name-Last: Pike Author-Name: Bilinda Straight Author-X-Name-First: Bilinda Author-X-Name-Last: Straight Author-Name: Charles Hilton Author-X-Name-First: Charles Author-X-Name-Last: Hilton Author-Name: Matthias Österle Author-X-Name-First: Matthias Author-X-Name-Last: Österle Title: Comparative nutritional indicators as markers for resilience: the impacts of low-intensity violence among three pastoralist communities of northern Kenya Abstract: We present results from a collaborative project on the consequences of endemic violence in the pastoralist zone of Northern Kenya. Drawing on our ethnographically driven epidemiological approach, we examine the differential cost of violence by examining household nutrition. The case/control approach we employ draws data from six sites that are culturally similar but differ in the degree of exposure to, or relative insulation from, violence. As one of many lenses through which to examine the consequences of endemic violence, nutritional status offers a different story than assessing livestock holdings or access to land. Our data suggest that despite the different strategies that the pastoralist communities employ to contend with the violence, each one comes with nutritional consequences. Measuring the direct and indirect effects of violence in communities already compromised by poverty and episodic drought challenges researchers, policy-makers, and humanitarian organizations. Our goal is to offer insights into reasonable pathways for understanding these intersections of insecurity for policy and humanitarian organizations. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 150-167 Issue: 1 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1138657 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1138657 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:1:p:150-167 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1138638_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Bilinda Straight Author-X-Name-First: Bilinda Author-X-Name-Last: Straight Author-Name: Paul Lane Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Lane Author-Name: Charles Hilton Author-X-Name-First: Charles Author-X-Name-Last: Hilton Author-Name: Musa Letua Author-X-Name-First: Musa Author-X-Name-Last: Letua Title: “Dust people”: Samburu perspectives on disaster, identity, and landscape Abstract: This paper discusses a Samburu pastoralist landscape idiom, ntoror, that encapsulates ideas about agentive pastoralist landscapes that inherently attract conflict; and passionate, place-based identities forged out of environmental and human-wrought disaster. The paper grows out of a project that experimentally integrated ethnographic self-scrutiny with a bio-archaeological excavation involving human remains, with the aim of encouraging reciprocal knowledge production. The inspiration for exploring ntoror and expanding its metaphorical reach came from our Samburu co-author, Musa Letua, who responded to the challenges the excavation posed by drawing upon the idiom of ntoror, which made sense to him. The overlapping stories of ntoror we narrate follow closely the ways in which Letua explored them in interviews associated with the excavation, and in other interview settings in earlier years. As such, this paper represents the fruits of cross-cultural collaboration and shared knowledge production. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 168-188 Issue: 1 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1138638 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1138638 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:1:p:168-188 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1138665_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Peter D. Little Author-X-Name-First: Peter D. Author-X-Name-Last: Little Title: A victory in theory, loss in practice: struggles for political representation in the Lake Baringo-Bogoria Basin, Kenya Abstract: This article addresses political rights and identity among Il Chamus of Baringo District, Kenya, a small group of agro-pastoralists related to the Maasai. It discusses an important 2006 judicial ruling from the High Court of Kenya that specified a political constituency and national representation for the community, and shows how the state and its actions undermined its implementation. By examining the historical events and struggles leading up to the court ruling and the local violence associated with it, the article describes how Il Chamus have been forced to negotiate – even publically legislate – their histories and identities (indigeneity) to make claims to citizenship and territory. It concludes with a discussion of the impacts of the new 2010 constitution on the Il Chamus political movement and those of other minority and indigenous groups who have petitioned for increased political representation during the last two decades. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 189-207 Issue: 1 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1138665 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1138665 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:1:p:189-207 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1141564_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Gabrielle Lynch Author-X-Name-First: Gabrielle Author-X-Name-Last: Lynch Title: What's in a name? The politics of naming ethnic groups in Kenya's Cherangany Hills Abstract: This article analyses the politics of names and naming among the Sengwer–Cherangany community from Kenya's Cherangany Hills. Two requests submitted to the World Bank Inspection Panel (WBIP) by Sengwer and Cherangany leaders in 2013 in protest of alleged harms that resulted from a World Bank supported National Resources Management Project are the focus of the analysis. The requests articulated a dispute as to whether ‘locals’ were ‘indigenous peoples’, or ‘vulnerable and marginalised groups’, and whether they should be called ‘Sengwer’ or ‘Cherangany’. The struggle that ensued illustrates the local and extraversion strategies that are deployed to assert rights over cultural, socio-economic, ecological and political space through an insistence upon a specific ethnic label or brand. The case illustrates the extent to which names are imbued with cultural and legal meaning, and used to help legitimise certain engagements and interventions while delegitimising others. The analysis also highlights how bodies such as the WBIP can be used to protect and promote community interests through their recommendations and the production of ‘authoritative’ accounts or documentary archives. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 208-227 Issue: 1 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1141564 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1141564 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:1:p:208-227 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1674050_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Daniel Mulugeta Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Mulugeta Title: Dynamics of state-society relations in Ethiopia: paradoxes of community empowerment and participation in irrigation management Abstract: This article examines processes by which development project implementations afford the state the appearance of being a separate structure. By exploring the implementation of an important state development project in North-western Ethiopia, the Koga Irrigation and Watershed Management (KIWM) scheme, it shows why and how the project plan does not correspond to the real life of the scheme. The article unpacks assumptions that policymakers and development practitioners make about the a priori existence of a community and state distinction, and the ways in which they arrange them as functionally differentiated entities. It also shows how the project’s community-driven participatory approach, wherein local people were involved in managing the scheme, produces the effect of ghettoising practices of abuse as community issues. The article contributes to recent ethnographic studies of state-society relations and contends that these studies could gain important insights by exploring development project implementation practices as an entry point into the study of the processes that give the state the appearance of a material reality. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 565-583 Issue: 4 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1674050 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1674050 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:4:p:565-583 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1658456_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Morgan Robinson Author-X-Name-First: Morgan Author-X-Name-Last: Robinson Title: La Belle Époque from Eastern Africa: an individual experience of the “globalizing” world, 1898–1918 Abstract: This article seeks to expand our historical understanding of late-nineteenth-century “globalization” through the letters of a female Christian convert living in southeastern Tanganyika. By examining the correspondence between Agnes Sapuli and her educational sponsor in England, the historian can begin to reconstruct the individual, subjective experience of turn-of-the-century global connectedness. In so doing, we find that in the so-called periphery, people were simultaneously plugged in to the global trends of connection and acceleration, while also being keenly aware of the precariousness of those links. Moreover, on the individual level, late-nineteenth and early-twentieth-century “globalization” included the growth of far-flung, but deeply important, affective relationships – relationships that often proved just as durable as railway ties and steamship routes. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 584-600 Issue: 4 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1658456 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1658456 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:4:p:584-600 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1657277_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Thomas Molony Author-X-Name-First: Thomas Author-X-Name-Last: Molony Author-Name: Robert Macdonald Author-X-Name-First: Robert Author-X-Name-Last: Macdonald Title: Re-evaluating international observation of Kenya’s 2017 elections Abstract: Following the Supreme Court’s decision to annul the August 2017 Kenyan elections, many commentators – including journalists, academics, politicians and non-elite Kenyan voters – criticised international election observation missions on the grounds that they had declared the election ‘free and fair’. This article argues that specific allegations of incompetence and bias fail to acknowledge how international observers’ preliminary statements restrained from offering final verdicts or commenting upon the tallying process in which the problems emerged. Rather, due to a combination of the media environment and popular expectations about observers’ work, the complexity of their statements was lost as their findings were disseminated. This suggests that a fairer critique of international observers would focus on how they communicate, including when they decide to make their statements. It also shows that both the circulation of information relating to observers and popular perceptions of observation missions are important issues, despite being relatively overlooked by scholars working on election observation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 601-620 Issue: 4 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1657277 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1657277 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:4:p:601-620 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1669374_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Benedikt Kamski Author-X-Name-First: Benedikt Author-X-Name-Last: Kamski Title: Water, sugar, and growth: the practical effects of a ‘failed’ development intervention in the southwestern lowlands of Ethiopia Abstract: In spite of high capital expenditures, the development of state-owned sugarcane estates in Ethiopia’s southwestern lowlands did not bring the desired success in terms of sugar revenues, employment creation, or the socio-economic development of the local agro-pastoralist population. Yet, the radical and capital-intensive transformation of the Omo River basin was by no means without impact. This paper shows that the Kuraz Sugar Development Project (KSDP) entails ‘side effects’ which manifest themselves in different spatial–temporal dimensions. More technically, the paper examines how water resources are linked to the outcomes of this state-led development intervention and how it increases the degree of legibility from above and outside. It is based on qualitative case study research conducted between 2013 and 2017, which included multiple visits to the study region and in-depth discussions with different stakeholders at the federal and local level. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 621-641 Issue: 4 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1669374 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1669374 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:4:p:621-641 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1646557_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tobias Gandrup Author-X-Name-First: Tobias Author-X-Name-Last: Gandrup Author-Name: Kristof Titeca Author-X-Name-First: Kristof Author-X-Name-Last: Titeca Title: Reproducing the state? Organising primary education between state and non-state actors in Somaliland Abstract: The Somali education sector had almost collapsed by the time Somalia’s government collapsed in 1991. However, an education sector re-emerged in the self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland. Despite limited resources and lacking international recognition as a state, education continues to be provided. This paper sets out to analyse the role played by the state in this process. Although practices of organising primary education provision are largely located outside the state framework, the state continues to be productive for non-state actors in their continuous attempts to deliver education. Despite its distant role, the state is not completely powerless within the organisation of the sector. The paper describes first how the state accumulated sufficient power to be in charge of the education sector. This is followed by three cases unpacking how the state and its power is re-produced between state and non-state actors. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 642-660 Issue: 4 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1646557 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1646557 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:4:p:642-660 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1678927_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Namhla Thando Matshanda Author-X-Name-First: Namhla Thando Author-X-Name-Last: Matshanda Title: Constructing citizens and subjects in eastern Ethiopia: identity formation during the British Military Administration Abstract: This article investigates the construction of citizens and subjects in eastern Ethiopia during the period of the British Military Administration from 1944 to 1954. It does so by examining processes of identity formation during this period. The article argues that when Britain administered parts of eastern Ethiopia during this period it entrenched customary authority, which became a focal point around which Ethiopian and British forms of domination collided in a bid to assert their authority. The contestation was about establishing hegemony over sections of the population by categorising them. The article demonstrates that current discourses on identification in eastern Ethiopia are not a post-1991 phenomenon, but are part of an ongoing historical process of negotiating identification. The article thus contributes to, and expands on recent literature that seeks a deeper understanding of ethnic federalism and the implications it will have on processes of identity formation in Ethiopia. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 661-677 Issue: 4 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1678927 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1678927 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:4:p:661-677 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1655879_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Roger Tangri Author-X-Name-First: Roger Author-X-Name-Last: Tangri Author-Name: Andrew M. Mwenda Author-X-Name-First: Andrew M. Author-X-Name-Last: Mwenda Title: Change and continuity in the politics of government-business relations in Museveni’s Uganda Abstract: Since the 1990s, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) government has undertaken market-based reforms which have sought to reduce the economic role of the state while promoting the private sector to become the prime motor of development. The reforms have promised to transform relations between government and business. We argue, however, that the government has maintained much discretionary authority over the distribution of public resources affecting the fortunes of larger businesses. In particular, the political executive has continued to use state resources in favour of select foreign and Ugandan entrepreneurs, primarily for important political and economic reasons. Conversely, the executive has denied public resources to entrepreneurs deemed too close to political opponents as well as used preferential resource allocations to weaken collective action by organised business. Secondly, we consider the concerns being voiced over (a) growing foreign economic dominance, including the economic limitations of foreign investment, and (b) limited government assistance for developing local private enterprise. In response to these concerns, the government has recognised the need for greater state ownership and state interventions in the market, which, we conclude, will continue to maintain the patrimonial character of government-business relations. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 678-697 Issue: 4 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1655879 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1655879 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:4:p:678-697 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1655880_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Guillaume Nicaise Author-X-Name-First: Guillaume Author-X-Name-Last: Nicaise Title: Local power dynamics and petty corruption in Burundi Abstract: Based on five months’ field research in two districts of Burundi (Bukeye and Mabayi), this case study analyses tax collectors’ rationales and informal practices during their interactions with citizens. The analysis also examines local governance, in order to understand how informal practices are accepted, legitimised and even supported by local authorities. Field observations reveal a fluctuating balance of power, and the various constraints and room for manoeuvre used by local agents dealing with tax payers. Further, an investigation into tax enforcement provides a basis for measuring the discrepancy between, on the one hand, formal good governance norms and standards of behaviour and, on the other, informal strategies developed by local civil servants and officials. The article demonstrates that corruption is mainly a social phenomenon, far from its formal definition, which generally refers only to the search of private gains. Corruption is systemic and part of the current CNDD-FDD party’s governance framework in Burundi, relying on public administration’s politicisation, solidarity networks and socio-economic factors. More broadly, the article shows that corruption labelling remains topical to spur a State conception and structural changes through ‘good governance’ and anti-corruption norms. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 698-717 Issue: 4 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1655880 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1655880 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:4:p:698-717 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1678925_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Gift Wasambo Kayira Author-X-Name-First: Gift Wasambo Author-X-Name-Last: Kayira Author-Name: Paul Chiudza Banda Author-X-Name-First: Paul Chiudza Author-X-Name-Last: Banda Author-Name: Amanda Lea Robinson Author-X-Name-First: Amanda Lea Author-X-Name-Last: Robinson Title: Ethnic associations and politics in contemporary Malawi Abstract: Malawi has recently seen a rise in the number and prominence of formal ethnic associations. What is the nature of these organizations and what effect will they have on politics? To answer these questions, we conducted in-depth interviews with current and former leaders of the three main ethnic associations, Mulhako wa Alhomwe, Mzimba Heritage Association, and Chewa Heritage Foundation. The interviews and other documentary sources allow us to place these new organizations in historical context, describe their organizational structures, and examine their potential political influence. We depart from other studies in arguing that these ethnic associations are unlikely to pose a threat to state authority in the near term, and they have shown little or no sign of fomenting ethnic conflict. However, these ethnic associations have the potential to be used for political mobilization, especially when ethnic traditional authorities lack the capacity and autonomy to block the political manipulation of ethnic organizations. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 718-738 Issue: 4 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1678925 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1678925 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:4:p:718-738 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1635818_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Mario Schmidt Author-X-Name-First: Mario Author-X-Name-Last: Schmidt Title: ‘Almost everybody does it … ’ gambling as future-making in Western Kenya Abstract: This article discusses how Western Kenyans imagine and plan their futures in contrasting ways with a focus on three different gambling practices observed in a cluster of patrilineal homesteads. While participating in the national lottery entails an understanding of the future as organized by other actors and as, in principle, projectable, I analyse the practice of regularly placing low-risk bets on football games as a consequence of negating the possibility to plan one’s future in the long term. I lay bare a third conceptualization of the future by closely examining a betting ‘system’ one of my interlocutors had developed to hit a weekly jackpot. This conceptualization assumes that the future unfolds in ways that are, although very difficult to grasp, laid out in the present. The article concludes by distinguishing three ways in which gambling deals with the future, i.e. how it disclaims, upscales and invents the certainty of the future. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 739-757 Issue: 4 Volume: 13 Year: 2019 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2019.1635818 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2019.1635818 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:13:y:2019:i:4:p:739-757 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1517854_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Asebe Regassa Author-X-Name-First: Asebe Author-X-Name-Last: Regassa Author-Name: Benedikt Korf Author-X-Name-First: Benedikt Author-X-Name-Last: Korf Title: Post-imperial statecraft: high modernism and the politics of land dispossession in Ethiopia’s pastoral frontier Abstract: This paper argues that the current EPRDF/TPLF government emulates the imperial ambition of high-modernist development in Ethiopia’s “last” frontier – the pastoral lowlands. We show that two pillars of imperial state expansion continue to haunt Ethiopia’s post-imperial statecraft in the pastoral lowlands: the frontier rush and a high-modernist ambition. The frontier rush is characterized by emptying land for private and state appropriation. The model of high modernism underpins political projects of legitimating state rule, violent land appropriation and suppression of dissent in the pastoral frontier. Our empirical material combines a review of the literature on Ethiopia’s history of high-modernist ambitions with a detailed case study of contemporary land dispossessions in two sites of Lower Omo Valley in Southern Ethiopia. Our case study shows how government officials and company managers mobilize frontier imaginations and high-modernist terminology to justify large-scale relocations of pastoral communities. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 613-631 Issue: 4 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1517854 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1517854 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:4:p:613-631 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1528753_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Chris Conte Author-X-Name-First: Chris Author-X-Name-Last: Conte Title: Power, production, and land use in German East Africa through the photographs of Walther Dobbertin, c. 1910 Abstract: The essay analyses a set of the landscape photographs of Walther Dobbertin that were taken in the German East Africa highlands before the First World War. The concept of locality binds the discussion of three settler enclaves – A Trappist monastery, a Evangelical Lutheran mission station, and a government-leased farm. One exclusively indigenous site, the Mlalo Kaya, adds as well to the conceptual discussion. The photographs are high-resolution scans of the original negatives, and enlargements reveal much information about land husbandry and the ecological consequences of the implementation of colonial power in particular places. The analysis also suggests that the nature of locality formation has long lasting consequences. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 632-654 Issue: 4 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1528753 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1528753 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:4:p:632-654 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1527096_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: David Bresnahan Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Bresnahan Title: Forest imageries and political practice in colonial coastal Kenya Abstract: This article explores the transforming meanings of kaya forests in coastal Kenya during first half of the twentieth century. It focuses on the deployment of the kaya–indicating lowland coastal forests with a linguistic connotation of “home” – as discursive tool in the political practices of elder Mijikenda men in their interactions with the colonial state. From the mid-nineteenth- to early-twentieth century, kaya forests were assigned a variety of meanings, including as historical settlements, ancestral graveyards, and ritual sites. By the late-colonial period, the forests and forest authorities – or kaya elders – were central categories of political practice on the Kenya coast. The article argues that elder Mijikenda men and colonial officials generated novel ideas about the significance of the kaya forests as they collaborated to establish bodies of legitimate authority and demarcate lands for colonial forestry projects and development schemes. In the process, they reworked and standardized the meanings attached the forest groves which became a setting for – and symbols of – political action. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 655-673 Issue: 4 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1527096 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1527096 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:4:p:655-673 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1519659_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Izabela Orlowska Author-X-Name-First: Izabela Author-X-Name-Last: Orlowska Author-Name: Peter Klepeis Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Klepeis Title: Ethiopian church forests: a socio-religious conservation model under change Abstract: For centuries, the core religious values of Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church communities have ensured the protection of church forests. Despite this strong and longstanding tradition, however, communities are now facing a host of new challenges and opportunities. Our interdisciplinary research highlights ways in which the ecological status of church forests may be threatened due to new practices as well as the changing economic status of church forest communities. We find that the adaptability of these communities to changes associated with modernity might, inadvertently, be a key factor in ecological degradation. But their adaptability might also offer a window of opportunity for agents of forest conservation. Based primarily on ethnography, this article presents Ethiopian church forests as dynamic socio-religious spaces, explores the types of changes affecting the communities and their forests, and considers ways in which the church forest conservation model is evolving. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 674-695 Issue: 4 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1519659 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1519659 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:4:p:674-695 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1518366_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Robert Ahearne Author-X-Name-First: Robert Author-X-Name-Last: Ahearne Author-Name: John Childs Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Childs Title: ‘National resources’? The fragmented citizenship of gas extraction in Tanzania Abstract: Recent discoveries of oil and natural gas across East Africa have provoked a wave of political optimism fuelled by imaginaries of future development. Tanzania is a paragon of this trend; its government having asserted its potential to become a globally significant natural gas producer within a decade. Yet, this rhetorical promise has been countered by a series of violent confrontations that have taken place between state forces and residents of southern Tanzania. Although these struggles are about various articulations of resource sovereignty, this paper argues that they should be located less in questions of resource control, than in a historical marginalization of the south, or what has been called a ‘hidden agenda’, that privileges urban centres to the north. Drawing on original qualitative data generated over three years in Mtwara and Lindi regions, it shows how gas discoveries reveal the fault lines in the construction of an inclusive ‘Tanzanian’ citizenship. Protesters counter-narrate their sense of citizenship with insurgent strategies ranging from strike action to calls for secession. In short, natural gas discoveries actually extend the fragmentation of an already ‘differentiated citizenship’. Studies of resource conflict and sovereignty, we conclude, should pay more attention to the contested nature of citizenship. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 696-715 Issue: 4 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1518366 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1518366 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:4:p:696-715 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1514848_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Patrick Y. Whang Author-X-Name-First: Patrick Y. Author-X-Name-Last: Whang Title: Regional derailment: the saga of the East African Railways Abstract: During the colonial period of East Africa, railways represented the pre-eminence of colonial influence, commerce and unity within the region. The railways were not just the physical link that connected territories, but also created their own social and economic structures to support them that defined regional authority. Post-colonial East African leaders attempted to capitalize on this existing structure to build on regional bonds. However, the unity that was enforced during the colonial period had become untenable, as national interests within each member state prevented the strengthening of regional ties. This was reflected within one institution: East African Railways. The joys of independence and regional unity soon ran up against the economic and political difficulties between member states of the East African Community (EAC). The latent inequalities between member states could not be overcome and regional interests gave way to nationalistic ones. Within a decade after its founding, the East African Railways had collapsed along with the broader EAC. Decades later, a new EAC has arisen, and with it plans to expand the existing East African Railway network. Will the railways now become a symbol for regional unity or once again become a chess piece in promoting member state's national interests? Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 716-734 Issue: 4 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1514848 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1514848 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:4:p:716-734 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1514851_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Christopher Tounsel Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Author-X-Name-Last: Tounsel Title: Before the Bright Star: football in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan Abstract: South Sudan’s independence was accompanied by the creation of a new national football team and its entry into the Federation of International Football Association (FIFA). Despite Sudan’s football history, there has not been much inquiry into the game’s growth and importance in Southern Sudan. This article analyzes football’s development in Southern Sudan during the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium era (1899–1956). In Northern Sudan it was featured in Khartoum’s Gordon College and the Sudan Football Association. In the South, football was played at Christian mission sites; locations that aimed to challenge the spread of Islam. As the British sought to separate the North from the South, the encouragement of football in each region was a point of unity in a divisive colonial agenda; one that planted seeds of conflict for the postcolonial state. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 735-753 Issue: 4 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1514851 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1514851 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:4:p:735-753 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1528734_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Michael F. Lofchie Author-X-Name-First: Michael F. Author-X-Name-Last: Lofchie Title: The murder of Wilbert Klerruu: collective agriculture on trial in Tanzania Abstract: This article uses the idea of a “tipping event” to help explain why the Government of Julius Nyerere called an abrupt end to the collective aspect of its policy of collective villagization. Perhaps the most striking feature of the program was its precipitous trajectory; intensive efforts at collectivization between 1970 and early 1973 gave way to an abrupt de-emphasis on the collective aspect of the program that may have begun to manifest itself as early as mid-1972. Of all the Tanzanian government's ambitious efforts to build a socialist economy, which included nationalization of the banking system, rental housing, and large industries as well as the creation of a state monopoly over the procurement, processing, and marketing of food staples, collective agriculture was the most short-lived. On Christmas Day 1971, an Ismani farmer, Saidi Abdallah Mwamwindi, shot and killed the Iringa Regional Commissioner, Dr. Wilbert Andrew Klerruu. As the murder trial proceeded during 1972, even the most ideologically inclined of Nyerere's allies became aware that their choice of agricultural policy was imposing deep political costs on the governing party in the form of declining rural support. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 754-771 Issue: 4 Volume: 12 Year: 2018 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1528734 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2018.1528734 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:12:y:2018:i:4:p:754-771 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1187814_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Valérie Golaz Author-X-Name-First: Valérie Author-X-Name-Last: Golaz Author-Name: Claire Médard Author-X-Name-First: Claire Author-X-Name-Last: Médard Title: Agricultural frontier, land tenure changes and conflicts along the Gucha-Trans Mara boundary in Kenya Abstract: Administrative limits do not ordinarily constitute internal boundaries, yet this is the case of the Gucha and Trans Mara boundary between the current counties of Kisii and Narok Countries in south-western Kenya. This boundary which served as a tool for political and administrative control has had a lasting impact on land settlement. Kenya’s territorial heritage proved resilient. It confined the Gusii and the Maasai on either side of the boundary until the 1970s, when the easing of the boundary led to a new phase in the Gusii agricultural frontier to the South, later stopped when land registration started in the 1980s in Trans Mara. The introduction of legal privatization created renewed tension which took a violent turn during the 1990s politically instigated land clashes. ‘Indigenous’ territorial claims coincided with these inherited colonial divisions. Contrasting population densities are found on either side of the boundary with high population densities in the former Gusii reserve compared to the neighbouring Trans Mara. The agricultural frontier was observed in a detailed survey conducted in 1997 and 1998 at the height of politically instigated land clashes. Along this boundary, in half a century, land use was transformed from occasional grazing to intensive agricultural use, with two harvests a year, depending on the political context. The 1990s violent crises lent new vigour to the internal boundary and contributed to the rise of a semi-permanent agricultural frontier located along the boundary itself. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 229-246 Issue: 2 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1187814 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1187814 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:2:p:229-246 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1180825_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Peter Chonka Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Chonka Title: Spies, stonework, and the suuq: Somali nationalism and the narrative politics of pro-Harakat Al Shabaab Al Mujaahidiin online propaganda Abstract: Since 2013, media affiliates of Harakat Al Shabaab Al Mujaahidiin (HSM) have been producing and disseminating online documentary-style videos presenting daily life in areas of south-central Somalia under the militant group’s control. In the context of their wider ‘jihad’ waged against foreign occupiers and an ‘apostate’ Federal Government, these videos feature narratives of nationalist economic self-determination as alternatives to aid dependence and the allegedly nefarious interference of external powers in Somalia. This paper analyses the iconography of these videos in the context of the ‘narrative politics’ of a fragmented modern Somalia. If HSM has, at times, been characterised by a broad ideological divide between factions with an ‘internationalist’ jihadi outlook and those with a more pragmatic ‘nationalist’ worldview, then the discourses of this latter faction require detailed analysis not only for a clearer understanding of the internal dynamics of the HSM insurgency but also in regards to the wider role of narratives of Somali ethno-nationalism in ongoing processes of state reconfiguration. The paper argues that although HSM no longer benefits from the popular nationalist kudos it previously enjoyed in its resistance to the Ethiopian invasion of 2006, it nonetheless operates in a discursive battlefield where narratives around malign foreign intervention – based on exploitation of socio-political divisions of society and the dependence brought by external humanitarian aid – transcend the movement itself and find expression in the wider public spheres of news media and popular commentary. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 247-265 Issue: 2 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1180825 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1180825 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:2:p:247-265 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1187806_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Stephanie Diepeveen Author-X-Name-First: Stephanie Author-X-Name-Last: Diepeveen Title: Politics in everyday Kenyan street-life: the people’s parliament in Mombasa, Kenya Abstract: The presence of politics in everyday experiences – popular arts, culture and dialogue – is not new to the study of politics in Africa. Yet, most often, attention to political possibilities in the everyday appears preoccupied with their relationship to rule and authority, making it difficult to imagine political significance outside of an influence on forms of dominance. Hannah Arendt’s early political thought provides an alternative way to imagine politics in everyday publics by separating politics from rule and locating it in public speech and action. Drawing on Arendt’s ideas around political significance of publics, this paper examines the nature and scope of political possibilities of a street parliament in Mombasa, Kenya. It reveals how possibilities for Arendtian political action are present in informal practices of public discussion, which are both contingent upon and compromised by competing interests, including elite and partisan competition. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 266-283 Issue: 2 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1187806 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1187806 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:2:p:266-283 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1184835_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jesse Bucher Author-X-Name-First: Jesse Author-X-Name-Last: Bucher Title: The skull of Mkwawa and the politics of indirect rule in Tanganyika Abstract: This article traces the history of a key symbol of colonial authority in Tanganyika – the skull of the defeated Hehe chief, Mkwawa. From the late 1890s through to the 1950s, officials in both the German and British colonial states wrote extensively about the skull, contending that it served as a linchpin of traditional authority amongst the Hehe people. At the same time that colonial officers attempted to reinforce the importance of the skull – through its removal or its restoration – they directly folded themselves into its history. While belief in the sacred importance of ancestors and their corporeal remains supposedly belonged exclusively to the political systems of colonized Africans, European colonizers also found themselves enmeshed in the construction of these very concepts. Nowhere did such engagement appear more evident than in the correspondence of the British Colonial Governor in Tanganyika, Edward Twining. Before officially returning the skull to the Hehe people in 1954, Twining wrote about his own encounters with the “poltergeistic qualities” of Mkwawa’s skull. While these interactions never found their way into official histories of the skull, this article uses their presence to offer a closer examination of the seemingly disparate realities that informed colonial governmentality. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 284-302 Issue: 2 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1184835 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1184835 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:2:p:284-302 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1181411_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Barnaby Dye Author-X-Name-First: Barnaby Author-X-Name-Last: Dye Title: The return of ‘high modernism’? Exploring the changing development paradigm through a Rwandan case study of dam construction Abstract: The past half-decade has seen a resurgence of dam building in Africa, a controversial development after decades of critique exposing the environmental, economic, and social costs of such projects. Dams have been imagined as symbols of modernity and as keys to national economic development, giving them such status that potential negatives get overlooked. This paper sets out to investigate the implementation of a particular dam built in this new resurgence period. It will ask whether modernist development logics are being repeated in the construction process, causing the social and environmental costs documented in past dam construction. This paper focuses on the Nyabarongo Dam in Rwanda, a country whose post-genocide development record and authoritarian modernist tendencies have been considerably debated. This particular case study also shows the growing role of India in Africa, as it records one of the first Indian financed and built dams on the continent. Qualitative field research found that that while construction planning and practice has enabled many locals to benefit, the dam’s construction was influenced by modernist logics of development that created detrimental, top-down practices. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 303-324 Issue: 2 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1181411 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1181411 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:2:p:303-324 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1184834_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Devota J. B. Mwaseba Author-X-Name-First: Devota J. B. Author-X-Name-Last: Mwaseba Author-Name: Randi Kaarhus Author-X-Name-First: Randi Author-X-Name-Last: Kaarhus Author-Name: Zebedayo S. K. Mvena Author-X-Name-First: Zebedayo S. K. Author-X-Name-Last: Mvena Title: Food culture and child-feeding practices in Njombe and Mvomero districts, Tanzania Abstract: This article explores food culture and child-feeding practices, focusing on children below five years among the Bena and Luguru ethnic groups located in Njombe and Mvomero rural districts in Tanzania. In these two societies existing cultural norms, and beliefs related to child feeding focusing on breastfeeding and complementary feeding were investigated aiming at understanding how every-day practices on child feeding are socially and culturally constructed by actors including parents or guardians, thus giving cultural meanings that are attached to every-day realities on child feeding. The article is part of a larger research project whose overall purpose was to investigate the outcome of milk-based nutrition interventions involving dairy goat and cattle-keeping with the aim among others to improve health and nutritional status of family members, especially children below five years in societies where prevalence of malnutrition particularly undernutrition is rather high. Methods used included participant observation, in-depth interviews, focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews. Findings show that early after birth, pre-lacteal feeds are commonly introduced in both societies and the most common complementary food includes plain maize porridge. On the other hand, milk consumption among children was rather limited. Existing food habits and feeding practices seem to be informed by widely-shared norms and beliefs. However, these culturally established practices do not always meet the current international recommendations on child feeding. Besides, recommendations and nutritional information on child feeding have largely not been used as suggested. This paper argues that, for the successful introduction and implementation of nutrition-based interventions targeting children, it is important to identify and improve upon the indigenous child-feeding practices, reflecting existing food habits, food-related beliefs, and their meanings. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 325-342 Issue: 2 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1184834 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1184834 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:2:p:325-342 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1187816_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Will Jones Author-X-Name-First: Will Author-X-Name-Last: Jones Title: Victoire in Kigali, or: why Rwandan elections are not won transnationally Abstract: This article brings together the literature on ‘electoral authoritarian regimes’ with the sub-fields of diaspora studies and transnationalism to evaluate the potential of political parties in exile to be forces for positive change in Rwanda. With this in mind, the article asks one simple question: is the participation of the Rwandan opposition in exile in electoral processes back home likely to be a positive force for change? It concludes that, in Rwanda at least, elections cannot be won transnationally. As such, those hoping for a more democratic Rwanda should look elsewhere. Operating in a transnational space appears to make life harder for the opposition, but not the Rwandan state. Further, the division, inconsistency, sudden shifts, splits, and volte-face of Rwanda’s diasporic opposition is produced, at least in part, by the competitive authoritarian nature of Rwanda. What the Rwandan case reveals, then, is at least one instance where unfair elections do not make future liberalisation more likely. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 343-365 Issue: 2 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1187816 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1187816 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:2:p:343-365 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1863642_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Samantha Balaton-Chrimes Author-X-Name-First: Samantha Author-X-Name-Last: Balaton-Chrimes Title: Who are Kenya’s 42(+) tribes? The census and the political utility of magical uncertainty Abstract: The idea that Kenya is made up of 42(+) tribes is widespread, but the origins, nature and consequences of any list are not well-known. This article compares ethnic classifications in all Kenyan censuses to demonstrate the origins of the ‘42’ in (only) the 1969 census, and the multiple political purposes of classifying and counting. To make sense of why the 42(+) remains significant, I argue a cultivated vagueness provides a sense of consistency, linking a national past to present and future, while providing the basis for both numbers-based competitive politics and more inclusive politics. Moreover, it avoids engaging in politically risky work of making legible sense of shifts in ethnic identities, classifications and numbers, and avoids having to resolve their relation to the nation, which benefits both state and citizens. Extending literature on the political utility of uncertainty, I theorise this cultivated vagueness as magic, backed by opaque forces, potentially dangerous or beneficent, which deters interrogation or certainty on all sides. To further clarify this awkward relationship between vagueness and certainty, I argue ethnic classifications are intelligible via the social imaginary of the 42(+), but not especially legible, contesting the literature on census practices as tools of legibility and governability. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 43-62 Issue: 1 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1863642 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1863642 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:1:p:43-62 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1863099_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Mohammed Ibrahim Shire Author-X-Name-First: Mohammed Ibrahim Author-X-Name-Last: Shire Title: Dialoguing and negotiating with Al-Shabaab: the role of clan elders as insider-partial mediators Abstract: Since 2015, Al-Shabaab and the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) have been locked in a violent, protracted stalemate. There is little momentum to pursue a political settlement, with Al-Shabaab rejecting any overtures of dialogue. Drawing on theoretical perspectives from peace and conflict literature and key interviews with clan elders and Al-Shabaab defectors, this article explores two interconnected themes. First, Al-Shabaab's dynamic attitudes towards dialogue since the group's establishment; and second, how clan elders play diverse peace-seeking roles, negotiating between Al-Shabaab and FGS at the microlevel. The article highlights two important findings. First, Al-Shabaab was initially inclined toward dialogue but, following the death and defection of senior members, increasingly adopted an anti-negotiation stance. Second, whilst Al-Shabaab is obstinately refusing any dialogue on the macrolevel, at the microlevel, the group indirectly negotiates with the FGS and other actors using clan elders as interlocutors and facilitators. Finally, the article explores the idea that, instead of relying on foreign third-party mediators to resolve Somalia's protracted stalemate at the macrolevel, clan elders, as credible insider-partial mediators possessing locally sourced legitimacy and perceived integrity, have the capacity to help overcome the stalemate between Al-Shabaab and the FGS. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 1-22 Issue: 1 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1863099 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1863099 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:1:p:1-22 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1871556_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jean-Baptiste Jeangene Vilmer Author-X-Name-First: Jean-Baptiste Jeangene Author-X-Name-Last: Vilmer Title: Peace without freedom in Eritrea: causes and consequences of the Ethio-Eritrean rapprochement Abstract: This article offers an analysis of the causes and consequences of the Ethio-Eritrean rapprochement. The causes are both internal (each side had their reasons) and external (under the influence of the UAE and Saudi Arabia). As for the consequences, the peace served as a catalyst of Eritrea’s reintegration: it boosted bilateral visits, had a limited regional snowball effect, lifted the UNSC sanctions, and accelerated the engagement of multilateral organizations and the EU in Eritrea. However, this reintegration is limited because of the persistent ambivalence of the regime, the degradation of the relations with Saudi Arabia and the US, and the fact that the peace with Ethiopia has stalled. Moreover, there is no peace dividend for the Eritrean population: after a glimpse of freedom when the border opened a couple of months, it is all back to the status quo ante, and even worse in some human rights respects. The conclusion shows the paradoxical nature of a rapprochement that also had negative effects and draws some lessons from the deeper problem explaining the stalled peace, that is institutional imbalance between a totalitarian state and a democratic one. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 23-42 Issue: 1 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1871556 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1871556 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:1:p:23-42 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1845041_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ong'ao P. Ng'asike Author-X-Name-First: Ong'ao P. Author-X-Name-Last: Ng'asike Author-Name: Tobias Hagmann Author-X-Name-First: Tobias Author-X-Name-Last: Hagmann Author-Name: Oliver V. Wasonga Author-X-Name-First: Oliver V. Author-X-Name-Last: Wasonga Title: Brokerage in the borderlands: the political economy of livestock intermediaries in northern Kenya Abstract: This article argues that brokers are key actors in the cross-border livestock trade between Kenya and Somalia, where formal regulations are weak or absent. We elucidate the economic and social rationales for livestock brokerage as well as a series of brokering practices taking place at the intersection of profit making, kinship and trust. Besides producing social capital based on trust, brokers facilitate the formalization of livestock trading by linking livestock production sites in southern Somalia to consumer markets in Kenya. Brokers thereby take on various roles and functions that contribute to integrating markets across fragmented territories. Based on extended fieldwork conducted in and around Garissa livestock market as well as in Nairobi, the paper outlines the political economy of livestock intermediaries in the important Somali-Kenyan cross-border livestock trade. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 168-188 Issue: 1 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1845041 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1845041 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:1:p:168-188 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1863100_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tezera Tazebew Author-X-Name-First: Tezera Author-X-Name-Last: Tazebew Author-Name: Asnake Kefale Author-X-Name-First: Asnake Author-X-Name-Last: Kefale Title: Governing the economy: rule and resistance in the Ethiopia-Somaliland borderlands Abstract: Ethiopia has a long history of economic relations in its borderlands. Since the early 1990s, the Ethiopian state began to earnestly entrench its authority in the Ethiopia-Somaliland borderlands. This study examined the governmentalization of the Ethio-Somaliland borderlands in the post-1991 period. Drawing on official data and key informant interviews, the study identifies several techniques of governance that the Ethiopian state instituted to govern and control economic activities in these borderlands. The analysis reveals that the manner in which economic relations are governed is directly shaped by the exceptional nature and logic of borderlands in general and the Ethiopia-Somaliland borderlands in particular. The Ethiopian state has sometimes used ‘informal’ mechanisms and this particular way of governing economic activities in the border region is analyzed in this paper, which highlights five prominent techniques, but also looks at how people in the region circumvent some of these government techniques. There is a mutation of governance in which the distinction between what is formal and informal is often blurred. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 147-167 Issue: 1 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1863100 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1863100 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:1:p:147-167 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1851515_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Marja Hinfelaar Author-X-Name-First: Marja Author-X-Name-Last: Hinfelaar Author-Name: O’Brien Kaaba Author-X-Name-First: O’Brien Author-X-Name-Last: Kaaba Author-Name: Michael Wahman Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Wahman Title: Electoral turnovers and the disappointment of enduring presidential power: constitution making in Zambia Abstract: Much has been written about the strength of African presidentialism. This article studies the resilience of presidential power in Zambia in the face of electoral turnover. Opposition election campaigns, conducted by both the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) and the Patriotic Front (PF), featured deep constitutional reform as prominent campaign pledges. Nevertheless, after winning the presidency, both parties failed to reduce presidential power. We support this conclusion by an analysis of constitution making in Zambia since the early 1990s and an analysis of the latest 2016 amended constitution. We argue that presidential powers become valuable institutional assets for newly elected elites attempting to reduce electoral uncertainty and consolidate power. Consequently, reduction in presidential power is unlikely as long as the executive is able to control the constitution making process. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 63-84 Issue: 1 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1851515 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1851515 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:1:p:63-84 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1728906_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Kirstine Strøh Varming Author-X-Name-First: Kirstine Strøh Author-X-Name-Last: Varming Title: Contested practices of trade and taxation: (in)formalization and (il)legitimization in Eastleigh, Nairobi Abstract: Taxation represents a claim to statehood and plays a vital role in processes of mutual recognition between subjects and the state. Debates on the benefits of taxing the informal economy have stressed the mutual benefits of entering into such formalized contracts of recognition. However, based on eight months of ethnographic fieldwork in Eastleigh, Nairobi, I will show how fixed categories of formality and legitimacy are inadequate for capturing the empirical realities of trade and taxation in Eastleigh and beyond. Rather we need to recognize how practices of trade, taxation and governance are continuously contested and move along continuums of (in)formalization and (il)legitimization. I argue that insights into these processes lead to a broader perspective on contracts of recognition, allowing us to (a) recognize practical contracts constituted within state institutions without adhering to formalized laws and regulations and (b) question the perception of fixed links between formality and legitimacy that implicitly underlie much of the dominant development discourse on taxing the informal economy. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 128-146 Issue: 1 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1728906 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1728906 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:1:p:128-146 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1834306_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ahmed M. Musa Author-X-Name-First: Ahmed M. Author-X-Name-Last: Musa Author-Name: Finn Stepputat Author-X-Name-First: Finn Author-X-Name-Last: Stepputat Author-Name: Tobias Hagmann Author-X-Name-First: Tobias Author-X-Name-Last: Hagmann Title: Revenues on the hoof: livestock trade, taxation and state-making in the Somali territories Abstract: This article considers the relationship between livestock taxation and local state formation dynamics in the northern Somali territories. While the economic importance of livestock in Somalia is undisputed, its significance as a source of revenue and legitimacy for public administrations and competing state-building projects has been overlooked. Drawing on fieldwork in Somaliland’s main livestock markets and the Berbera corridor, we highlight the interplay between public administrations that seek to maximize livestock revenue and traders who attempt to minimize taxation. State attempts to capture these ‘revenues on the hoof’ by both coercive and consensual means, shifting livestock trading routes and fluctuating animal trading volumes produce different taxation patterns across the Somali territories. As a result, fiscal contracts between livestock traders and public administrations are marked by various degrees of reciprocity and coercion. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 108-127 Issue: 1 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1834306 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1834306 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:1:p:108-127 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1868195_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Martin S. Shanguhyia Author-X-Name-First: Martin S. Author-X-Name-Last: Shanguhyia Title: Insecure borderlands, marginalization, and local perceptions of the state in Turkana, Kenya, circa 1920–2014 Abstract: Africa’s international borders have been sites of inter-ethnic and inter-state relations and media for material and cultural exchange. Drawing on archival materials and interviews, the article illustrates how decades of cross-border insecurity and violence from livestock raiding and tension over pasture and water resources have entrenched a consciousness within a marginalized Turkana community that critiques the role of the modern state as protector and provider. Their views are reinforced by a colonial legacy of marginalization of Turkana based on a hostile geographical environment, a vulnerable pastoral economy, and Turkana’s peripheral location relative to the center of political decision-making – Nairobi. Starved of development and provision of necessities since colonial times, Turkana have appropriated episodic insecurity from cross-border violence to underline the need for government to protect and provide basic infrastructure. In the process, the article reflects on the weaknesses or incapacities of the modern African state to deal with legacies of colonial administrative and development challenges in areas considered peripheral to the mainstream state. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 85-107 Issue: 1 Volume: 15 Year: 2021 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1868195 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1868195 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:15:y:2021:i:1:p:85-107 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1296639_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Michael Jennings Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Jennings Author-Name: James Brennan Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Brennan Author-Name: Richard Vokes Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Vokes Author-Name: Jason Mosley Author-X-Name-First: Jason Author-X-Name-Last: Mosley Title: Ten years of JEAS Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 1-2 Issue: 1 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1296639 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1296639 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:1:p:1-2 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1287245_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jesper Bosse Jønsson Author-X-Name-First: Jesper Bosse Author-X-Name-Last: Jønsson Author-Name: Deborah Fahy Bryceson Author-X-Name-First: Deborah Fahy Author-X-Name-Last: Bryceson Title: Beyond the artisanal mining site: migration, housing capital accumulation and indirect urbanization in East Africa Abstract: During the past 30 years, Tanzania has experienced successive precious mineral rushes led by artisanal miners. Their settlement, livelihood and housing strategies have evolved amidst high mobility in pursuit of mineral wealth. Cumulatively, the spatial movement of artisanal miners and an associated following of economically motivated migrant service providers have catalysed large-scale “direct urbanization” at artisanal mine sites-cum-small towns. These settlements have been generally characterized by relatively makeshift accommodation, which may mask accumulated savings of in situ earnings for housing investment elsewhere. In this article, in addition to documenting the mine-led direct urbanization process, we draw attention to a subsequent “indirect urbanization” phenomenon, whereby many successful artisanal miners and other entrepreneurial mining settlement residents make strategic house building investments in larger towns and cities. In anticipation of declining mineral yields and retirement from days of “roughing it” in mining sites, they endeavour to channel savings into housing in more urbanized locations, aiming to diversify into profitable business activities, living a life with better physical and social amenities. Their second-wave onward migration from mine sites encompasses more diverse destinations, particularly regional towns and cities, which accommodate their work and family life cycle needs and lifestyle preferences. Such mine-led direct and indirect urbanization processes arise from sequential migration decision-making of participants in Tanzania’s artisanal mining sector. In this article, we interrogate mining settlement residents’ locational choices on the basis of fieldwork survey findings from four artisanal gold and diamond mining settlements in Tanzania’s mineral-rich regions of Geita, Mwanza and Shinyanga, and from in-depth interviews with miners-cum-entrepreneurs residing in Mwanza, Tanzania’s second largest city, situated in the heart of Tanzania’s gold fields. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 3-23 Issue: 1 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1287245 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1287245 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:1:p:3-23 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1285105_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sabine Planel Author-X-Name-First: Sabine Author-X-Name-Last: Planel Author-Name: Marie Bridonneau Author-X-Name-First: Marie Author-X-Name-Last: Bridonneau Title: (Re)making politics in a new urban Ethiopia: an empirical reading of the right to the city in Addis Ababa’s condominiums Abstract: This article analyses the Ethiopian transition, particularly its social and political dimension based on an urban situation. It contributes to the debate over the right to the city in a dynamic way by articulating the analytical fit between political experiments and city dwelling, which are apparent in an Ethiopian context in a triangle of political emancipation, urban relocation and access to private property. It focuses on the question of access to housing in a recent condominium development on the outskirts of Addis Ababa. The article uses a situated, qualitative and localist approach to analyse the social project of housing policies, and especially the drive to create an urban middle class. It breaks down the profiles and strategies of condominium dwellers and deconstructs the mechanical link between condominium and middle class. Finally, it addresses the capacity of citizens to produce a new social – and potentially a new political – order, or conversely, to reproduce the old socio-political order. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 24-45 Issue: 1 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1285105 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1285105 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:1:p:24-45 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1287235_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Will Rollason Author-X-Name-First: Will Author-X-Name-Last: Rollason Title: ‘Buying a path’: rethinking resistance in Rwanda Abstract: In this essay, I tell the story of Jean-Baptiste, the president of a motorcycle taxi drivers’ co-operative, and his struggle against the machinations of certain high officials in Kigali City Council. Crucial to this story is the way in which Jean-Baptiste’s attempts to retain his position in the face of powerful opposition pit certain agencies of Rwanda’s party state against others. I use this ethnographic narrative to question the way in which much scholarship on popular resistance in Rwanda, drawing on Scott’s simplified opposition between the powerful and the powerless, opposes ‘ordinary Rwandans’ to ‘the government’ as entities with opposed interests. Theorising Jean-Baptiste’s story in terms of Rwandan idioms of relative power and influence, I suggest that such a Manichean view of power and resistance in Rwanda oversimplifies social realities. I propose instead a model of power and resistance that sees in popular relations to government a field of capacities and opportunities, where ‘paths’ to influence and security may by ‘bought’ – especially, but not exclusively, by those who are ‘strong’ and ‘high’. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 46-63 Issue: 1 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1287235 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1287235 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:1:p:46-63 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1288408_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Naomi Pendle Author-X-Name-First: Naomi Author-X-Name-Last: Pendle Title: Contesting the militarization of the places where they met: the landscapes of the western Nuer and Dinka (South Sudan) Abstract: Decades of militarized, violent conflict and elite wealth acquisition have created a common rupture in shared landscapes between communities of the western Dinka and Nuer (South Sudan). Through the remaking of these landscapes, governments and their wars have indirectly reshaped political identities and relationships. Networks of complex relationships have used this space for migration, marriage, trade and burial. Since the government wars of the 1980s, people from both Dinka and Nuer communities have participated in a myriad of cross-cutting political alliances with a lack of ethnic homogeneity. Yet, the recreation of this landscape as a militarized no-man’s land has stopped Nuer and Dinka meeting and is etching into the landscape naturalized visions of ethnic divisions. The article also examines how inhabitants have made use of the materiality of the landscape and imagination to try to contest and co-opt these visions. In so doing, they have challenged central governments’ powers to rule the landscape and have tried to recapture power to determine community relationships. However, elite politics in times of war and peace threaten people’s ability to express this more demographic authority over the landscape, relationships and political identities. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 64-85 Issue: 1 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1288408 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1288408 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:1:p:64-85 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1290765_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Joseph Mujere Author-X-Name-First: Joseph Author-X-Name-Last: Mujere Author-Name: Munyaradzi Elton Sagiya Author-X-Name-First: Munyaradzi Elton Author-X-Name-Last: Sagiya Author-Name: Joost Fontein Author-X-Name-First: Joost Author-X-Name-Last: Fontein Title: ‘Those who are not known, should be known by the country’: patriotic history and the politics of recognition in southern Zimbabwe Abstract: Since the early 2000s, scholars have criticised how Zimbabwe’s ruling party has ‘distorted’ history to suit its political purposes through its rhetoric of ‘patriotic history’. There remains a lacuna of studies focusing on what purchase ‘patriotic history’ has had in specific contexts, and what alternative commemorations it has sometimes afforded. Examining efforts in early 2010s by war veterans, relatives and survivors to monumentalise two wartime massacres sites in southern Zimbabwe, this paper explores the localised politics of recognition through which ‘patriotic history’ gained local saliency. Based on interviews at Kamungoma and Hurodzavasikana massacre sites in Gutu district, we examine how Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front’s historiographical project re-fuelled local efforts to remake communities and landscapes marked by violence and death. What is striking at Kamungoma and Hurodzavasikana is the relative absence of unhappy spirits or problematic human remains which have dominated war veteran-led exhumations and National Museums and Monuments of Zimbabwe’s ‘liberation heritage’ programme elsewhere in Zimbabwe. Although hasty burials, landscapes scarred by violence and unsettled by the mingling substances of bodies and soil are part of the story here, at these Gutu sites the metonymy of past violence is more affective in the scarred bodies of survivors, in the failed futures of youth and kin lost, and of recognition delayed or denied. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 86-114 Issue: 1 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1290765 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1290765 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:1:p:86-114 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1288410_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Zoe Cormack Author-X-Name-First: Zoe Author-X-Name-Last: Cormack Title: The spectacle of death: visibility and concealment at an unfinished memorial in South Sudan Abstract: This article examines an attempt to build a memorial to local victims of civil war in South Sudan. The memorial commemorates the mass execution of civilians in 1964, close to the town of Gogrial in a rural part of South Sudan. During this massacre, local people were killed and their bodies piled up into a macabre structure by the side of the road, as a warning against supporting the Anya-Nya insurgency. This is an example of non-state memorialisation, which sheds light on the repertoires and regimes of memory that memorials draw on and their local and political resonances. Particularly striking is the way the memorial builders have incorporated global technologies of memory and put them in dialogue with local recollections of a massacre, historic Dinka myths about building out of bodies, and the politics of the dead and post-liberation memory in South Sudan. This has produced a fascinating – but ultimately unrealised – memorial which complicates some of the major themes in academic understandings of memorialisation in Africa, especially the stress laid on tensions between ‘official’ and ‘vernacular’ regimes of memory. The memorial is not a site of ‘counter-memory’; rather, it inserts a local event into an official national narrative of liberation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 115-132 Issue: 1 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1288410 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1288410 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:1:p:115-132 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1288422_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Edmore Chitukutuku Author-X-Name-First: Edmore Author-X-Name-Last: Chitukutuku Title: Rebuilding the liberation war base: materiality and landscapes of violence in Northern Zimbabwe Abstract: This article examines how war veterans aligned to the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) serving in the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) attempt to use affective experiences at former guerrilla bases dating to the liberation struggle of the 1970s, in conjunction with highly charged but also highly tailored narratives about the war, to constitute certain kinds of political subjectivity and loyalty to the ruling party among trainee officers, and local communities in Bindura South. Yet the very efforts they put into controlling and rehearsing workshops organized at such sites speaks to their own awareness of the excessivity of affective experience, which ultimately denies efforts to control narratives of the past and to constitute particular kinds of political subjectivity. The past has a relationship with the present through affective experiences with landscape and its materials, but such experiences are difficult to contain and channel. Engaging with recent debates about materiality, and the agency, affordances, and affective qualities of objects and landscapes I argue that liberation landscapes of past violence are active and affective, but also not wholly controlled or control-able by war veterans and ZANU-PF leaders attempting to forge particular kinds of political loyalty. This excessivity of landscapes of past violence defies narrative closure, and allows space for other narratives, other performances and experiences of the materiality of milieu. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 133-150 Issue: 1 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1288422 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1288422 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:1:p:133-150 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1288414_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Christian A. Williams Author-X-Name-First: Christian A. Author-X-Name-Last: Williams Title: Exile biography and un-national history: the story of Kaufilwa Nepelilo Abstract: In the history of Namibia’s liberation struggle, Kaufilwa Nepelilo’s story is largely unintelligible. As one of hundreds of contract laborers to leave Namibia during the early 1960s in search of opportunities in postcolonial Tanzania, Nepelilo soon found himself living at Kongwa, the site of the first guerrilla camp granted to the South West African People’s Organization (SWAPO) and other liberation movements then supported by the Organization of African Unity. A reluctant “freedom fighter” at best, Nepelilo’s account of life at Kongwa focuses not on preparations to liberate Namibia from colonialism but rather on escalating tensions between rank-in-file guerrillas and the camp command. Nepelilo’s story is not a well-worn “dissident” narrative either, however. In contrast to this narrative, which introduces Kongwa in the context of SWAPO’s 1968 “Kongwa Crisis,” Nepelilo focuses on the inequities of camp daily life over seven years. Moreover, he highlights other personal experiences of exile which have fallen outside repeated narratives, including his motivation for traveling to Tanzania in the 1960s, his imprisonment in Tanzanian and Zambian jails in the 1970s, and his repatriation as an “Angolan refugee” in the 1980s. As I maintain, the discrepancy between Nepelilo’s story and Namibian struggle histories reflects both the politics of exile in contemporary Southern Africa and the times and places where exiles lived in Africa’s frontline states. Nepelilo’s story has not been “silenced,” however. Rather, it has been repeated often among friends who share stories about their experiences in exile to establish valuable relationships. The biographical details articulated in such stories may easily be drawn into a new national history. At the same time, they have the potential to push against nationalism altogether, allowing for different forms of historical narration and new insight into struggle pasts and their transnational legacies. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 151-165 Issue: 1 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1288414 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1288414 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:1:p:151-165 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1288419_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jocelyn Alexander Author-X-Name-First: Jocelyn Author-X-Name-Last: Alexander Title: Loyalty and liberation: the political life of Zephaniah Moyo Abstract: Southern African liberation movements in and out of power have been bedevilled by a politics in which loyalties are uncertain and histories of division cannot easily be shed. I use the story of Zephaniah Moyo, who was over his lifetime both loyal to and accused of treachery by all three armed adversaries in Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle, to argue that the disruptive power of histories of division cannot be reduced to the binaries of loyalty and betrayal, heroes and traitors. Its enduring disruptiveness is rooted in contestations over the purposes of political lives and the complex content of loyalties that are sedimented in institutions, ideas and individual agendas over time and across space. Moyo’s narrative allows a deep excavation of these histories. He locates his loyalty in a vision of political order, founded in an unlikely embrace of Rhodesian bureaucracy and professionalism, and reified in the governance of the military camps in Zambia and in the violent state-making of 1980s Zimbabwe. While his is an individual story, its telling is situated in a collective critique of arbitrary rule and the claims of a heroic nationalism, and it describes a specifically Zimbabwean history of bureaucracy as political ideal. This biographical excavation allows a reevaluation of the possibilities – often foreclosed – of the political project of liberation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 166-187 Issue: 1 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1288419 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1288419 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:1:p:166-187 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1288959_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Pauline Bernard Author-X-Name-First: Pauline Author-X-Name-Last: Bernard Title: The politics of the Luweero skulls: the making of memorial heritage and post-revolutionary state legitimacy over the Luweero mass graves in Uganda Abstract: In Uganda, the 1981–1986 civil war mainly took place in the “Luweero Triangle” area where the National Resistance Army/Movement (NRA/M) guerrillas were based, fighting against the Obote regime’s regular army. The war resulted in an estimated 50,000–300,000 civilian deaths in this region. At the end of the war, thousands of unidentified human remains were found in the area in forms of skulls and bones. The Luweero skulls and bones would later be politically used through memorialization by the victorious NRA/M as a “scarecrow” propaganda instrument. Used from the early aftermath of the war, and especially during the 1996 elections, it aimed to mark the contrast between the terror of the previous Obote regime and the ruling NRM government, which prides itself on having brought peace and security in the country, consolidating the post-revolutionary state’s legitimacy. This article, based on archives and fieldwork interviews, explores the fate, memorial heritage making and political use of the Luweero skulls and bones in an historical perspective. It questions the political effectiveness of this instrumentalization of fear, as well as the success of the memorial heritage building to which the Luweero skulls were subjected, and finally discusses the conflicts that emerged from these policies between the central government and local Luweero residents and leaders. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 188-209 Issue: 1 Volume: 11 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2017.1288959 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2017.1288959 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:11:y:2017:i:1:p:188-209 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1716292_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Lotte Hughes Author-X-Name-First: Lotte Author-X-Name-Last: Hughes Author-Name: Daniel Rogei Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Rogei Title: Feeling the heat: responses to geothermal development in Kenya’s Rift Valley Abstract: Geothermal development in Kenya’s Rift Valley will reap enormous energy benefits for the nation as a whole. But its impacts upon local communities, in this case in the Ol Karia area of Nakuru County, are often negative, and geothermal expansion has led to many divisions and conflicts over equitable resource use, environmental degradation, health impacts on humans and animals, forced resettlement, access to benefits including jobs, houses and profit sharing, human and land rights, and community representation vis-á-vis the geothermal companies. Many questions have been raised about the role of the state and international financial institutions (IFIs). Accusations abound at grassroots level of nepotism, corruption and discrimination, and some indigenous residents accuse the majority Maasai of doubly marginalising them in the scramble for rights and benefits. Against a background of historical continuities, land injustices, and global struggles for indigenous and marginalised peoples’ rights, this article examines the conflicts and complexities surrounding geothermal development at Ol Karia and its environs, and describes how people on the ground see the prospects for future peaceful co-existence with extractive industry on their lands. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 165-184 Issue: 2 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1716292 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1716292 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:2:p:165-184 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1728085_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Geert Castryck Author-X-Name-First: Geert Author-X-Name-Last: Castryck Title: Children of the revolution: the citizenship of urban Muslims in the Burundian decolonization process Abstract: Histories of decolonization in Africa tend to present a unidirectional process with the eventual independent states as the seemingly natural outcome, thus ignoring or distorting actions and actors with transnational or translocal agendas. In the case of Burundi, decolonization is presented either as national liberation or as a prelude to ethnic conflict within a national frame of reference. Both strands eclipse the initial exclusion of Burundian independence, which hit the Muslim or Swahili minority in Burundi’s urban centers. In this paper, I demonstrate how from 1955 onwards several Muslims in Burundian towns along Lake Tanganyika contributed significantly to the creation of a state from which they were eventually excluded. Thus, analogous to the French Revolution, the Burundian decolonization devoured its children. I continue explaining how political stances of some Muslim protagonists gradually diverged in light of the exclusionary politics of colonial authorities and Burundian nationalists. The omission of such local and translocal, national and transnational histories stands in the way of understanding – both of and in Burundi. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 185-203 Issue: 2 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1728085 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1728085 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:2:p:185-203 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1740474_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Samuel F. Derbyshire Author-X-Name-First: Samuel F. Author-X-Name-Last: Derbyshire Author-Name: Henrietta L. Moore Author-X-Name-First: Henrietta L. Author-X-Name-Last: Moore Author-Name: Helena Cheptoo Author-X-Name-First: Helena Author-X-Name-Last: Cheptoo Author-Name: Matthew I.J. Davies Author-X-Name-First: Matthew I.J. Author-X-Name-Last: Davies Title: ‘Sufurias cannot bring blessings’: change, continuity and resilience in the world of Marakwet pottery, a case from western Kenya Abstract: Drawing on fieldwork conducted over multiple seasons between 2012 and 2015, this paper explores aspects of the socio-economic and political history of the Marakwet of Kenya. It does so by focusing on a particular material culture category – pottery – and tracing transformations in its production, use and exchange over several generations from the early twentieth century to the present day. This approach serves to unearth a series of personal and quotidian narratives that not only comprise a unique account of Marakwet’s past, but also shed light on the material consequences of various ongoing processes of infrastructural and economic development. Complementing our previous work on Marakwet farming, landscape and ecological change, we here demonstrate the multiple ways in which change has been dynamically negotiated and enacted throughout the last century via various shifting daily practices. The historical innovations, adaptations and movements that we explore attest to a resilience deeply rooted in Marakwet society that continues to be articulated in the contemporary world. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 204-226 Issue: 2 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1740474 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1740474 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:2:p:204-226 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1730562_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Gerda Kuiper Author-X-Name-First: Gerda Author-X-Name-Last: Kuiper Title: ‘They just move in with relatives’: translocal labour migrants and transient spaces in Naivasha, Kenya Abstract: Over the past four decades, the small town of Naivasha in Kenya has attracted tens of thousands of labour migrants. These migrants are looking for employment on one of the many flower farms located on the shores of Lake Naivasha. This article examines how the migrants, who mostly do not settle in Naivasha permanently, carve out space for themselves in the residential areas where they rent housing. These settlements were not planned for by the government or the flower industry, and are commonly interpreted as hopeless ‘slums’ that are the outcome of sheer neglect. In contrast, this article analyses the settlements as ‘transient spaces’: spaces that are particularly volatile, and that are shaped by the highly mobile practices of their residents. In dialogue with literature on East African urban and informal space, this article thus draws attention to the – partly translocal – agency of settlement residents in shaping their living environment. The article is based on fieldwork conducted between 2014 and 2016, which included a survey among settlement residents, archival research, and biographical interviews with migrant workers. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 227-249 Issue: 2 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1730562 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1730562 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:2:p:227-249 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1723281_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Anna Reuss Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Reuss Title: Forever vanguards of the revolution: the Uganda People’s Defence Forces’ liberation legacy, 30 years on Abstract: The National Resistance Movement government in Uganda after three decades in power still appeals to the legacy of the liberation struggle to reaffirm and legitimize its control over the state. The Uganda People’s Defence Forces as the regime’s historical midwife play a critical role in these symbolic politics. Retaining institutions and practices of revolutionary politicization, the military serves in political, social and economic roles which blur the boundaries between the civilian and the military. In this way, the military conveys the moral and coercive authority of the post-revolutionary regime. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 250-269 Issue: 2 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1723281 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1723281 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:2:p:250-269 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1725318_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Hanno Brankamp Author-X-Name-First: Hanno Author-X-Name-Last: Brankamp Title: Refugees in uniform: community policing as a technology of government in Kakuma refugee camp, Kenya Abstract: Community policing has been a popular paradigm for local anti-crime activities in Africa since the 1990s and spread rapidly across the continent. Humanitarian agencies have increasingly embraced versions of the framework to administer refugee camps and ostensibly foster security, protection and peaceful co-existence among residents. This article demonstrates that the deployment of community policing in Kakuma camp in north-western Kenya has been far more contested. Aid organisations and Kenyan authorities have competed in determining the orientation and implementation of community policing at a time when the government was intensifying both securitisation of refugees and counter-terrorism measures. Kakuma‘s Community Peace and Protection Teams (CPPTs) were therefore torn between humanitarian conceptions of localised refugee protection and more illiberal forms of security work which bound them closer to the Kenyan state. The permanent negotiation between these parallel ‘technologies of government' was reflected in contestations over uniforms, trainings and everyday practices. Powerful institutions attempted to script refugee conduct and thus discipline the camp's pluralistic social networks and forms of counter-organisation embedded in a ‘deep community’. Based on ethnographic fieldwork, the article illustrates that governing refugees through community policing blurs the lines between humanitarian protection, domesticating local systems of governance, and expanding the security state. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 270-290 Issue: 2 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1725318 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1725318 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:2:p:270-290 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1743067_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ngala Chome Author-X-Name-First: Ngala Author-X-Name-Last: Chome Author-Name: Euclides Gonçalves Author-X-Name-First: Euclides Author-X-Name-Last: Gonçalves Author-Name: Ian Scoones Author-X-Name-First: Ian Author-X-Name-Last: Scoones Author-Name: Emmanuel Sulle Author-X-Name-First: Emmanuel Author-X-Name-Last: Sulle Title: ‘Demonstration fields’, anticipation, and contestation: agrarian change and the political economy of development corridors in Eastern Africa Abstract: In much of Eastern Africa, the last decade has seen a renewed interest in spatial development plans that link mineral exploitation, transport infrastructure and agricultural commercialisation. While these development corridors have yielded complex results – even in cases where significant investments are yet to happen – much of the existing analysis continues to focus on economic and implementation questions, where failures are attributed to inappropriate incentives or lack of ‘political will’. Taking a different – political economy – approach, this article examines what actually happens when corridors ‘hit the ground’, with a specific interest to the diverse agricultural commercialisation pathways that they induce. Specifically, the article introduces and analyses four corridors – LAPSSET in Kenya, Beira and Nacala in Mozambique, and SAGCOT in Tanzania – which are generating ‘demonstration fields’, economies of anticipation and fields of political contestations respectively, and as a result, creating – or promising to create – diverse pathways for agricultural commercialisation, accumulation and differentiation. In sum, the article shows how top-down grand-modernist plans are shaped by local dynamics, in a process that results in the transformation of corridors, from exclusivist ‘tunnel’ visions, to more networked corridors embedded in local economies, and shaped by the realities of rural Eastern Africa. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 291-309 Issue: 2 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1743067 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1743067 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:2:p:291-309 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1743068_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ngala Chome Author-X-Name-First: Ngala Author-X-Name-Last: Chome Title: Land, livelihoods and belonging: negotiating change and anticipating LAPSSET in Kenya’s Lamu county Abstract: To attract investments in mineral extraction, physical infrastructure and agricultural commercialization over a vast swathe of Northern Kenya, national politicians and bureaucrats are casting the area as being both abundant with land and resources, and as, conversely, ‘backward’, ‘unexploited’ and ‘empty’. Drawing on evidence from Lamu County, and focusing on the planned Lamu Port and South Sudan Ethiopia Transport (LAPSSET) corridor, this article contends that such high-modernist and ‘new frontier’ discourses are usually complicated by the realities on the ground. Based on common perceptions about land and ethnicity, and how these are intertwined with the politics of belonging and redistribution, these realities exemplify complex economies of anticipation – through which networks of patronage, alliance, and mobilization are being created or entrenched in advance of major investments. This article argues that it is these anticipations – more than official designs – that will determine the future direction of LAPSSET, especially in respect to who will get what, when and how, within its promised prosperous future. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 310-331 Issue: 2 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1743068 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1743068 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:2:p:310-331 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1743093_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Emmanuel Sulle Author-X-Name-First: Emmanuel Author-X-Name-Last: Sulle Title: Bureaucrats, investors and smallholders: contesting land rights and agro-commercialisation in the Southern agricultural growth corridor of Tanzania Abstract: Since the triple crises of food, fuel and finance of 2007/8, investments in agricultural growth corridors have taken centre-stage in government, donor and private sector initiatives. This article examines the politics of the multi-billion dollar development of the Southern Agricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania (SAGCOT). The corridor’s proponents aim to create an environment in which agribusiness will operate alongside smallholders to improve food security and environmental sustainability, while reducing rural poverty. Based on three case studies, comprising one of a small-scale dairy company and two large-scale sugar companies, all operating with smallholders, this paper interrogates the political dynamics that shape the implementation of SAGCOT on the ground; in particular, the multiple contestations among bureaucrats, investors and smallholders over access to land and other resources, and contending visions for agricultural commercialisation. Despite the widespread support it received from government, donors and investors, the paper argues that SAGCOT’s grand modernist vision of the corridor, centred on the promotion of large-scale estates, has unravelled through contestations and negotiations on the ground. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 332-353 Issue: 2 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1743093 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1743093 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:2:p:332-353 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1743094_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Euclides Gonçalves Author-X-Name-First: Euclides Author-X-Name-Last: Gonçalves Title: Agricultural corridors as ‘demonstration fields’: infrastructure, fairs and associations along the Beira and Nacala corridors of Mozambique Abstract: In the past decade, the Mozambican government has been mobilizing international capital to build and renovate transport infrastructure in the central and northern areas of the country, with the aim of creating agricultural corridors. Based on field research conducted in two districts along the Beira and Nacala corridors, I examine those occasions when international capital and national agricultural policy meet smallholders in the implementation of agricultural projects. This article offers a performative analysis of the constitution of agricultural corridors. I argue that agricultural corridors emerge on those occasions when international funders and investors, national elites, local bureaucrats and smallholders overstate the success of agricultural projects and constitute what I have termed ‘demonstration fields’. Regardless of the implementation of blueprints, agricultural corridors gain spatial and temporal materiality from the performance of presenting agricultural projects as successful, such as at the unveiling of agro-related infrastructure, at agricultural fairs and on occasions involving smallholders’ associations. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 354-374 Issue: 2 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 4 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1743094 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1743094 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:2:p:354-374 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_949402_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: David M. Anderson Author-X-Name-First: David M. Author-X-Name-Last: Anderson Author-Name: Øystein H. Rolandsen Author-X-Name-First: Øystein H. Author-X-Name-Last: Rolandsen Title: Violence as politics in eastern Africa, 1940–1990: legacy, agency, contingency Abstract: Over the 50 years between 1940 and 1990, the countries of eastern Africa were embroiled in a range of debilitating and destructive conflicts, starting with the wars of independence, but then incorporating rebellion, secession and local insurrection as the Cold War replaced colonialism. The articles gathered here illustrate how significant, widespread and dramatic this violence was. In these years, violence was used as a principal instrument in the creation and consolidation of the authority of the state, and it was also regularly and readily utilised by those who wished to challenge state authority through insurrection and secession. Why was it that eastern Africa should have experienced such extensive and intensive violence in the 50 years before 1990? Was this resort to violence a consequence of imperial rule, the legacy of oppressive colonial domination under a coercive and non-representative state system? Did essential contingencies such as the Cold War provoke and promote the use of violence? Or was it a choice made by Africans themselves and their leaders, a product of their own agency? This article focuses on these turbulent decades, exploring the principal conflicts in six key countries – Kenya, Uganda, Sudan, Ethiopia, Somalia and Tanzania. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 539-557 Issue: 4 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.949402 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.949402 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:4:p:539-557 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_949404_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Ken Menkhaus Author-X-Name-First: Ken Author-X-Name-Last: Menkhaus Title: Calm between the storms? Patterns of political violence in Somalia, 1950–1980 Abstract: This article explores the uses of organized violence in Somali politics from the late colonial period up to 1980, an era that – on the surface, at least – appears relatively free of political violence compared to both previous and ensuing decades. After considering critical historical and contextual background, the analysis proposes a typology of political violence in Somalia. It then maps the trends in political violence from 1950 to 1980, looking for patterns of continuity and change, and offering possible explanations for these patterns. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 558-572 Issue: 4 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.949404 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.949404 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:4:p:558-572 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_950077_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Luka B. Deng Kuol Author-X-Name-First: Luka B. Deng Author-X-Name-Last: Kuol Title: Political violence and the emergence of the dispute over Abyei, Sudan, 1950–1983 Abstract: The question of the future status of Abyei remains a deeply contested issue between Sudan and the independent South Sudan. The connection between the political violence in Abyei and eruption of the two civil wars in Sudan is sparsely documented, but this history reveals the character of the Abyei problem. This article provides an analysis of the role of political violence in the emergence of the dispute around the status of Abyei. It charts the evolution of the problem chronologically, first situating the history of the Ngok Dinka population of Abyei, and then mapping the history of violence through the independence period, the first civil war, the early 1970s and the failure of the Addis Ababa Agreement, and finally the second civil war in the 1980s. Political violence in Abyei became central to the large-scale contestation between the south and the north in Sudan, the struggle of the Abyei people contributing towards shaping a southern Sudanese identity and in defining the character of the independent state of South Sudan. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 573-589 Issue: 4 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.950077 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.950077 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:4:p:573-589 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_948148_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Katherine Bruce-Lockhart Author-X-Name-First: Katherine Author-X-Name-Last: Bruce-Lockhart Title: “Unsound” minds and broken bodies: the detention of “hardcore” Mau Mau women at Kamiti and Gitamayu Detention Camps in Kenya, 1954–1960 Abstract: From 1954 to 1960, the British detained approximately 8000 women under the Emergency Powers imposed to combat the Mau Mau Rebellion in Kenya. Kamiti Detention Camp was the main site of women's incarceration, and its importance has been widely acknowledged by scholars. However, new documentary evidence released from the Hanslope Park Archive since 2011 has revealed the existence of a second camp established for women at Gitamayu, created in 1958 explicitly to deal with the remaining “hardcore” female detainees. This article examines the British struggle to contend with the hardcore Mau Mau women in the final years of the Emergency Period, one that was marked by uncertainty, violence, and an increasing reliance on ethno-psychiatry. Debates about how to deal with this group of women engaged and perplexed the highest levels of the colonial administration, generating tensions between legal, political, and medical officials. At the center of these debates was the question of the female detainees' sanity, with some officials pressing for these women to be classified as insane. The charge that hardcore women were “of unsound mind” was used for a variety of purposes in the late 1950s, including covering up the abuses in the camps. Examining the British approach to these detainees illuminates how ideas about gender, deviancy, and mental health shaped colonial practices of punishment. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 590-608 Issue: 4 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.948148 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.948148 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:4:p:590-608 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_949599_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Øystein H. Rolandsen Author-X-Name-First: Øystein H. Author-X-Name-Last: Rolandsen Author-Name: Cherry Leonardi Author-X-Name-First: Cherry Author-X-Name-Last: Leonardi Title: Discourses of violence in the transition from colonialism to independence in southern Sudan, 1955–1960 Abstract: The Torit Mutiny of August 1955 in southern Sudan did not trigger a civil war, but state violence and disorder escalated over the following years. We explore how the outlook and strategies of the government officials who inherited the state apparatus of the Anglo-Egyptian condominium contributed to this development. They perpetuated authoritarian and violent government practices based on a legalistic distinction between citizen and outlaw, while justifying their actions as part of a developmentalist and nationalistic discourse. The Mutiny created fear of another outbreak of violence which prompted recourse to collective punishment, an expanded intelligence network and bolstered the powers and mandate of the chiefs. However, the authoritarian tendencies were paired with developmentalism and the desire to educate and civilise the southerners. Through education and the justice and penal system, they were to be ‘made to learn’ how to become ‘modern’. This combination of perpetuating colonial government practices and fervent nationalism resonates with analyses of transitions to independence elsewhere in Africa, from which the case of southern Sudan has been largely excluded up to now. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 609-625 Issue: 4 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.949599 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.949599 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:4:p:609-625 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_949403_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Lovise Aalen Author-X-Name-First: Lovise Author-X-Name-Last: Aalen Title: Ethiopian state support to insurgency in Southern Sudan from 1962 to 1983: local, regional and global connections Abstract: During the 1960s and 1970s, the Government of Ethiopia supplied Southern Sudanese insurgents with arms, training and political support. This support has been explained as retribution for Sudanese aid to Eritrean rebels fighting against the regimes of Emperor Haile Salassie and the Derg. This is one aspect of the Ethiopian rationale for this proxy war, but other factors were also relevant. Based on primary sources from the Ethiopian Ministry of Defence and the Nation Archive of Great Britain, this article shows that Ethiopian policy was also influenced by local concern for state control in Ethiopia's Western region of Gambella, by the regional interests of Middle Eastern powers in the Horn of Africa and by the global context of Cold War, reflecting a network of multi-level proxy wars. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 626-641 Issue: 4 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.949403 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.949403 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:4:p:626-641 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_946331_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Daniel Branch Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Branch Title: Violence, decolonisation and the Cold War in Kenya's north-eastern province, 1963–1978 Abstract: The paper explores the extent to which other domestic political matters and post-colonial ties to Britain shaped the Kenyan Government's actions in northern Kenya between independence in 1963 and the death of President Jomo Kenyatta in 1978. The paper has a particular emphasis on the Shifta War of 1963–1967. Disputes between rival nationalist leaders at independence and doubts about the loyalty of the armed forces meant Kenyatta concentrated on protecting his regime from the threat of coups and other challenges than he was with using violence to extend state authority in north-eastern Kenya. That same calculation meant Kenyatta looked to Britain for support, in particular in the form of military backing for his government in the event of a coup or invasion from Somalia. The paper argues that the compromises made between British and Kenyan actors allow us to understand the particular nature of the Kenyan state's actions in north-eastern province over this period. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 642-657 Issue: 4 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.946331 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.946331 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:4:p:642-657 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_946237_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: David M. Anderson Author-X-Name-First: David M. Author-X-Name-Last: Anderson Title: Remembering Wagalla: state violence in northern Kenya, 1962–1991 Abstract: In February 1984, soldiers of the Kenya Army mounted a security operation around Wajir in Kenya's North Eastern Province. Having rounded-up all Somali men of the Degodia clan, as many as 5000 were taken to the Wagalla airstrip for interrogation. This was part of the policy of ‘collective punishment’ – a conscious act of state violence against its own citizens. After four days of interrogations at Wagalla, several hundred Degodia lay dead: whether 500 died, or 1000, or more is unknown, but the incident stands as the worst atrocity in Kenya's modern history. This article recounts what is known about the massacre from witness and survivor testimony, putting this together with documentary evidence recently revealed through the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) and setting the analysis in the wider context of Kenya's treatment of the peoples of its ‘forgotten north’. The conclusion summarises the findings of Kenya's TJRC on Wagalla, and comments on the recent construction of a monument to commemorate the massacre, opened at Wajir on 14 February 2014. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 658-676 Issue: 4 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.946237 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.946237 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:4:p:658-676 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_947469_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Belete Belachew Yihun Author-X-Name-First: Belete Belachew Author-X-Name-Last: Yihun Title: Ethiopian foreign policy and the Ogaden War: the shift from “containment” to “destabilization,” 1977–1991 Abstract: With Siad Barre's invasion of Ethiopia in 1977, the military regime of the Derg implement policies aimed at the weakening and destabilization of the Republic of Somalia. This initiative was not entirely novel but was based upon precautionary plans first laid down under the imperial administration of Haile Selassie. The defeat of the Somalia army in the Ogaden would in fact herald the beginnings of the collapse of the power of Siad Barre and the Somali state, but the destabilization of Somalia has also destabilized the entire region of the Horn of Africa. This article charts the Ethiopian response to Somali irredentism at this crucial time, particularly focusing on the clandestine operations by the Derg to permanently eliminate the threat posed by Somalia. Previously untapped archival materials from the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs are used as the basis for this analysis of Ethiopia's foreign policy. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 677-691 Issue: 4 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.947469 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.947469 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:4:p:677-691 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_946236_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: George Roberts Author-X-Name-First: George Author-X-Name-Last: Roberts Title: The Uganda–Tanzania War, the fall of Idi Amin, and the failure of African diplomacy, 1978–1979 Abstract: The Uganda–Tanzania War of 1978–1979 has received little attention from historians. This article uses British diplomatic sources to explore the causes and course of the conflict. In particular, it examines how Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere sought to hide from and later justify to the rest of the world an invasion of Uganda and the overthrowing of Idi Amin, actions that contravened the Charter of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). Distinct among contemporaneous African conflicts for its noticeable lack of a Cold War context, the war demonstrated the shortcomings of the OAU in resolving African conflicts. Despite some dissenting voices, Nyerere's own disregard for state sovereignty was largely overlooked, as the fall of Amin's regime was quietly welcomed by the majority of Africa's leaders. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 692-709 Issue: 4 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.946236 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.946236 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:4:p:692-709 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_946336_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Daniel S. Blocq Author-X-Name-First: Daniel S. Author-X-Name-Last: Blocq Title: The grassroots nature of counterinsurgent tribal militia formation: the case of the Fertit in Southern Sudan, 1985–1989 Abstract: Many counterinsurgent tribal militias emerged during the second civil war in Southern Sudan. Existing studies give the impression that formation of these groups was largely a top-down process. Focusing on the rise of the Fertit militia and relying on a series of in-depth interviews with tribal leaders, this article challenges that assumption. The article shows that the emergence of the Fertit militia was principally a grassroots phenomenon stemming from local tensions and conflicts. The article discusses the wider applicability of these insights and, generally, proposes a more nuanced approach to the study of counterinsurgent militia formation. The approach suggests simultaneous attention to state interventions and local interactions. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 710-724 Issue: 4 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.946336 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.946336 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:4:p:710-724 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_946238_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tobias Hagmann Author-X-Name-First: Tobias Author-X-Name-Last: Hagmann Title: Punishing the periphery: legacies of state repression in the Ethiopian Ogaden Abstract: This article scrutinizes dynamics and legacies of state violence by the imperial and current government against civilians in the Ethiopian Ogaden, between 1960 and 2010. While conflict dynamics in eastern Ethiopia underwent significant changes in the past half-century, successive counterinsurgency campaigns employed strikingly similar military tactics against local communities. Combining historical accounts with oral testimonies collected among victims of state violence in the Ogaadeen Somali diaspora in the USA, this article draws attention to the distinct temporality and spatiality that emerges from repeat cycles of state violence. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 725-739 Issue: 4 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.946238 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.946238 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:4:p:725-739 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_959636_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Editorial Board Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: ebi-ebi Issue: 4 Volume: 8 Year: 2014 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2014.959636 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2014.959636 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:8:y:2014:i:4:p:ebi-ebi Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_755307_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Edgar Taylor Author-X-Name-First: Edgar Author-X-Name-Last: Taylor Title: Claiming Kabale: racial thought and urban governance in Uganda Abstract: As Uganda's postcolonial leaders Milton Obote and Idi Amin sought to pin down Asians as legal and discursive subjects between 1969 and 1972, they invoked a contested administrative, political and social history to promote Africanisation initiatives. Traders targeted by the 1969 Trade Licensing Act in small towns such as Kabale reshaped malleable racial and legal categories in local administrative struggles over the control of urban space that did not map neatly onto policy-makers’ visions. Nevertheless, the perceived decisiveness of Milton Obote's legislation and of Idi Amin's subsequent expulsion decrees has obscured from subsequent narratives the messy politics of Uganda's urban spaces. This article draws attention to the opportunities and limits of legal claim-making at the intersection of racial thought and urban governmentality during the Trade Licensing Act's uneven implementation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 143-163 Issue: 1 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.755307 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.755307 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:1:p:143-163 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_755308_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Anneeth Hundle Author-X-Name-First: Anneeth Author-X-Name-Last: Hundle Title: Exceptions to the expulsion: violence, security and community among Ugandan Asians, 1972–79 Abstract: This paper explores the precarious social worlds of Indians, or Ugandan Asians, who continued to live in Uganda after the 1972 expulsion of the Asian population; men and women who were bureaucratic “exceptions” to the larger out flux of the Indian population. They responded to their racialization and ambivalent inclusion in Amin's Uganda with complex forms of collaboration, complicity, and social practices geared towards shoring up security. Significantly, leaders defined the Indian social body away from an already marginalized Indian political domain that was instituted in the colonial period. Men constructed a new cross-ethnic, religious and sectarian social collectivity in response to their visible status as racialized subjects, forging private enclaves of urban Indian space. Finally, their narratives illustrate aspects of the contingent, bureaucratic, and arbitrary nature of violence and governance in the dictatorial regime. The social and cultural practices developed by Indians during the 1970s continue to structure the dynamics of Afro-Asian relations in contemporary East Africa. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 164-182 Issue: 1 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.755308 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.755308 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:1:p:164-182 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_755316_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Laura Hammond Author-X-Name-First: Laura Author-X-Name-Last: Hammond Title: Somalia rising: things are starting to change for the world's longest failed state Abstract: This article examines some of the challenges facing the new Somali National Government in Mogadishu, following the conclusion of the Transitional Federal Charter, and the resulting surprises in the emergence of the post-Transitional leadership. The article also assesses the dynamics which allowed the emergence of relative newcomers into important roles, especially President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. A sense of optimism surrounds the Mogadishu administration, which is a marked departure from the previous two decades; is it justified? Will it be sustained? Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 183-193 Issue: 1 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.755316 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.755316 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:1:p:183-193 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_729777_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Carl Death Author-X-Name-First: Carl Author-X-Name-Last: Death Title: Environmental mainstreaming and post-sovereign governance in Tanzania Abstract: Tanzania's experiences of development aid partnerships and environmental mainstreaming have been widely praised in recent years, yet the country continues to suffer from considerable problems of poverty, food insecurity and ecological degradation. As such it constitutes an interesting case study through which to examine hypotheses on global environmental governance. Looking specifically at claims that environmental governance is increasingly “post-sovereign”, this article assesses the degree to which environmental management in Tanzania is becoming “non-exclusive”, “non-hierarchical”, and “post-territorial”. It argues that evidence for non-exclusivity is plentiful, given the extent of foreign donor, private sector, and civil society inclusion in governance processes. Rather than the absence of hierarchy, the article suggests the existence of multiple hierarchies produced by both the transnationalisation of environmental politics as well as the complex nature of the Tanzanian state. Finally, rather than a trend towards post-territorialisation, the research suggests that environmental governance should be seen within a longer trajectory of greater state penetration, monitoring, surveillance and intrusion into rural life. It concludes that environmental governance is significantly transforming the Tanzanian state and that this is characteristic of changes in environmental governance worldwide. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 1-20 Issue: 1 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.729777 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.729777 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:1:p:1-20 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_755314_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Derek Peterson Author-X-Name-First: Derek Author-X-Name-Last: Peterson Author-Name: Edgar Taylor Author-X-Name-First: Edgar Author-X-Name-Last: Taylor Title: Rethinking the state in Idi Amin's Uganda: the politics of exhortation Abstract: This article – the introduction to a collection of articles on Idi Amin's Uganda – illuminates the infrastructure of Amin's dictatorship. It was through the technology of the news media that Amin's officials found it possible to summon and direct the actions of Uganda's people. The news media's apparently extensive audience made it possible for the authorities to address particular demographic groups who would otherwise fall outside the reach of government bureaucracy. When government officials did actually engage with the real people they addressed, they did so with measuring tapes and typewriters close at hand. In the paper reports they filed, Amin's bureaucrats tidied up complicated social situations, generating statistics that illuminated a particular constituency's adherence to – or deviation from – the official directive. Uganda's command economy was constituted through exhortations, inflated statistics, and other fictions on paper. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 58-82 Issue: 1 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.755314 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.755314 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:1:p:58-82 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_755306_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Alicia Decker Author-X-Name-First: Alicia Author-X-Name-Last: Decker Title: “Sometime you may leave your husband in Karuma Falls or in the forest there”: a gendered history of disappearance in Idi Amin's Uganda, 1971–79 Abstract: During Idi Amin's eight-year military dictatorship, agents of the state abducted and “disappeared” countless Ugandan citizens, as well as foreign nationals. Although most of the disappeared were men, disappearance was not simply a masculine phenomenon. This disturbing pattern of violence also had a profound impact on women and their children. In an effort to more fully engender the history of disappearance in Uganda, this article critically examines the narratives of women who testified before a 1974 Commission of Inquiry that was investigating a spate of recent disappearances in the country. More than just a tragic litany of devastation and loss, these testimonies reveal important details about the workings of Amin's security apparatus. Most significantly, they confirm that the military regime's use of violence was far more calculated and strategic than previously imagined. Disappearance was not simply an unfortunate consequence of military rule, but instead, a deliberate ruling strategy that was designed to spread fear and stifle opposition. These narratives also provide valuable information about the lives of women during this difficult period, a subject that remains woefully neglected in both scholarly and popular literature. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 125-142 Issue: 1 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.755306 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.755306 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:1:p:125-142 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_755315_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Holger Hansen Author-X-Name-First: Holger Author-X-Name-Last: Hansen Title: Uganda in the 1970s: a decade of paradoxes and ambiguities Abstract: This article reprises the author's 1977 essay on ethnicity and military governance in Idi Amin's Uganda. In its rhetoric, the Amin regime was committed to the singular goal of allaying ethnic conflict. But in practice, the Amin years were marked by contractions and by often rapid shifts in policy. In the military the Amin years saw the elevation of the president's compatriots and the marginalization of Ganda and other competitors. In religious life, Amin encouraged the consolidation of ecclesiastic hierarchy, banning dissident sects and elevating Catholic, Anglican and orthodox Muslim leaders. In the economy, Amin nationalized Asian-owned businesses and launched an “economic war”, but was unable to provide basic goods and services to Uganda's citizenry. Ideology had little role to play in shaping Uganda's politics. The tensions between rhetoric and practice made the Amin regime into a paradox. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 83-103 Issue: 1 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.755315 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.755315 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:1:p:83-103 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_755312_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Godfrey Asiimwe Author-X-Name-First: Godfrey Author-X-Name-Last: Asiimwe Title: From monopoly marketing to coffee : responses to policy recklessness and extraction in Uganda, 1971–79 Abstract: This article argues that the recklessness and extractive policies of Amin's regime aggravated the failures of the state coffee monopoly marketing system, and highlights the responses by different actors at the production and marketing levels. As the “economic war” escalated and the resource base contracted, the regime was increasingly extractive of the coffee resource. Meanwhile, the regime's recklessness boomeranged with tightening international embargoes that had adverse repercussions on the state marketing channel. Consequently, coffee marketing became a contested arena between the state versus the differently positioned actors and producers. Amidst monopoly marketing failures, extractive policies and fluctuating international price trends, the article highlights producer's response through declining coffee production. With the windfall coffee booms, the differently positioned actors strove to sell the coffee through the “illegal” parallel coffee smuggling (magendo), which became dominant. The article explores the modus operandi and impact of magendo on coffee producers, and its subsequent decline. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 104-124 Issue: 1 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.755312 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.755312 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:1:p:104-124 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_708543_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jenny Appelblad Fredby Author-X-Name-First: Jenny Author-X-Name-Last: Appelblad Fredby Author-Name: David Nilsson Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Nilsson Title: From “All for some” to “Some for all”? A historical geography of pro-poor water provision in Kampala Abstract: This article discusses the historical mechanisms and geographical factors that have formed the current structure of urban water provision in Kampala, the capital of Uganda. The formation of the urban geography of Kampala dates back to the early colonial period. The high- and middle-income earners have settled on the hills while the poorest part of the population lives in the low-lying areas, dispersed as pockets of unplanned and informal settlements. Public services are underdeveloped in these informal pockets. The government has pledged to improve services for the poor and this article analyses whether the efforts made are likely to lead to a lasting change, seen in a longer time perspective. The public water supply in Kampala has ever since its opening in 1930 focused on the middle- and high-income groups while poor people have been marginalised. Water provision to low-income groups has continued to rely on standpipes since the colonial period. There has also been organisational continuity, with a single centralised organisation in charge of urban water supply in all larger towns. Institutional changes, such as the new connection policy from 2004, have perpetuated the emphasis on middle- and high-income groups. This article argues that the traditional focus on private connections is creating a barrier for expansion of services in informal areas. Pre-paid water distribution, which was tried already in the 1920s, has in recent years seen a revival. This technology offers an important avenue for rectifying inequalities of public services that has been reproduced since the colonial period. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 40-57 Issue: 1 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.708543 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.708543 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:1:p:40-57 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_755313_O.xml processed with: repec_from_tfja.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Teresa Wasonga Author-X-Name-First: Teresa Author-X-Name-Last: Wasonga Title: Towards understanding ambivalence in educational policy outcomes in Kenya Abstract: Five decades after independence, the majority of Kenyan children do not receive quality education and live with limited economic and social opportunities. To this end, why have educational policies not worked as intended? I use Chabal and Daloz's (1999) framework to argue that good policies have not produced intended outcomes; instead, their implementations have delimited educational, social, and economic opportunities. Lackluster policy outcomes have perpetuated concentration of power and wealth, fostered weak public institutions, and destabilized citizenry while normalizing chaos. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 21-39 Issue: 1 Volume: 7 Year: 2013 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2012.755313 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2012.755313 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:7:y:2013:i:1:p:21-39 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1774705_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Biruk Terrefe Author-X-Name-First: Biruk Author-X-Name-Last: Terrefe Title: Urban layers of political rupture: the ‘new’ politics of Addis Ababa’s megaprojects Abstract: From the Derg’s restoration of Meskel Square for its military parades and Meles Zenawi’s Light-Rail Transit (LRT) and condominium social housing projects to Abiy Ahmed’s high-end luxury real estate and urban tourism schemes, megaprojects have collapsed Ethiopia’s political history into an urban bricolage of shifting ideologies and new priorities. At this critical juncture, where questions of political rupture and continuity become salient, this paper examines what we can learn about Ethiopia’s political dynamics through its latest urban megaprojects. Drawing on ‘LaGare’ and ‘Beautifying Sheger’ as case studies, this article argues that there is a new urban aesthetic emerging in Addis Ababa targeting domestic elites, the Ethiopian diaspora and tourists. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s Gulf-emulated luxury real estate projects and major riverside renewal schemes are intended to generate revenue through increased land values and urban tourism. At the same time, issues around inclusive consultation with local stakeholders, the lack of coordination with the relevant bureaucracies and the highly centralized decision-making process are reminiscent of the modus operandi of previous Ethiopian regimes. These urban megaprojects are useful analytical lenses to disentangle political rupture from operational continuity. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 375-395 Issue: 3 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1774705 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1774705 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:3:p:375-395 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1789271_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Eric Morier-Genoud Author-X-Name-First: Eric Author-X-Name-Last: Morier-Genoud Title: The jihadi insurgency in Mozambique: origins, nature and beginning Abstract: For the last three years, Mozambique has been facing an insurgency in its northern province of Cabo Delgado. There is much confusion and debate as to what is going on. Who are the insurgents, what do they want, and where do they come from? Debates have focused particularly on the role of religion and the external dimension of the insurgency. Drawing on fieldwork from 2018 and 2019, this paper focuses on the first attack of the insurgents in October 2017 and uses this to explore the origin, nature and early history of the contemporary armed violence. It uncovers that the insurgents belong to an Islamist sect which began a decade earlier and shifted to armed jihadism in the mid-2010s. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 396-412 Issue: 3 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1789271 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1789271 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:3:p:396-412 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1790863_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jannis Saalfeld Author-X-Name-First: Jannis Author-X-Name-Last: Saalfeld Title: Between grassroots contention and elite manoeuvring: sub-nationalism in Zanzibar and coastal Kenya Abstract: In the early 2010s, Zanzibar and coastal Kenya witnessed the rise of assertive secessionist grassroots movements articulating perceived injustices committed by ‘upcountry’/mainland ruling elites. While on the islands, the Jumuiya ya Uamsho na Mihadhara ya Kiislam (Organisation for Islamic Awareness and Propagation) championed the breaking up of the Tanzanian Union, in Kenya, the Mombasa Republican Council actively campaigned for the creation of an independent coastal state. Locating these groups within two distinct histories of contentious politics, the article asserts that even though in both cases the temporary salience of secessionism revolved around controversial processes of (post-)colonial state formation, the overall dynamics of sub-nationalist mobilisation that have unfolded in Zanzibar and coastal Kenya since the early 1990s differ fundamentally. Specifically, the article demonstrates how and why it is only in Zanzibar that sub-nationalism has emerged as a viable political project. Furthermore, it shows that while in the archipelago, sub-nationalism and political Islam have become deeply interwoven, in coastal Kenya, they have emerged as separate strands of contention. Exploring and accounting for these differences, the article challenges the notion of two convergent paths of regional separatism grounding in the history of the Sultanate of Zanzibar. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 413-432 Issue: 3 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1790863 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1790863 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:3:p:413-432 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1768468_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Paul Nugent Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Nugent Author-Name: Isabella Soi Author-X-Name-First: Isabella Author-X-Name-Last: Soi Title: One-stop border posts in East Africa: state encounters of the fourth kind Abstract: Across Africa, One-Stop Border Posts are being rolled out as part of a continental/ regional integration agenda that seeks to facilitate the movement of people and goods. This article focuses on four OSBPs in East Africa and addresses the question, firstly, of how far they make a break with entrenched operational patterns within government bureaucracies, and secondly whether they represent a distinct type of border management regime? The article finds that while there has been progress on data sharing in Customs, the construction and management of OSBPs reflects the persistence of distinct institutional cultures within each country. Moreover, working practices involve practical workarounds which belie notions of a paperless border. Secondly, the article finds that OSBPs are unlike other border crossings and share some features with airports and seaports in that they have been designed to handle both cargo and people. But they differ in that they are not heavily securitized and represent co-produced spaces of interaction in which transporters and members of the surrounding community have helped to shape the organizational patterns. The outcomes fuse an official ideology of service, everyday bureaucratic practice and local understandings of ownership. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 433-454 Issue: 3 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1768468 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1768468 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:3:p:433-454 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1765276_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Lennert Jongh Author-X-Name-First: Lennert Author-X-Name-Last: Jongh Title: Beyond associations: emerging spaces of self-organization among vendors in Zambia Abstract: Collective organizing represents one way in which street and market vendors in urban sub-Saharan Africa advocate their interests and strive towards more inclusive urban policies. Several studies have shown both the opportunities vendors associations may have for vendors as well as their pitfalls. This paper contributes to this discussion by addressing how vendors have used the platforms of a national organization of vendors associations to develop support networks across space of importance for their daily work. Through conducting semi-structured interviews with vendors and vendor representatives in Zambia, this paper examines these connections that have emerged between individual vendors located in different urban areas in Zambia. The paper adopts an assemblage approach to show the work that is needed, and how different social and material aspects are involved in the production of these connections. The results indicate that vendors rely on these connections in their everyday lives to discuss challenges and solutions related to their working environments and to explore business opportunities, and that mobile phones contribute to these new emerging spaces for self-organization. Results are discussed through relating these assemblages of vendors to the spaces organized and managed by vendors associations. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 455-472 Issue: 3 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1765276 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1765276 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:3:p:455-472 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1773070_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Elia Vitturini Author-X-Name-First: Elia Author-X-Name-Last: Vitturini Title: The Gaboye of Somaliland: transformations and historical continuities of the labour exploitation and marginalisation of hereditary groups of occupational specialists Abstract: African hereditary groups of occupational specialists are an object of study neglected by social sciences. They often disappear into the broad category of minority groups, and social and historical analyses miss the specific characteristics of their forms of marginalisation. This article adopts the perspective of the Gaboye of Somaliland as an example of the contribution that these groups can make to the study of the transformation of labour organisation and social stratification in Africa. The case study of the Gaboye shows how labour exploitation and the marginalisation of occupational groups changed during the colonial period. Colonial institutions affected socio-economic relationships between local groups more deeply than they intended to, via the economic transformations they triggered and the consolidation of legal models and political apparatuses in Somaliland. By studying the legacies of elements which supported the Gaboye’s marginalisation in the past and focusing on their occupational segregation, the article also aims to define elements of comparative analysis which allow African hereditary groups of occupational specialists to be used as a point from which to observe processes which have affected different regions of Africa: the collapse of the postcolonial state, contemporary forms of transnational mobility, and the re-organisation of global economic networks. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 473-491 Issue: 3 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1773070 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1773070 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:3:p:473-491 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1768469_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Kibui Edwin Rwigi Author-X-Name-First: Kibui Edwin Author-X-Name-Last: Rwigi Author-Name: Erick Manga Author-X-Name-First: Erick Author-X-Name-Last: Manga Author-Name: George Michuki Author-X-Name-First: George Author-X-Name-Last: Michuki Title: New wine in an old wineskin? Socio-political context and participatory budgeting in Kenya Abstract: Participatory Budgeting (PB) experiments in municipalities across the world have yielded varied results as there are municipalities. The Kenyan experience of participatory experiments has not fared any better. Following the 2013 elections, which initiated county governments in line with the 2010 constitution, Makueni County emerged as a unique case for study having experimented with its very own participatory budgeting mechanism. The qualitative study reported in this article examined how Makueni’s PB framework is designed and implemented. The emerging outcomes of institutional design and implementation are then contextualised to Makueni’s socio-political and cultural setting. The study discusses two sets of PB outcomes: outcomes on public participation (questions of inclusion, exclusion and quality of participation in PB) and outcomes of PB (concerned with the end-line developmental products of the PB process). The purpose of this article is to recentre the often-ignored considerations on the socio-political and cultural in PB experiments in Kenya’s devolved governance structures and beyond. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 492-511 Issue: 3 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1768469 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1768469 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:3:p:492-511 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1768467_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Marina de Regt Author-X-Name-First: Marina Author-X-Name-Last: de Regt Author-Name: Felegebirhan B. Mihret Author-X-Name-First: Felegebirhan B. Author-X-Name-Last: Mihret Title: Agency in constrained circumstances: adolescent migrant sex workers in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Abstract: In the past decade an increasing number of adolescent girls in Ethiopia have moved from villages and rural towns to Addis Ababa to improve their own lives and those of their families. While girls’ migration is in a way a ‘normality’, with historically girls migrating for domestic work, the dominant discourse in Ethiopia describes the migration of girls mainly in terms of trafficking and exploitation, in particular when they are doing sex work. As a result, adolescent migrant girls are reduced to passive victims. In this paper we analyse the agency of adolescent migrant sex workers in three ‘phases’ of their migration process, namely in the decision to migrate, in their lives in the city, and in their future aspirations. We argue that the decisions of adolescent girls to migrate to Addis Ababa is a way of asserting their agency in moving forward with life, yet this agency is taking place in highly constrained circumstances which are strongly related to the gendered ideologies that affect their position in the household, their educational opportunities and their labour market perspectives. The paper is based on a qualitative study conducted in Ethiopia in 2014. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 512-528 Issue: 3 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1768467 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1768467 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:3:p:512-528 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1771650_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Daniel K. Thompson Author-X-Name-First: Daniel K. Author-X-Name-Last: Thompson Title: Capital of the imperial borderlands: urbanism, markets, and power on the Ethiopia-British Somaliland boundary, ca. 1890–1935 Abstract: This article analyzes contests among Ethiopian and British imperial agents and their ostensible Somali (and other Muslim) subjects for control over commerce in the Ethiopia-British Somaliland borderlands. British claims of sovereignty over Somalis and other Muslim merchants operating in Ethiopia created a field of hybrid commercial control in which neither Britons nor Ethiopians held complete dominance. Competition to capture borderlands commerce focused on Jigjiga town as a site where Ethiopian rule and British-backed trade mixed. Amidst crises of warfare and famine in the countryside and the growth of a cash economy shaped by this imperial conjuncture, Jigjiga grew in importance as a site of accumulation and (especially for Somalis) of cultural transformations in understandings of commerce and its relation to political authority. Hybrid commercial sovereignty tended to separate the military-administrative authority of the empires on either side of the border from the Muslim-dominated field of trans-border commercial control, shaping links between ethno-religious identity and fields of power. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 529-552 Issue: 3 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1771650 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1771650 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:3:p:529-552 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1789929_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Michael Skjelderup Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Skjelderup Author-Name: Mukhtar Ainashe Author-X-Name-First: Mukhtar Author-X-Name-Last: Ainashe Author-Name: Ahmed Mohamed Abdulle “Qare” Author-X-Name-First: Ahmed Mohamed Author-X-Name-Last: Abdulle “Qare” Title: Militant Islamism and local clan dynamics in Somalia: the expansion of the Islamic Courts Union in Lower Jubba province Abstract: Over the course of only a few months in 2006, the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) defeated the clan-based faction leaders in Mogadishu and conquered most parts of South-Central Somalia, an achievement unprecedented since the fall of the Somali state in 1991. The ICU’s rapid expansion met with little resistance and the local populations generally received their forces with enthusiasm. Drawing on unique empirical material, the paper discusses why and how the ICU alliance expanded in Somalia’s southernmost province Lower Jubba. While ICU’s initial success in Mogadishu was due to a combination of several factors, discussed in existing literature, this paper contents that its wider expansion in Lower Jubba was largely caused by ICU’s ability to utilize local dynamics, structured along clan lines. While the ICU was initially welcomed by the local population in Lower Jubba, its Islamist inspired politics was soon heavily challenged throughout the province. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 553-571 Issue: 3 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1789929 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1789929 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:3:p:553-571 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1774706_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nathaniel Chimhete Author-X-Name-First: Nathaniel Author-X-Name-Last: Chimhete Title: Prosperity in a crisis economy: the Nyamongo gold boom, Tanzania, 1970s–1993 Abstract: From the mid-1970s to the early 1990s, Tanzania experienced an unprecedented crisis characterized by high inflation, unemployment and the shortage of basic commodities. Interviews with contemporaries and the scanty documentary evidence available show that this crisis did not impede small-scale gold mining industry in Nyamongo, Tarime District. On the contrary, mining in Nyamongo boomed during this period, largely because the price of gold on the international market rose exponentially during this period. In the inflationary environment of Tanzania in the 1970s and 1980s, gold not only acted as a hedge against inflation; it also enabled small miners to have access to foreign currency and basic commodities that were in short supply in the country. But the gold riches of Nyamongo remained largely “local” because the gold economy developed as a clan-based enclave economy with few linkages to the national economy. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 572-589 Issue: 3 Volume: 14 Year: 2020 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2020.1774706 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2020.1774706 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:14:y:2020:i:3:p:572-589 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1254923_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: David Maxwell Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Maxwell Title: The creation of Lubaland: missionary science and Christian literacy in the making of the Luba Katanga in Belgian Congo Abstract: This article examines the role of missionary social scientific research and Protestant Christian literacy in the making of the Luba Katanga ethnicity in colonial Belgian Congo. While pre-colonial Luba identity was plural and fluid, those located in the polity’s heartlands shared a political aesthetic of divine kingship embodied in a rich material culture, which was emulated by neighbouring communities as marker of sophistication and civilisation. Under Belgian colonialism the scale and variety of Luba ethnic identity was limited by indirect rule, labour migration and the creation ethnic taxonomies. In the latter case, new categories of Luba were created by missionary work in ethnography, linguistics, collecting and photography, and these became the basis of linguistic zones for the production of vernacular scriptures and other Christian texts. Biblical literacy was spread by re-gathered ex-slave diaspora and young male Christian enthusiasts via an infrastructure of mission stations and schools in a spirit of grass roots ecumenism and had great appeal amongst labour migrants. The process was aided by the adoption of portable cyclostyled print technology by missionary societies. The article finishes by examining how the Luba cultural project became a political one as local intellectuals, Jason Sendwe and Bonaventure Makonga, sought to turn ethnic communities into political constituencies. The article modifies Benedict Anderson’s influential thesis about the emergence of fewer secular print languages in the modern period as the basis for national consciousness, by highlighting the proliferation of missionary produced sacred vernaculars for the purpose of proselytism. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 367-392 Issue: 3 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1254923 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1254923 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:3:p:367-392 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1250890_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Martina Locher Author-X-Name-First: Martina Author-X-Name-Last: Locher Title: ‘How come others are selling our land?’ Customary land rights and the complex process of land acquisition in Tanzania Abstract: The recent increase in transnational acquisitions of agrarian land raises concerns about rural people's inadequate involvement in the decision-making process, and violations of their land rights. Tanzania's statutory land laws are comparatively progressive in terms of recognising customary land rights. According to legislation, transferring ‘Village Land’ to an investor requires villagers' approval. It is therefore revealing to focus on the acknowledgement of customary rights in land deals in Tanzania. This study analyses the land transfer process of a UK-based forestry company that has acquired land in seven villages in Kilolo District. In the case of the village presented here, the investor seems to have followed legal procedure regarding decision-making for the land deal in a formally correct way. Yet, interviews with various stakeholders revealed flaws at village and district government level that have led to a conflict-ridden situation, with numerous affected villagers having lost their land rights – and thus the basis for their livelihoods – against their will. Among those affected are several households from a neighbouring village, whose customary rights date back to the period before the resettlements of the 1970s (‘villagisation’). Employing the concepts of property rights and legal pluralism1 and unbundling the role of different actors in the host country government, this article analyses the decision-making process that preceded this land transfer. It illustrates how unequal power relations lead to unequal recognition of customary and statutory law. The study concludes that even under comparatively favourable legal conditions, there is no guarantee that local land rights are fully protected in the global land rush. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 393-412 Issue: 3 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1250890 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1250890 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:3:p:393-412 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1250902_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Christina J. Woolner Author-X-Name-First: Christina J. Author-X-Name-Last: Woolner Title: Education and extraversion: naming, valuing and contesting ‘modern’ and ‘indigenous’ knowledge in post-war Somaliland Abstract: In response to critiques of the extraverted and mimetic nature of post-colonial education have come various efforts to decolonize Africa's universities. At first blush, the University of Hargeisa’s Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies’ (IPCS) stated commitment to teaching indigenous knowledge appears to follow this trend. In practice, however, IPCS has established itself as an intentionally ‘modern’ Institute valued by staff and students alike for the ‘extraverted’ globally oriented education it provides. Against the view that this proclivity for the modern simply represents the presence of an enduring colonial mentality, this article explores how, why, and to what effect an intentionally ‘modern’ education has been implemented at IPCS. I build on Bayart’s concept of ‘extraversion’ to show how invocations of modern and indigenous knowledge entail various claims to inclusion that reflect internal social changes, Somaliland’s hybrid political order, and lack of recognition. Drawing on ethnographic research that included classroom observation, interviews and informal interactions with staff and students, and reflection on my own teaching experiences, I explore how staff and students have embraced particular modes of education as a means to both ‘engage the world’ and increase their own opportunities for domestic political and socio-economic inclusion. Furthermore, I show that IPCS’ approach has not led to the devaluation of indigenous knowledge, but has instead facilitated debate about the relative merits of different knowledge systems for contemporary Somaliland. This case highlights the value of approaching (post)colonial educational institutes not simply as sites where knowledge is passively ‘imbibed’, but rather as compelling windows into complex processes of social change. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 413-433 Issue: 3 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1250902 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1250902 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:3:p:413-433 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1250871_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Pritish Behuria Author-X-Name-First: Pritish Author-X-Name-Last: Behuria Title: Countering threats, stabilising politics and selling hope: examining the Agaciro concept as a response to a critical juncture in Rwanda Abstract: The political settlements literature [Khan, M. Political Settlements and the Governance of Growth-enhancing Institutions. School of Oriental and African Studies Working Paper, 2010. Accessed June 19, 2014. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/9968; North, D., J. Wallis, and B. Weingast. Violence and Social Orders: A Conceptual Framework for Interpreting Recorded Human History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009] has assigned a privileged role to rents as instruments used by ruling elites to maintain political stability. Since then, there has been some attempt [Hickey, S. Thinking about the Politics of Inclusive Development: Towards a Relational Approach. Effective States and Inclusive Development Research Centre Working Paper No. 1, 2013; Hudson, D., and A. Leftwich. 2014. From Political Economy to Political Analysis. Development Leadership Programme Research Paper 25, Birmingham] to highlight how ideas may play a similarly important role in contributing to political stability. This article explores how ruling elites in Rwanda responded to a ‘critical juncture’ in 2012 when donors withdrew foreign aid after they alleged that the Rwandan Patriotic Front government was supporting rebel groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Ruling elites then used an idea – Agaciro (a Kinyarwanda word, which means dignity or self-respect) – as one instrument to maintain political stability and legitimise its revised development programme in Rwanda. Ruling elites have also used the rhetoric around Agaciro to target the younger generation in Rwanda. This paper argues that Agaciro is symbolic of the vulnerabilities faced by ruling elites in Rwanda today. These vulnerabilities are a specific outcome of the Rwandan developmental strategy, which combines neoliberal market-led reforms, with some developmental state-like policies. The Agaciro concept was also operationalised, with the creation of an Agaciro Development Fund (AgDF) in 2012. The AgDF was legitimised on the basis of a commitment to self-reliance (among elites) during a time where symbolic coalition building among elites was important for political stability. However, Agaciro is also used to project the country’s development strategy (particularly in relation to entrepreneurship and financial inclusion) as one of opportunity, instead of acknowledging the severe inequality that has been associated with development in Rwanda thus far. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 434-451 Issue: 3 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1250871 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1250871 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:3:p:434-451 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1266199_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jason Mosley Author-X-Name-First: Jason Author-X-Name-Last: Mosley Author-Name: Elizabeth E. Watson Author-X-Name-First: Elizabeth E. Author-X-Name-Last: Watson Title: Frontier transformations: development visions, spaces and processes in Northern Kenya and Southern Ethiopia Abstract: African approaches to development have shifted, particularly in north-eastern Africa. Donor-driven policies have given way to state-led development ‘visions’, often with a focus on large-scale infrastructure projects – feeding into and reflecting ‘Africa Rising’ discourses. In Kenya and Ethiopia, these visions include flagship projects in the geographical frontiers, areas previously viewed as buffer zones, whose people have been historically marginalised. This paper adapts the analytical framework from James Scott’s Seeing Like a State in order to compare Kenya’s and Ethiopia’s state visions, and to understand the risks to the populations intended to benefit from such visions from the unintended (but predictable) consequences such projects have had in the past. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 452-475 Issue: 3 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1266199 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1266199 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:3:p:452-475 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1266194_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Lucie Buffavand Author-X-Name-First: Lucie Author-X-Name-Last: Buffavand Title: ‘The land does not like them’: contesting dispossession in cosmological terms in Mela, south-west Ethiopia Abstract: The inhabitants of the lower Omo Valley, a lowland area of southwestern Ethiopia, are facing rapid and unprecedented changes due to the implementation of a large-scale development project along the Omo River. The Ethiopian government has undertaken the establishment of a sugarcane plantation of massive proportions and plans to make the local agro-pastoralists into out-growers settled in large, government-designed villages. This paper compares the discourses of the government on the value of local livelihoods with the internal discourses of one local group, the Mela, on the changes affecting the land. It demonstrates that the government and Mela discourses draw on radically different cosmologies and engagements with nature. Whereas the state discourses encapsulate a disenchantment of the world, Mela discourses stress the importance of propitiating mythical beings, held as the ‘real custodians’ of the land. In Mela’s views, their successful engagement with these mythical beings means that they belong to the land, in contrast to the government which they see as neglecting these beings and thus to be doomed to fail in its developmental endeavours. The paper points towards the relevance of these discourses for Mela’s sense of agency and autochthonous identity. In the context of an authoritarian state which bridles at open contestation, these discourses provide, in Mela minds at least, a means to subvert state power and to contest its legitimacy and efficiency. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 476-493 Issue: 3 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1266194 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1266194 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:3:p:476-493 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1266198_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Hassan H. Kochore Author-X-Name-First: Hassan H. Author-X-Name-Last: Kochore Title: The road to Kenya?: Visions, expectations and anxieties around new infrastructure development in Northern Kenya Abstract: A fundamental change is taking place in the physical, economic and political landscape of Kenya. The northern territory, previously excluded from national development, has in recent years been thrust into the centre of national development planning. The Kenya Vision 2030 blueprint has been a key force in these changes, as it identifies certain flagship development projects that are thought to have the power to re-make the Kenyan nation. This paper takes the case study of the under-construction Isiolo-Moyale road, a key project of Kenya Vision 2030, as a lens through which to understand how these projects are being perceived, received and contested on the ground in Marsabit County. It argues that there are multiple and sometimes contradictory interpretations, understandings and expectations both by the state and by the people of Marsabit of the changes brought about by the recent infrastructure development in the area. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 494-510 Issue: 3 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1266198 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1266198 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:3:p:494-510 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1266196_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Hannah Elliott Author-X-Name-First: Hannah Author-X-Name-Last: Elliott Title: Planning, property and plots at the gateway to Kenya’s ‘new frontier’ Abstract: As the gateway to the former Northern Frontier District, Isiolo town has long been viewed as marking the beginning of a ‘Kenya B’ – a ‘low potential’ desert region of communally owned land – set in contrast to more economically productive and individually owned land to the south. In recent years, however, Isiolo has been reframed as the gateway to a region of economic potential with the announcement of the ambitious Lamu Port-South Sudan-Ethiopia Transport (LAPSSET) project, which seeks to transform the town into an economic hub along an infrastructure network spanning the north. While ‘new frontier’ discourses portray the transformation of Isiolo and northern Kenya as a process of conversion and integration into the ‘nation proper’, and in particular through the formalisation and privatisation of its land, this article argues that transformations in Isiolo town are rather occurring through the articulations or ‘frictions’ between the anticipation of the projects and Isiolo’s historical politics of land and settlement. Since the town’s establishment in the early twentieth century, questions over who ‘owns’ the town have manifested in inter-ethnic competition over territory. The focus of this competition shifted to residential plots during the 1990s, when ownership of land at the town’s edges began to be re-written through ‘town planning’ initiatives and the formal allocation of plots. Between 2014 and 2015, the anticipation of LAPSSET and the increased demand for plots that accompanied it was amplifying the politics of land, settlement and ethnic identity in the town. Through tracing the historical micro-politics of settlement and the making of plots, the article illustrates how transformations in the town are occurring through the anticipation of LAPSSET, its articulation with historical politics of belonging, and local agency as people seek to secure a place in the anticipated city of the future. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 511-529 Issue: 3 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1266196 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1266196 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:3:p:511-529 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1266197_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Clemens Greiner Author-X-Name-First: Clemens Author-X-Name-Last: Greiner Title: Land-use change, territorial restructuring, and economies of anticipation in dryland Kenya Abstract: Land-use patterns in the Eastern African drylands have changed greatly in recent decades. Ethnographic data from East Pokot, in Kenya’s Baringo area, illustrate some of the major dynamics of change and point to relevant drivers. While the pastoral Pokot people managed an open, unfragmented rangeland until the 1990s, wildlife conservation, sedentarization, and land-use intensification, together with increasing contestation of borderlands, have led to a profound fragmentation and contraction of the commons, and a fundamental territorial restructuring. These dynamics are driven by economies of anticipation, fuelled by expectations of future developments such as large-scale infrastructural expansion and changing institutional frameworks, and entail massive conflicts around access to and control over land. While much attention has been paid to the role of external actors in land appropriation in East Africa, this paper directs attention to endogenous agency and compliancy in territorial restructuring. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 530-547 Issue: 3 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1266197 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1266197 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:3:p:530-547 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1266195_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Zoe Cormack Author-X-Name-First: Zoe Author-X-Name-Last: Cormack Title: The promotion of pastoralist heritage and alternative ‘visions’ for the future of Northern Kenya Abstract: This article examines increasing prominent claims of ‘heritage’ and ‘culture’ along the Lamu Port-South Sudan-Ethiopia Transport (LAPSSET) corridor. In particular it looks at how heritage is being used to promote pastoralism, communal land ownership and the survival of indigenous cultures in Northern Kenya. In the context of the ambitious infrastructural development projects contained in the LAPSSET and Vision 2030 plans, ‘heritage’ is emerging as a way of negotiating change. Various legal instruments, including the formalisation of customary laws and ‘bio-cultural community protocols’ are currently being developed to protect pastoralist heritage and communal land tenure. An important example is the attempts in Isiolo County to reinvent and strengthen a Borana customary institution for grazing management: a council of elders called dedha. The article explores the ways in which these attempts to promote pastoralist heritage are part of a larger conversation about the value of pastoralism and pastoralist culture and how the heritage of pastoralism is being positioned as the basis for an alternative ‘vision’ for the future of Kenya’s arid lands. Heritage is not simply about preserving the past; it has effects on the present. This article will show how attempts to revive customary institutions are themselves part of the process of transforming space in Northern Kenya; shedding light on the intentional and unexpected ways in which large-scale development plans reconfigure the landscape. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 548-567 Issue: 3 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1266195 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1266195 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:3:p:548-567 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_1267602_J.xml processed with: repec_from_tfjats.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Benedikt Kamski Author-X-Name-First: Benedikt Author-X-Name-Last: Kamski Title: The Kuraz Sugar Development Project (KSDP) in Ethiopia: between ‘sweet visions’ and mounting challenges Abstract: Major cutbacks in size and processing capacity cast reasonable doubts on the economic returns of the state-owned Kuraz Sugar Development Project (KSDP) in Ethiopia’s lower Omo Valley. The pressing question, however, is not whether the KSDP will be able to meet the great expectations placed on its contributions to the national economy, but rather how much this unprecedented agri-business venture will fall short of its stated agro-economic and macro-economic objectives. The upstream damming of the Omo River which allows for the development of irrigated sugarcane cultivation has ruled out the continuation of flood-recession agriculture – the central pillar of indigenous livelihoods in the lower Omo Valley. Although clearly unparalleled in terms of its impacts on the local environmental and social landscape, the status of central aspects of the KSDP remain contested. This article summarises recent findings on the planning, status, and outlook of the sugar industry in the lower Omo Valley. It concludes, after illustrating the correlation between agro-economic, macro-economic, and developmental results, that the KSDP has reached a crucial juncture: the reduction in acreage of the project thwarts the reconstruction of local livelihoods, which calls for an adjusted strategy. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 568-580 Issue: 3 Volume: 10 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2016.1267602 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2016.1267602 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:10:y:2016:i:3:p:568-580 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2163124_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Julaina A. Obika Author-X-Name-First: Julaina A. Author-X-Name-Last: Obika Author-Name: Patrick W. Otim Author-X-Name-First: Patrick W. Author-X-Name-Last: Otim Title: ‘Returning to the world of ancestors’: death and dying among the Acholi of Northern Uganda, 1900s–1980s Abstract: The encounters between Acholi and Europeans, beginning in 1904 with the settlement of the Church Missionary Society in Acholiland, had a profound impact on the people. Scholars have long examined the impact of these encounters on various aspects of life. But a study of their impact on mortuary practices in the region has largely been neglected. Recently, scholars have shined a spotlight on death and dying as a result of the armed conflict that engulfed Acholiland from the late 1980s. Drawing on previously untapped primary sources, interviews, and works of Acholi intellectuals, this article complements this new trend, by focusing on death and mortuary practices between the 1900s and the 1980s. Specifically, it recreates these practices and demonstrates change and continuity; and it concludes with a history of the cemetery in Acholiland. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 375-394 Issue: 3 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2163124 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2163124 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:3:p:375-394 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2166449_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Yidneckachew Ayele Zikargie Author-X-Name-First: Yidneckachew Ayele Author-X-Name-Last: Zikargie Author-Name: Poul Wisborg Author-X-Name-First: Poul Author-X-Name-Last: Wisborg Author-Name: Logan Cochrane Author-X-Name-First: Logan Author-X-Name-Last: Cochrane Title: State-led modernization of the Ethiopian sugar industry: questions of power and agency in lowland transformation Abstract: This article critically analyses the history of the Ethiopian sugar industry, with emphasis on drivers, decision-making and processes of incorporation and exclusion aiming to transform lowlands. We argue that the government has used a state-led modernization and expansion of the sugar industry to consolidate the power of central governments. Through the creation of sugar-based agribusinesses, the changing regimes have sought to extend their control over natural resources, increase the movement of labour, and stimulate economic growth. This has led to deepened state structures and considerable transformation of power relations, causing marginalization of the affected communities. In Ethiopia’s post-2018 political and economic transition, this modernist and expansionist programme found itself in a set of deep economic and financial crises, leading to government initiatives to privatize the sugar industry. In response to the privatization initiatives, local elites articulate and contest the historical process of marginalization and compete in demanding redress for the adverse incorporation of the communities. They do so to expand the community space for agency and enforce their interests in gaining from, and perhaps dominating a privatization process through takeover strategies. The past modernist development approach that caused marginalization is likely to affect a new stage of lowland transformation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 434-454 Issue: 3 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2166449 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2166449 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:3:p:434-454 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2162191_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Bethelihem Gebre Alwab Author-X-Name-First: Bethelihem Gebre Author-X-Name-Last: Alwab Author-Name: Els Lecoutere Author-X-Name-First: Els Author-X-Name-Last: Lecoutere Author-Name: Nicola Jones Author-X-Name-First: Nicola Author-X-Name-Last: Jones Title: Adolescents’ capabilities and aspirations across gender and generations in Amhara, Ethiopia Abstract: Insights into the role of changing historical-political-cultural contexts and social norms in shaping adolescent girls’ and boys’ futures contributes to an understanding of human development at the intersection of gender and youth in low- and middle-income countries. This study investigates the capabilities and aspirations of adolescent girls and boys and their evolution in Amhara against the background of three successive political regimes that governed Ethiopia over the last 90 years, the Haile-Selassie imperial regime (1930–1974), the socialist military Derg regime (1974–1991), and the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (1991–2019), each with their own institutions, structures and infrastructure, and gender- and age-related relations and norms. The study adopts a capability approach with a gender and generationing development lens as a framework and relies on qualitative data collected through community- and mixed-generation group discussions. The study illustrates that, even if institutional and structural barriers became less stringent over time, cumulative gender- and age-related obstacles – some rooted in beliefs, norms, traditions and relations – hindered the expansion of adolescents’ capability success, consistently more so for girls than boys. (The threat of) gender-based violence pervasively constrains girls’ capabilities success and aspirations in spite of more formal protective institutions. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 472-494 Issue: 3 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2162191 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2162191 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:3:p:472-494 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2193780_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Camille Pellerin Author-X-Name-First: Camille Author-X-Name-Last: Pellerin Author-Name: Johanna Söderström Author-X-Name-First: Johanna Author-X-Name-Last: Söderström Title: ‘Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar’s and unto God the things that are God’s’? Making sense of tax non-compliance among small business owners in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Abstract: Taxation practices are embedded in a complex web of institutional and social factors, norms and values, some of which encourage, some of which depress tax compliance. Rather than simply constituting a revenue generating practice, taxation also represents a powerful tool to govern citizens. Studying the everyday practices of paying taxes means analysing how tax rules are applied, respected, contested and subverted in real life. Contributing to a growing canon on the social practices of taxation, this article asks: How do small- and medium-sized business owners navigate their relationship with tax authorities and attempt to make sense of their compliance and non-compliance? Through an in-depth study of the everyday practices of taxpaying in Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa using interviews with business owners, this article demonstrates that taxpayers apply two different forms of reasoning to describe their taxation practices, a business logic and an emotional response. Taxation practices are governed by the double aim of reducing the financial, as well as the emotional burden associated with paying taxes. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 395-414 Issue: 3 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2193780 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2193780 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:3:p:395-414 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2163469_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Anna Adima Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Adima Title: Mixed-ish: race, class and gender in 1950s–60s Kampala through a life history of Barbara Kimenye Abstract: Vibrant social scene, intellectual hub and diverse glitterati: this was Kampala for its beau monde in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The city enjoyed a liberal reputation with ‘rosy’ race relations, attracting thinkers and socialites from across Africa and the world. It was in this singular space that Barbara Kimenye, a Black mixed-race woman of dual English and Caribbean heritage, self-identified Ugandan, and ‘one of East Africa’s most prolific children’s writers’, moved. An examination of her life in the Ugandan capital illuminates the nature of race and class, as brought about by British colonialism, in 1950s and 1960s Kampala. As a mixed-race woman, Kimenye occupied a unique position, living at the intersections of Black Ugandan and white expatriate communities. Her movement in Kampala’s elite circles, as an economically challenged single mother of two, was in part enabled through her proximity to whiteness. Drawing on Kimenye’s serialised memoirs and other archival sources, this article will demonstrate how her unique positionality challenged colonial taxonomies of race and class, highlighting their insubstantial and porous nature, and providing a new understanding of the nature of the post-colonial East African city. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 355-374 Issue: 3 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2163469 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2163469 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:3:p:355-374 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2164428_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Wolelaw Getahun Derso Author-X-Name-First: Wolelaw Getahun Author-X-Name-Last: Derso Author-Name: Brightman Gebremichael Author-X-Name-First: Brightman Author-X-Name-Last: Gebremichael Title: The leasehold system and drivers of informal land transactions in Bahir Dar city, Ethiopia Abstract: In Ethiopia, informal land transactions are proliferating in urban centers and triggering wider socio-economic and environmental challenges in the sustainable development of cities. Taking the case of Bahir Dar city, this paper examines informal land transactions in Ethiopia in terms of its rule-structuring processes, roles of actors in the transaction, and factors for its emergence and continued proliferation. Empirical evidence collected through key informant interviews, participant observation, and from secondary sources were analyzed qualitatively. The study reveals that the lease system in Ethiopia is ill-suited to the interests and reality of many urban dwellers and is unable to meet their needs. As a response to the failures of the lease system, residents are increasingly turning to informal land transactions. The success of informal land markets in Bahir Dar is reinforced by the possibility of formalization of land holdings through corrupt practices in local land administration. Moreover, the processes of the informal markets have provided adaptive and responsive alternatives for urban dwellers to access land. Unless land administration shifts to adapt to these realities, informal markets will likely continue to thrive. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 415-433 Issue: 3 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2164428 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2164428 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:3:p:415-433 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2205678_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Julian Sommerschuh Author-X-Name-First: Julian Author-X-Name-Last: Sommerschuh Title: Becoming Amhara: ethnic identity change as a quest for respect in Aari, Ethiopia Abstract: Why do members of a southwest Ethiopian ethnic minority claim wanting to ‘stop being Aari’ and ‘become Amhara’? Since the mid-1990s, ethnic-based federalism has led many Ethiopians to identify more closely with ‘their’ ethnic group. This article presents a contrary case: building on two years of ethnographic fieldwork, I discuss Aari people’s quest to adopt the pan-Ethiopian identity of ‘Amhara’. I show that among Aari, a century of humiliation by northern Ethiopians has led to a profound sense of inferiority. The sense that all things ‘Aari’ are inferior makes it hard for people to connect to local culture and language as sources of pride and identity. In search of respect and self-esteem, Aari engage in linguistic, economic, and religious practices understood to affect ethnic identity change; by ‘becoming Amhara’ they hope to attain the recognition they were long denied. Contrary to what is widely assumed in present-day Ethiopia, this suggests that not all Ethiopians wish to make ‘their’ ethnicity the cornerstone of their identity. It also suggests that Amharization may be underway among other peripheral highlanders, sharing similar histories of humiliation and similar hopes for respect. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 455-471 Issue: 3 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2205678 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2205678 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:3:p:455-471 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2162838_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Erik Gobbers Author-X-Name-First: Erik Author-X-Name-Last: Gobbers Title: The electoral strategies of ethnic socio-cultural associations in former Katanga province, the Democratic Republic of Congo (2006–2019) Abstract: The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) held multi-party elections in 2006, 2011 and 2018. This paper highlights that ethnic socio-cultural associations in former Katanga province have been politically involved in the DRC’s electoral process. Such associations were originally founded in cities to organise mutual aid among migrants hailing from the same region. The attractiveness of ethnicity as a frame of reference for the electorate seems to increase in the context of a weak state failing to deliver public goods. Ethnicity potentially influences voting behaviour in the DRC, as it is assumed that in return for votes, elected elites will prioritise their ethnic community. The ruling PPRD party has instrumentalised ethnic associations in Katanga to support Joseph Kabila’s presidential candidacy, as well as legislative candidates of the presidential majority. These ethnic associations have in turn tried to influence the outcome of elections in favour of their communities, e.g. by limiting the number of co-ethnic candidates per constituency to avoid ethnic vote splitting and thereby maximising the chances of success for candidates from their own group. Their efforts have not always been successful; elections enable voters to hold elites accountable for not keeping their promises once elected. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 495-514 Issue: 3 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2162838 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2162838 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:3:p:495-514 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2233729_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nicole Beardsworth Author-X-Name-First: Nicole Author-X-Name-Last: Beardsworth Author-Name: Samuel Kalonde Mutuna Author-X-Name-First: Samuel Kalonde Author-X-Name-Last: Mutuna Title: ‘Tribal balancing’: exclusionary elite coalitions and Zambia’s 2021 elections Abstract: Presidents have access to a range of resources unavailable to challengers, and often the most important are derived from control of the state. This allows incumbents to build more inclusive elite coalitions, distribute clientelist resources to their political base and co-opt opposition politicians. Cabinet and government appointments are some of the most visible, direct and identifiable indications of elite accommodation, and African presidents are more likely to build inclusive coalitions to ensure their survival. In Zambia, balanced regional representation – popularly known as “tribal balancing” – has held an important place in the public imagination. But between 2015 and 2021, rather than using incumbent advantage to build an ethnically inclusive alliance, President Lungu used cabinet appointments and senior government positions to shore up his base. This was bolstered by an exclusionary campaign that focused on the opposition leader’s ethnicity to push the PF’s base to vote against the opposition. This article uses an analysis of cabinet appointments and coverage of the election campaign to illustrate how Lungu sought to build an exclusionary coalition and exacerbate ethnic cleavages. This contributes to debates on when and why elites might use exclusionary strategies, and when they might fail to produce the desired outcome. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 619-642 Issue: 4 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2233729 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2233729 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:4:p:619-642 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2236850_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sishuwa Sishuwa Author-X-Name-First: Sishuwa Author-X-Name-Last: Sishuwa Title: ‘The outcome of a historical process set in motion in 1991’: explaining the failure of incumbency advantage in Zambia’s 2021 election Abstract: This article uses a longitudinal comparative perspective to analyse Zambia's 2021 transfer of power. The article takes the previous elections since the transition to multi-party democracy in 1991 as a body in which patterns of incumbency failure can be seen. It identifies five pervasive patterns that seem present in all polls that have resulted in leadership change or turnovers: a struggling economy with a clear blame orientation, a unified opposition, a depoliticised military, a rather impartial electoral commission, and collective memory of incumbent defeat. The importance of each of these factors varies over time, but collectively they shape election outcomes in decisive ways. Drawing on interviews and newspaper sources, I apply these variables to the 2021 election that resulted in the defeat of President Edgar Lungu and the victory of the opposition candidate. I argue that the repeated failure of incumbency advantage in Zambia reflects the institutionalisation of democratic processes, notably embodied in competitive elections, an increasingly independent electoral commission, effective opposition parties that can devise robust campaign strategies, and a military that continues to choose non- intervention whenever an incumbent is defeated. More broadly, I demonstrate why alternation is becoming routine while the power of incumbency is in decline. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 659-680 Issue: 4 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2236850 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2236850 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:4:p:659-680 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2235658_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Marja Hinfelaar Author-X-Name-First: Marja Author-X-Name-Last: Hinfelaar Author-Name: Lise Rakner Author-X-Name-First: Lise Author-X-Name-Last: Rakner Author-Name: Sishuwa Sishuwa Author-X-Name-First: Sishuwa Author-X-Name-Last: Sishuwa Author-Name: Nicolas van de Walle Author-X-Name-First: Nicolas Author-X-Name-Last: van de Walle Title: Legal autocratisation ahead of the 2021 Zambian elections Abstract: Zambia experienced an episode of distinct democratic backsliding between 2011 and 2021. Autocratisation resulted from the deliberate use of legal mechanisms to enhance executive power. Tracing key legal changes through legal documents, press reports and informant interviews, the article examines this recent episode of autocratisation as a consequence of a poorly institutionalised party system in a fledgling and unconsolidated presidential democracy. We show that under PF rule, autocratisation resulted from the deliberate use of legal mechanisms to enhance executive power, stifle the opposition, muzzle the press and undermine civil society forces. The election of opposition candidate Hakainde Hichilema in August 2021 may have ended this episode of backsliding as for the third time in the country´s history, power changed peacefully through the ballot box. But, to what extent the 2021 elections will move Zambia away from this authoritarian trend is uncertain as the state of the country’s political institutions, hereunder a poorly institutionalised party system in an unconsolidated presidential democracy, may leave it vulnerable to further episodes of backsliding. The main contribution of this paper is the documentation of the role of lawfare in processes of autocratisation, and how integral it has been to the decline of democracy in Zambia. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 558-575 Issue: 4 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2235658 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2235658 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:4:p:558-575 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2233728_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jeremy Seekings Author-X-Name-First: Jeremy Author-X-Name-Last: Seekings Title: Incumbent disadvantage in a swing province: Eastern Province in Zambia’s 2021 general election Abstract: Might incumbency entail disadvantages as well as advantages? This article examines the performance of incumbent president Edgar Lungu and the Patriotic Front (PF) in Zambia's Eastern Province in the 2021 election. Eastern Province was a ‘swing’ region in that neither of the two major national political parties had deep-rooted support, despite Lungu's and the PF's strong performance in 2015-16. Survey data shows that voters punished the incumbent government in 2021 for its poor management of the economy (and, to a lesser extent, corruption). Interviews with provincial politicians and documentary sources reveal the challenges facing the incumbent in maintaining the coalition that had brought it electoral success in 2015-16. The case of Eastern Province illustrates how, in such swing regions, incumbency can be a disadvantage as well as an advantage, as the incumbent president is held responsible for the state of the economy and the opportunities to local elites. In countries where national electoral success requires winning decisively in such swing regions, even incumbent presidents and parties face a significant possibility of electoral defeat. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 576-599 Issue: 4 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2233728 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2233728 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:4:p:576-599 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2232241_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Gabrielle Lynch Author-X-Name-First: Gabrielle Author-X-Name-Last: Lynch Author-Name: Elena Gadjanovaa Author-X-Name-First: Elena Author-X-Name-Last: Gadjanovaa Title: Overcoming incumbency advantage: the importance of social media on- and offline in Zambia’s 2021 elections Abstract: President Edgar Lungu and the Patriotic Front used a range of incumbency advantages to tilt the playing field in their favour in the run-up to Zambia’s 2021 elections and, as a result, were more visible offline than the opposition United Party for National Development (UPND) and its flagbearer, Hakainde Hichilema. In this paper, we draw on an original survey of party officials and activists and semi-structured interviews to consider the role of social media in the UPND’s victory. We show how the two dominant political parties invested heavily in social media, but how the UPND’s online messaging proved more persuasive and spread offline, and how social media facilitated the UPND’s political mobilisation and vote protection efforts in the face of a highly uneven playing field. Social media thus played an important role in unseating the incumbent, but not because the election was won online, or because social media provided a uniquely “social” form of communication. Instead, social media helped to facilitate the flow of information across a heavily controlled media ecosystem in which face-to-face communication remained key. In making this argument, we highlight the significant impact of social media on users and non-users alike, even in a context of relatively low internet penetration. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 536-557 Issue: 4 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2232241 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2232241 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:4:p:536-557 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2235656_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Nicole Beardsworth Author-X-Name-First: Nicole Author-X-Name-Last: Beardsworth Author-Name: Hangala Siachiwena Author-X-Name-First: Hangala Author-X-Name-Last: Siachiwena Author-Name: Sishuwa Sishuwa Author-X-Name-First: Sishuwa Author-X-Name-Last: Sishuwa Title: Autocratisation, electoral politics and the limits of incumbency in African democracies Abstract: The world is experiencing a new wave of autocratisation, characterised by a global democratic reversal. From 2010 to 2020, the share of the world population living in autocracies increased from 48 to 68%. Electoral autocracies are now the world's most common regime type, and along with closed autocracies they number 87 of the world's 195 states. Even during the height of the third wave of democratisation, elections in Africa rarely led to an alternation of power. Thirty years after the third wave, this special issue introduction takes stock of how many transfers of power occurred in the three crucial decades between 1991 and 2021. In this special issue, we focus on Zambia to understand some of the factors that contributed to an electoral turnover, notwithstanding the many benefits of incumbency that were enjoyed by the ruling Patriotic Front (PF) led by President Edgar Lungu. We show that the outcome of Zambia's August 2021 election demonstrates the limits of incumbency. We suggest that voters and opposition parties in countries with previous experiences of peaceful transfers of power might rely on a ‘democratic muscle-memory’, to dislodge autocrats and call for more research on when and why incumbents lose. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 515-535 Issue: 4 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2235656 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2235656 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:4:p:515-535 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2236474_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Hangala Siachiwena Author-X-Name-First: Hangala Author-X-Name-Last: Siachiwena Title: The urban vote in Zambia’s 2021 elections: popular attitudes towards the economy in Copperbelt and Lusaka Abstract: This article analyses Afrobarometer survey data to understand popular attitudes toward the economy of Zambia amongst residents in the ruling party strongholds. The Patriotic Front (PF) won the most votes in urban provinces from 2006 to 2016 but crucially lost to the opposition in 2021 while retaining majorities in its rural base. Historically, opposition parties have won the most votes in urban regions on every occasion that Zambia has experienced an electoral turnover, demonstrating the significance of the urban vote. The evidence presented in this article reveals that respondents in the two urban provinces, Copperbelt and Lusaka, were better educated, had more access to essential services, and had higher levels of access to Information relative to their compatriots in the PF’s rural strongholds. While both urban and rural residents were dissatisfied with the government’s handling of the economy, the PF’s urban base was more likely to punish the ruling party at the polls. Drawing on survey evidence and literature on voting in urban Africa, this article shows that the divergent geographic, social, and economic characteristics of urban and rural areas produce distinct grievances which have implications for policy expectations, political mobilization, and how voters evaluate candidates. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 600-618 Issue: 4 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2236474 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2236474 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:4:p:600-618 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2235657_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: O’Brien Kaaba Author-X-Name-First: O’Brien Author-X-Name-Last: Kaaba Author-Name: Marja Hinfelaar Author-X-Name-First: Marja Author-X-Name-Last: Hinfelaar Author-Name: Koffi Sawyer Author-X-Name-First: Koffi Author-X-Name-Last: Sawyer Title: A comparison of the role of domestic and international election observers in Zambia’s 2016 and 2021 general elections Abstract: In this paper, we focus on the role of the institution of external and domestic observers in electoral turnovers. Observers have come under scrutiny in recent years, particularly following their assessments of the Kenya and Malawi elections, for which they raised no serious concerns, but the polls were subsequently annulled by courts on the basis of serious irregularities. By comparing and contrasting the role played by international and domestic observers in Zambia’s general elections in 2016 with those of 2021, it can be shown that observer groups can contribute to positive electoral outcomes and, while not under their remit, can be in a position to facilitate peaceful transitions. While acknowledging that the biggest factor of the smooth transition in Zambia was the huge turnout of voters and the wide margin of the opposition’s victory, election observers played a key role in aiding the democratic transition. This paper contributes to the literature on the role of domestic and international observers by examining key areas of their engagement in Zambia’s last two general elections. The research was carried out through participant observation, a panel survey conducted before and after the 2021 elections and interviews with stakeholders. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 643-658 Issue: 4 Volume: 16 Year: 2022 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2022.2235657 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2022.2235657 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:16:y:2022:i:4:p:643-658 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2245596_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Flora McCrone Author-X-Name-First: Flora Author-X-Name-Last: McCrone Title: ‘I have opened the land for you’: pastoralist politics and election-related violence in Kenya’s arid north Abstract: The shadow of election violence has hung over Kenyan politics since 2008, when post-election violence erupted across the country. These events paved the way for major national reforms, including the devolution of central government, designed to counteract tendencies of ethnic patronage and violence. Kenya’s subsequent election cycles have not seen the same explosion of nationwide violence, and therefore little has been written about election violence in Kenya in the post-devolution years. However, this article draws attention to the arid, pastoralist-dominated north, where there have in fact been significant episodes of violence that are election-related. Drawing on ethnographic research, it explores the case of Samburu, Isiolo and Laikipia counties during the 2017 and 2022 election cycles, when mass movements of armed pastoralists and herds forced their way, often violently, into targeted areas of land, resulting in widespread clashes, killings and displacement. The article investigates the endogenous elites and machinations within nomadic Samburu communities involved in and affected by this violence, using a ‘public authority lens’. It argues that ongoing governance changes in this region have created opportunities for political elites to mobilise territorial violence for strategic, political ends in advance of elections, including through a previously undocumented practice of “vote shipping”. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 121-140 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2245596 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2245596 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:121-140 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2235661_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Anna Macdonald Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Macdonald Author-Name: Arthur Owor Author-X-Name-First: Arthur Author-X-Name-Last: Owor Author-Name: Rebecca Tapscott Author-X-Name-First: Rebecca Author-X-Name-Last: Tapscott Title: Explaining youth political mobilization and its absence: the case of Bobi Wine and Uganda’s 2021 election Abstract: What explains youth political mobilization in Uganda – or lack thereof? This article challenges the simple dichotomy of youth as either a dangerous or disengaged political constituency. Instead, we analyze the conditions that determine whether youth can coalesce as a politically salient category. For many, the outcome of the 2021 Ugandan elections defied expectations. A large and underemployed youth population combined with the emergence of self-proclaimed ‘youth candidate’ Bobi Wine, led both international and domestic analysts to predict a strong youth challenge to National Resistance Movement (NRM) dominance. However, while Bobi Wine captured the opposition vote, he was unable to create a new youth constituency that could overcome existing political and regional cleavages. This article draws on interviews and fieldwork on youth political mobilization during the 2021 elections to identify and analyze a range of historically rooted methods that the NRM effectively deploys to mobilize and fragment youth. The findings confirm the need to look beyond rallies and rhetoric to analyze whether the conditions are right to allow youth to emerge as a politically salient category. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 280-300 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2235661 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2235661 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:280-300 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2237372_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jannis Saalfeld Author-X-Name-First: Jannis Author-X-Name-Last: Saalfeld Author-Name: Hassan A. Mwakimako Author-X-Name-First: Hassan A. Author-X-Name-Last: Mwakimako Title: Integrationism vs. rejectionism: revisiting the history of Islamist activism in coastal Kenya Abstract: In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Kenya’s coastal region saw the rise of Islamist activism(s). Revisiting this rise, this article traces the history of two contrasting politico-religious groups seeking to address the historical marginalisation of Kenyan Muslim communities: the Mombasa-based Islamic Party of Kenya (IPK) and the southern coastal Ansar Sunnah movement. While the IPK accepted the Kenyan nation-state and sought to empower Kenya’s Muslim minority via the electoral process, the ‘Ansaris’ promoted a rejectionist agenda fundamentally opposed to democracy and the conventional state. Re-investigating the origins and the evolution of these two antithetical projects, our article provides two fieldwork-based contributions, drawing on key informant interviews. First, we tackle several historiographically unsettled questions concerning the biographies of prominent politico-religious entrepreneurs like Khalid Balala and Abdulaziz Rimo. Second, we provide a counterpoint to a growing body of literature focussing on the gradual emergence of a coastal jihadist network. While not denying the significance of this network, we show that the local rise of jihadism has been accompanied by equally important processes of moderation away from violence and exclusivism. Overall, our article therefore underlines the multi-facetted and non-linear dynamics of Islamist activism in coastal Kenya and the wider East African Region. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 40-56 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2237372 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2237372 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:40-56 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2246761_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Moses Khisa Author-X-Name-First: Moses Author-X-Name-Last: Khisa Title: Uganda’s ruling coalition and the 2021 elections: change, continuity and contestation Abstract: Since coming to power, President Museveni has consistently stitched together disparate actors and representatives of divergent constituencies in his ruling coalition. This became especially necessary as his rule grew less popular and more precarious. This article argues that the nature of the ruling coalition reflects the structure of politics and menu of priorities for the incumbent. The political landscape shapes composition of the ruling coalition, which mirrors realignment of social forces, interest groups and balance of power. This article casts a critical spotlight on two phases – 1986–2005 and 2006 to the present – placing coalition dynamics and the 2021 elections in the broader context of the shift in Uganda’s overall political landscape. Drawing on qualitative data sources including elite interviews and newspaper reports, and with specific focus on cabinet appointments, the article shows that electoral calculations and regime survival considerations are the biggest drivers of Museveni’s ruling coalition changes and composition. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 325-343 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2246761 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2246761 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:325-343 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2231786_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Léa Lacan Author-X-Name-First: Léa Author-X-Name-Last: Lacan Title: In the ruins of past forest lives: remembering, belonging and claiming in Katimok, highland rural Kenya Abstract: This article explores how local inhabitants living near the Katimok Forest in Baringo County, Kenya, engage with the traces of their past embedded in the landscape, and refigure them into politically powerful ruins. Drawing on ethnographic and archival research, the study examines the traces left behind by former forest dwellers before they were relocated by colonial and post-colonial governments, and analyses the current residents’ interactions with these traces. The article shows that traces are mnemonic and affective devices that remind the local inhabitants of emotional stories of a lost past and foster a sense of belonging. In addition, former forest dwellers and their descendants use these traces as evidence and symbols of their belonging and suffering to demand recognition of their historical loss from current national authorities. By performing the traces as ruins of a lost past, claimants harness their political power. This study highlights the importance of considering forest politics in relation to affective and political engagements with the material landscape. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 186-206 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2231786 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2231786 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:186-206 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2237266_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Timothy Downing Author-X-Name-First: Timothy Author-X-Name-Last: Downing Author-Name: Daniel Olago Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Olago Author-Name: Tobias Nyumba Author-X-Name-First: Tobias Author-X-Name-Last: Nyumba Title: Role of history in shaping perceptions of climate change in the alpine areas of Kenya Abstract: Climate change will have differential effects on communities around the world due to different vulnerabilities. Two climate-vulnerable areas in Kenya – Mount Elgon and Mount Kenya – were compared in this study to see how their differing histories may have impacted their inherent adaptive capacities. A literature review was used to outline the differences in the history of the two areas, and then perceptions on climate change and adaptive capacity were assessed with quantitative and qualitative methods, consisting of interviews, focus group discussions, and questionnaires. Two communities were considered for each mountain – an alpine community and a community living at the base of the mountain. Overall, there were broad similarities in how these communities viewed their environment and changes to that environment. However, there were nuanced differences in perceptions, which reflect the different geo-political histories. In general, both of the Mount Elgon communities had greater appreciation for ecosystem services, but lower perceptions of changes in those services. They were overall more optimistic for the future than the communities in Mount Kenya. These factors may be shaped by a history of closer cultural connection to the mountain in Mount Elgon, which has implications for future adaptation to climate change. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 101-120 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2237266 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2237266 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:101-120 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2245263_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Uroš Kovač Author-X-Name-First: Uroš Author-X-Name-Last: Kovač Author-Name: Anna Lisa Ramella Author-X-Name-First: Anna Lisa Author-X-Name-Last: Ramella Title: From ruins and rubble: promised and suspended futures in Kenya (and beyond) Abstract: In the first quarter of the twenty-first century, much future-making in Kenya is taking place in ruins of unfinished promising projects, failed capitalist enterprises, and decades of colonial and postcolonial exclusion and marginalization. When discussing future-making in Kenya specifically and Africa more generally, especially in the context of vision-driven developmentalist narratives that rely on visions of linear progress and growth, analysts and social scientists need to account for ways that futures emerge from ruins and rubble of undelivered and uncertain promises, collapsed industries, and colonial and postcolonial dispossession of land and rights. This article establishes the overarching argumentation and framing of the “Living with Ruins” special collection, outlines key theoretical concepts like ruination, infrastructuring, and future-making, and examines ruins and ruination in key economic and political domains that make claims to Kenya’s future: capitalist boom-and-bust economies, mega-scale infrastructure projects, and urban development. In all these domains, futures are emerging through assemblages of people’s everyday practices of maintenance and the ruins that surround them, complicating facile proclamations of Africa’s rising or abjection. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 141-164 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2245263 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2245263 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:141-164 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2235660_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Christopher Day Author-X-Name-First: Christopher Author-X-Name-Last: Day Author-Name: William Moreto Author-X-Name-First: William Author-X-Name-Last: Moreto Author-Name: Riley Ravary Author-X-Name-First: Riley Author-X-Name-Last: Ravary Title: Ranger/soldier: patterns of militarizing conservation in Uganda Abstract: In recent years, several African states have increasingly militarized their wildlife authorities in response growing threats to protected areas (PAs) that come from a range of actors including hunters, poachers, and armed groups. As park rangers now face the overlapping challenges of conservation, law enforcement, and security in PAs, many are provided with paramilitary training, lethal weapons, and sophisticated equipment, often in conjunction with national armies and international actors. Much of the prevailing literature on “green militarization” has done much to advance our understanding of the potential negative consequences associated with the coercive roles of rangers in PAs, but often sidesteps the social, political, and organizational contexts in which park rangers operate. This article presents an interdisciplinary collaboration between anthropology, criminology, and political science that builds a multi-level analytical framework to examine patterns of militarization of the Uganda Wildlife Authority. It considers the political development of Uganda’s wildlife authorities over the longue durée, the attitudes of individual rangers vis-à-vis their coercive roles as agents of law enforcement, and the organization and behavior of rangers at the sub-national level as they engage communities adjacent to Mount Elgon National Park. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 57-78 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2235660 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2235660 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:57-78 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2236848_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sam Wilkins Author-X-Name-First: Sam Author-X-Name-Last: Wilkins Author-Name: Richard Vokes Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Vokes Title: Transition, transformation, and the politics of the future in Uganda Abstract: While the framing of the past remains a critical terrain of political discourse in Uganda, competing political visions oriented towards the future have emerged as equally salient as the country undergoes significant social and economic changes. Against the image of gridlock that characterises Ugandan politics after President Yoweri Museveni’s latest controversial re-election in 2021, the aim of this article is to highlight these currents of change and the political narratives of the future that have emerged to address them. We address these changes in three categories: the ways in which the NRM regime has re-embraced a securitised developmentalism, the demographic and economic changes that in some ways condition and force these shifts, and the changes to presidential politics relating to Museveni’s succession on both the NRM and opposition sides. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 262-279 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2236848 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2236848 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:262-279 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2231785_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Anna Lisa Ramella Author-X-Name-First: Anna Lisa Author-X-Name-Last: Ramella Author-Name: Mario Schmidt Author-X-Name-First: Mario Author-X-Name-Last: Schmidt Author-Name: Megan A. Styles Author-X-Name-First: Megan A. Author-X-Name-Last: Styles Title: Suspending ruination: preserving the ambiguous potentials of a Kenyan flower farm Abstract: This article focuses on the financial collapse of and the subsequent interplay between material deterioration and maintenance on a flower farm in Naivasha that was placed under receivership in 2014. Our research is based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted by the three authors before, during, and after the farm’s collapse. We examine how laid-off workers, current employees, owners, and new management engage in a process we call ‘suspending ruination’, in which the farm is neither left to collapse nor fully restored to its original state. Maintaining the farm’s infrastructure creates a state of suspension characterised by opaque messages of potential – a process reinforced by both the receivers’ intent to resell the property, as well as the former employees’ anticipation of receiving outstanding compensations. Examining how their practices of caring for what appears to be a ‘ruin’ uphold the farm as an ambiguous object of capitalist potential, our article complements ongoing research on ruinations, instigated by capitalism's future-making agendas. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 165-185 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2231785 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2231785 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:165-185 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2235659_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Emma Wild-Wood Author-X-Name-First: Emma Author-X-Name-Last: Wild-Wood Author-Name: Yossa Way Author-X-Name-First: Yossa Author-X-Name-Last: Way Author-Name: Amuda Baba Author-X-Name-First: Amuda Author-X-Name-Last: Baba Author-Name: Sadiki Kangamina Author-X-Name-First: Sadiki Author-X-Name-Last: Kangamina Author-Name: Jean-Benoit Falisse Author-X-Name-First: Jean-Benoit Author-X-Name-Last: Falisse Author-Name: Liz Grant Author-X-Name-First: Liz Author-X-Name-Last: Grant Author-Name: Nigel Pearson Author-X-Name-First: Nigel Author-X-Name-Last: Pearson Title: Perceptions of COVID-19 in faith communities in DR Congo Abstract: This article explores the perceptions of COVID-19 among faith communities in north-eastern DR Congo and their intersection with public health responses to disease outbreaks. In a situation of a political and economic insecurity and significant unaddressed health needs, faith communities have a strong trusted public presence and offer resilience in the face of political insecurity, limited state intervention and outbreaks of disease. Semi-structured interviews of members, leaders and medical professionals from seven faith communities in Ituri and North-Kivu were analysed using a thematic framework. The article demonstrates that faith communities and their leaders have a range of opinions on the causes of and responses to COVID-19 that illuminate long term trends in a complex faith-health landscape. It identifies that all faith communities have spiritual responses to disease. Some of those responses cohere with public health messages. Others run counter to them. It argues that understanding the nature, range and variability of these perceptions and their impact on public behaviour is valuable to enable those engaged in public health to work with trusted, resilient communities even where their perceptions of disease are contradictory. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 79-100 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2235659 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2235659 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:79-100 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2246762_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: George Roberts Author-X-Name-First: George Author-X-Name-Last: Roberts Title: The rise and fall of a Swahili tabloid in socialist Tanzania: Ngurumo newspaper, 1959–76 Abstract: While historians of East Africa have examined the region’s rich print cultures in the era of decolonisation, they have viewed newspapers primarily in intellectual terms, rather than as businesses embedded in capital networks. Through the Asian-owned Tanzanian tabloid Ngurumo, this article examines the political economy of newspapers and printing during the time of decolonisation in Tanzania. It argues that Randhir Thaker’s printing firm played an essential yet overlooked role in sustaining nationalist expansion in the late 1950s, before then entering the newspaper market in a period marked by racial tensions. However, the same undercapitalised business model which allowed Ngurumo to become Tanzania’s most popular newspaper then constrained its ability to expand its operations. Ngurumo’s demise in the mid-1970s was not caused by direct government intervention, but by its lack of the infrastructural and financial support which sustained the state- and party-owned press through a time of economic hardship. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 1-21 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2246762 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2246762 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:1-21 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2237265_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Sam Wilkins Author-X-Name-First: Sam Author-X-Name-Last: Wilkins Title: Authoritarian micro-politics: village chairpersons in NRM Uganda and the lessons of their 2018 re-election Abstract: In July 2018, the office of village chairperson (Local Council 1/LC1) was contested throughout Uganda in open elections for the first time in almost two decades. These offices, central to the National Resistance Movement’s (NRM) famed decentralisation project in its early years in power, continue to have immense significance in the daily lives of most Ugandans. While their long-awaited re-election provides a worthy focus of study in its own right, this article uses the occasion to test a broader set of claims about the evolution of village chairpersons under the NRM, and how variations in their exposure to competitive politics fits into a broader strategy of regime consolidation since 1986. Based on ethnographic research conducted between 2015 and 2017, the article will argue that LC1s should not necessarily be considered ‘illegitimate’ in the eyes of most citizens due to their long period without election before 2018, and that in many important respects they differ significantly from higher levels of local political office. Instead, it configures their place in the broader dominant party system, their main role in the maintenance of which is as symbolic as it is structural. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 344-362 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2237265 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2237265 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:344-362 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2227938_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Kennedy Mkutu Author-X-Name-First: Kennedy Author-X-Name-Last: Mkutu Title: The frontier on the doorstep: development and conflict dynamics in the southern rangelands of Kenya Abstract: Rural parts of Kenya are undergoing or are expected to undergo massive social-ecological change as a result of the government’s ambitious development agenda driven by infrastructure and extraction. The pastoralist rangelands near the dormant Mount Suswa volcano in Narok, Kajiado and Nakuru counties have witnessed the creation of a modern railway and a geothermal project, and plans for further geothermal developments are expected together with a large inland port and industrial park. Other scholars identify structural, discursive, organisational and directly violent frontier characteristics which occur at the interface of two social orders and are well recognised in parts of northern Kenya. This article considers how these phenomena play out in a frontier inhabited by marginalised pastoralists but ‘on the doorstep’ of Nairobi and other urban centres. It concludes that most frontier phenomena are also present in marginalised areas closer to the centre and as such, the frontier is not necessarily geographically determined. However, formations of violence and dynamics of policing are different to the north and proximity to the economic and political centre makes a difference, allowing the state to remain more in control. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 22-39 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2227938 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2227938 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:22-39 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2231787_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Wangui Kimari Author-X-Name-First: Wangui Author-X-Name-Last: Kimari Title: Resisting imperial erasures: Matigari ruins and relics in Nairobi Abstract: Building on ethnographic fieldwork and interdisciplinary theoretical approaches, this article historicizes poor urban settlements in Nairobi as ruins – the product of systemic ruination from the colonial period to the present. In so doing, it offers the provocation to think ‘slum’ dwellers as relics: remains of past/present conterminous ruins who are treated as subhuman hauntings of a foregone time and understood to be constituted by the decayed and unwanted material of city margins. In these embodiments they are perceived as ruining the city, even when they have been produced by longue durée political processes of ruination, captured by vernacular identities such as Matigari. Yet, as I show here, like unexpected relics, the inhabitants of poor urban settlements continue to insert vital bids for survival in city landscapes. And, in these layered movements, they act as mnemonic devices that bridge the oppressions of what are seen as separate times, while shedding light on often normalized colonial city and national governance processes. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 207-221 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2231787 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2231787 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:207-221 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2238376_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jimmy Spire Ssentongo Author-X-Name-First: Jimmy Spire Author-X-Name-Last: Ssentongo Author-Name: Henni Alava Author-X-Name-First: Henni Author-X-Name-Last: Alava Title: Citizenship moods in the late Museveni era: a cartoon-powered analysis Abstract: This article develops the concept of citizenship moods to analyse citizens’ emotional (dis)engagements with the state in Uganda. Through a reflexive analysis of ethnographic and media material from 2019–2021, we claim that around the time of the 2021 elections, after 35 years of rule by Yoweri Museveni’s National Resistance Movement, the most prevalent moods among Ugandans were fear, contentment, cynicism, anger, hope, and despondency. Prior to the elections, hope soared, but this gave way to despondency following the state’s violent crack-down on opposition. Building on work on citizenship, affect, emotion, and politics, we theorise that citizenship moods are experienced both individually and collectively; coexist, transform, and fluctuate over time; and affect and are affected by political and societal change. In Uganda, a key change is the growth of intersecting ethnic, regional, generational, and class inequalities. Citizenship moods structure, transform, and vitalise the relationship between the state and its citizens, and analysing them contributes to imagining the possibilities of democratic change in Uganda and beyond. The article introduces a method of cartoon-powered sociopolitical analysis. The inherent attunement of cartoons to bodily postures and expressions enables analytical insight and effective communication of research results, and can contribute to advancing research justice. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 301-324 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2238376 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2238376 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:301-324 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2231790_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: David Greven Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Greven Title: Bursting pipes and broken dreams: on ruination and reappropriation of large-scale water infrastructure in Baringo County, Kenya Abstract: In the course of Kenya’s Vision 2030 development plan, the Kenyan Northern Rift Valley recently became the playground for new stakeholders, interests and speculations. Large-scale development projects, such as the geothermal exploration in Tiaty East sub-county, is one of them and is described as game-changer in a formerly marginalized area. This article explores the case of Mt. Paka, a dormant volcano, where the Kenyan Geothermal Development Company (GDC) recently finished their exploratory drillings and established a road and water infrastructure for the geothermal project and the adjacent communities. Drawing on ethnographic research, this contribution examines the dynamic processes of ruination, reappropriation and negotiation along the newly built water infrastructure. While GDC is constantly trying to counter the ruination of pipelines with maintenance and retrofitting, local communities utilize leakages along the infrastructure, maintaining it in its ruined state to satisfy their own needs. This study highlights how the water infrastructure at Mt. Paka materializes in unexpected ways and shows its transformative potential in two directions: the ruination and the reappropriation of it. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 241-261 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2231790 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2231790 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:241-261 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2231789_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Franziska Fay Author-X-Name-First: Franziska Author-X-Name-Last: Fay Title: The politics of skeletons and ruination: living (with) debris of the Two Fishes Hotel in Diani Beach, Kenya Abstract: Up until the 1990s, the Two Fishes Hotel on the South Kenya Coast was among the ten major hotels in Diani Beach. Today, the consequences of capitalist ruination on tourism can be observed in the decay of some once prospering hotels along on one of East Africa’s most popular tourist shores. In this article, I engage with the ruins of the Two Fishes Hotel in Diani Beach by taking as point of departure what the people who live with the ruins can tell us about how they affect their lives. I explore what their perspectives reveal about processes of deterioration and revitalization of capitalist projects like tourism, how affect and agency are engendered in them, and consider how they relate to online observations from a Facebook group dedicated to the ruins of this specific hotel. I argue that the various reappropriations of contemporary liminal spaces like hotels in decay show how infrastructures in the process of ruination have a social life of their own, reflect and give context to the wider political circumstances they are embedded in, and speak to individual and societal socio-economic challenges beyond national borders. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 222-240 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 04 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2231789 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2231789 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:1-2:p:222-240 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2265042_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Katrin Sowa Author-X-Name-First: Katrin Author-X-Name-Last: Sowa Title: “Little Dubai” in the crossfire: trade corridor dynamics and ethno-territorial conflict in the Kenyan–Ethiopian border town Moyale Abstract: Against the promise that new trade corridors in Africa lead to political stability and state control, this article presents a contradictory case. In the context of the implementation of the LAPSSET corridor, Moyale at the Kenyan–Ethiopian border has been undergoing a transformation. The formerly marginalized border town is today envisioned as a major trade hub for the region. However, this development has been recurrently disturbed not only by trade barriers and import regulations but also by violent clashes between local communities. Moyale’s history, economic rivalries, and an intra-federal boundary dispute make the new corridor a specifically dangerous setting for the local population, while alternative smuggle routes are perceived as more reliable and secure. The text provides insights into ethnographic research in a particular violent surrounding. Qualitative interviews and participant observations were conducted with locals and border officials in Moyale during clashes between the Borana and Garre communities in 2018. The article aims to understand trade and security strategies on the ground, which are far from being controlled by state monopoly. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 424-444 Issue: 3 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2265042 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2265042 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:3:p:424-444 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2262116_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Bula Wayessa Author-X-Name-First: Bula Author-X-Name-Last: Wayessa Title: Mother Earth is for us all: the discontent of Oromo pottery-making women at land dispossession in Southwest Oromia, Ethiopia Abstract: This paper examines the effects of changes in land tenure on female potters in the southern highlands of Ethiopia. Communal land has historically played an important role in the livelihoods of pottery-making women, who rely on the non-agricultural use of this land. Data was gathered through interviews and observations, and the resulting evidence was organized and analyzed to address the research objectives and contextualize the findings within a broader empirical framework. Recent changes to Ethiopia’s communal land tenure system have disproportionally affected the socio-economy of the pottery-making women in comparison to their non-pottery-making counterparts by constraining their access to clay mining sites. Meanwhile, globalization and the free-market economy have facilitated the unrestricted import and distribution of plastic and metal objects, significantly reducing the need for pottery objects, and further impacting the potters’ livelihoods and social status. The fact that globalization and government changes to the communal land tenure system have disproportionally affected artisan women in Ethiopia resonates with the need for academia to pay more attention to intersectionality when studying gender bias, given that the situation has created an additional level of discrimination for socially marginalized women. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 445-465 Issue: 3 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2262116 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2262116 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:3:p:445-465 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2268361_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Pamela Khanakwa Author-X-Name-First: Pamela Author-X-Name-Last: Khanakwa Title: Environmental risk management from below: living with landslides in Bududa, eastern Uganda Abstract: This article explores how the people of Bududa used culturally and spiritually embedded knowledge to tame extreme weather and ably live with the spectre and reality of landslides since the turn of the twentieth century. Drawing on multiple oral and written sources, the article shows how landslides were experienced in the past and chronicles recent government and community responses to living with landslides. The article shows that local approaches to managing risks worked effectively when land for expansion was still readily available. However, increasing population and heavy cultivation of the land over the course of the twentieth century put heavy pressure on the land thereby making it more susceptible to landslides. Consequently, the impact of the landslides became so severe necessitating government intervention to support the affected communities. Focusing on landslides as recurring risks that are socially constructed and managed, the article shows the innovativeness and resilience of the people of Bududa in living with and managing environmental risks. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 384-403 Issue: 3 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2268361 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2268361 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:3:p:384-403 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2268363_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Karmen Tornius Author-X-Name-First: Karmen Author-X-Name-Last: Tornius Title: A non-event: ratifying the African Women’s Rights framework in Ethiopia Abstract: Ethiopia, the host of the African Union, did not ratify the African Women’s Rights framework (the Maputo Protocol) for fifteen years. While realist, liberal and constructivist scholars have theorised why countries ratify human rights treaties, this article adds to this debate by asking ‘why not?’. Based on interviews, archival material, document analysis and fieldwork in Addis Ababa, the article explores the dominant explanations for adopting human rights treaties, such as donor pressure, legitimacy, openness of a political system and normative alignment. By analysing the Ethiopian government’s decision not to ratify the Maputo Protocol on numerous occasions before finally ratifying it quietly and with a long list of reservations, the article argues that countries may adopt regional human rights treaties for different reasons than the global ones. By tracing this ‘non-event’ from the early attempts to adopt the Maputo Protocol until its ratification in 2018, the article provides an in-depth analysis of the recent history of women’s rights in Ethiopia’s complex national context, including the rise of women’s movements, closing civil space, growing authoritarianism, anti-rights rhetoric, and a government crisis that paved way for reform. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 466-488 Issue: 3 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2268363 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2268363 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:3:p:466-488 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2265726_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Deborah Fahy Bryceson Author-X-Name-First: Deborah Fahy Author-X-Name-Last: Bryceson Author-Name: Jesper Bosse Jønsson Author-X-Name-First: Jesper Bosse Author-X-Name-Last: Jønsson Author-Name: Michael Clarke Shand Author-X-Name-First: Michael Clarke Author-X-Name-Last: Shand Title: Wealth and poverty in mining Africa: migration, settlement and occupational change in Tanzania during the global mineral boom, 2002–2012 Abstract: This article interrogates place, process and people’s quest for enhanced welfare during the 2002–2012 global mineral price boom in northwest Tanzania. Mass in-migration of miners, traders and service providers generated diversified residential settlements. Processes of occupational change and urbanization, catalyzed by acquisition of employment, land, housing and other possessions at six contrasting mining locations were compared from a geo-social perspective. Our surveyed gold and diamond mining sites represented different manifestations of the mining trajectory namely: (1) artisanal rushes, (2) mature artisanal and (3) industrial mining. The article investigates who benefitted locationally and who lost in residents’ scrambles to gain improved living standards. Survey data on 216 household heads’ occupations, educational backgrounds, consumption and investments were collected, followed by construction of a household welfare index, revealing modest welfare improvements relative to rural consumption norms for the majority of interviewed resident households. However, in line with Picketty’s theoretical insights, extreme material inequality surfaced on the welfare spectrum between the outlier affluent and poor quintile groups. Those with higher educational attainment enjoyed superior welfare and occupational status, coalescing towards middle class formation. At the opposite end, single female-headed households stood out as extremely disadvantaged, handicapped by high child dependency ratios and occupational immobility. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 489-514 Issue: 3 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2265726 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2265726 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:3:p:489-514 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2259547_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Diana Felix da Costa Author-X-Name-First: Diana Author-X-Name-Last: Felix da Costa Title: The politics of being Murle in South Sudan: state violence, displacement and the narrativisation of identity Abstract: The article offers a nuanced account of how identities are negotiated and contested in South Sudan, by focusing on how Murle and ŋalam identities were deployed in different ways in different places in overlapping periods during a time of armed conflict. As such, it explores the interplay between political violence and the instrumental deployment of ethnicity. Focusing on the 2012–2014 period of war between South Sudan's government and a largely Murle rebellion, it unpacks the longstanding Murle stereotyping as ‘fierce and hostile’ – an image fostered by the interlocution of more powerful neighbours in the colonial encounters and sustained by their dominance in subsequent governance structures. The article specifically discusses how Murle agricultural communities from Boma found protection strategies by activating temporary sub-ethnic identities and navigating the violence of being Murle. This challenges the “naturalised” linkages between modes of subsistence or ecology, and identity, and demonstrates how spatial movements affect the instrumental narrativisation of ethnic identities. The article argues for the continual interplay of ethnicity in relation to the state and its strategies and opportunities. Identity-making and identity-politics are dialctical processes – deployed by the state as much as by those on the receiving end as a source of protection from violence. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 404-423 Issue: 3 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2259547 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2259547 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:3:p:404-423 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2268364_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Smith Ouma Author-X-Name-First: Smith Author-X-Name-Last: Ouma Title: Ascendant recentralisation: the politics of urban governance and institutional configurations in Nairobi Abstract: This paper draws from two experiences with decentralisation in Kenya to illustrate the different ways through which the central government has sought to bolster its power at the expense of the local government in the country’s capital, Nairobi during periods of vertically-unified authority. In the first instance, it examines the years between 1983 and 1992 during which the central government appointed a Commission to replace the elected Nairobi City Council. The second period that is examined is between 2017 and 2022 when certain devolved functions were transferred from the elected Nairobi City County Government to a newly established institution appointed by the President, the Nairobi Metropolitan Service. During both periods authority was vertically unified with the ruling parties also being in control of the city. Drawing on a series of interviews with various stakeholders and inhabitants of informal settlements, the paper argues that contrary to what much literature suggests, recentralisation of urban governance not only occurs in situations of vertically-divided authority but can also occur where authority is unified. Some of the conditions that enabled these power consolidation moves together with the outcomes that these generated are also examined. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 363-383 Issue: 3 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2268364 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2268364 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:3:p:363-383 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2257897_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Poppy Cullen Author-X-Name-First: Poppy Author-X-Name-Last: Cullen Title: Military decolonisation and Africanisation: the first African officers in the Kenyan army, 1957–1964 Abstract: On 15 July 1961, the first eight African officers were commissioned into the King’s African Rifles in Kenya. This was very late to begin Africanising the colonial military force. The colonial army, even more than other institutions, was neither anticipating nor preparing for independence until it was imminent. Then, Africanisation was dramatically sped up to try and match political progress. This article explores how the first African officer corps was created in Kenya. Using lists of commissions published in The Kenya Gazette, it shows what types of people were commissioned, focusing on ethnicity, age, experience, training, education, and promotion. Three types of servicemen were commissioned: effendis, with years of colonial experience; non-commissioned officers, who were briefly trained in Britain and rapidly promoted; and direct-entry officers, better educated, younger, and trained in Britain. The article argues that the opportunities that military decolonisation and Africanisation offered to these varied groups of men had an impact which lasted for decades, as these first commissioned officers became and remained the leaders of Kenya’s military. Understanding the process of Africanisation therefore helps to explain the trajectory of Kenya’s military after independence. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 515-533 Issue: 3 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2257897 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2257897 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:3:p:515-533 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2280932_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Richard Waller Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Waller Title: Making the Maasai: revisiting the history of Rift Valley Maa-speakers c.1800–c.1930 Abstract: This article offers a re-assessment of Maasai history from 1800 to 1930, taking a critical look at both the existing historiography and the sources on which it is based. It examines how Maasai institutions and group identities adapted to long-term environmental and social challenges, including climate change, disease, conflicts over resources and the advent of colonial overrule, always with survival as the main imperative. What emerges is a more complex and dynamic account of developments in the Central Rift Valley since the end of the eighteenth century. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 615-639 Issue: 4 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2280932 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2280932 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:4:p:615-639 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2322195_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Adam Moe Fejerskov Author-X-Name-First: Adam Moe Author-X-Name-Last: Fejerskov Author-Name: Meron Zeleke Author-X-Name-First: Meron Author-X-Name-Last: Zeleke Title: Return migration, masculinities and the fallacy of reintegration: Ethiopian experiences Abstract: The multifaceted notion of ‘returning home,’ and not least the dualities between expectation, anticipation and the realities facing migrants upon their return, is a key component in understanding East African migration dynamics and implications. This article constitutes an exploratory attempt to understand the nexus between return migration journeys, reintegration, psychosocial well-being, and masculinity for the hundreds of thousands of Ethiopian men that migrate every year. Through our empirical findings, we emphasize how fluidity of migration demands a nonlinear interpretation of migratory lives and argue for return migration to be seen not as an outcome or an ending but an unfolding state of being. The traumatic events of irregular Ethiopian migration suggest it becomes an existential journey as much as a physical one. Returning thus should not be seen as a temporary process or journey, but rather an enduring process of personal, mental, and existential change. We ground our argument on analysis of findings of a qualitative study conducted in two sites in Ethiopia, in Arsi zone of Oromia regional state and Addis Ababa, the federal capital. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 575-593 Issue: 4 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2322195 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2322195 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:4:p:575-593 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2295188_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Sarah Longair Author-X-Name-First: Sarah Author-X-Name-Last: Longair Author-Name: Fatma Said Author-X-Name-First: Fatma Author-X-Name-Last: Said Author-Name: Stephanie Wynne-Jones Author-X-Name-First: Stephanie Author-X-Name-Last: Wynne-Jones Title: Colonialism, heritage and conservation: Zanzibari perceptions of the collapse of the House of Wonders Abstract: The House of Wonders (or Beit al-Ajaib), one of the iconic buildings of Zanzibar’s waterfront, partially collapsed on 25th December 2020. This catastrophic incident, which included the famous clocktower, killed two people who had been inside the building and injured several others. The House of Wonders has prompted fascination and admiration since its construction as part of a redevelopment of Zanzibar’s waterfront by Sultan Barghash in 1883. Its collapse attracted worldwide media attention. This article explores the dynamics of history and heritage in Zanzibar, using the collapse of the House of Wonders as the catalyst for analysing the ways that Zanzibaris feel about the presentation of the past. The research involved a series of interviews with residents of Stone Town in which participants discussed the collapse of the House of Wonders and themes of history, identity and tourism. Our project reveals the layered associations with the House of Wonders, one which acknowledges the building’s Omani origins and colonial use but simultaneously its centrality as an icon of Zanzibar. The article also discusses what these findings about the House of Wonders reveal about the complex relationship between perceptions of Zanzibari cultural heritage and the role of tourism. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 594-614 Issue: 4 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2295188 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2295188 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:4:p:594-614 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2310330_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Lone Riisgaard Author-X-Name-First: Lone Author-X-Name-Last: Riisgaard Title: Social protection ‘from below’: micro traders and their collective associations in Tanzania Abstract: This article explores the social protection coverage, needs, and preferences of informal micro traders in Tanzania. In particular, it examines the social protection models implemented ‘from below’ by traders’ own collective associations. Using original survey and interview data, the paper shows how social protection offered by public channels often suffers from a narrow scope and fails to correspond with the key challenges experienced by informal traders. In contrast, social protection models ‘from below’ implemented by the traders’ own associations, are directed towards timely, flexible, but also limited cushioning against multiple relevant needs. While they help manage the implications of precariousness rather than challenging their causes, they nonetheless illustrate a format closer attuned to the needs and realities of informal micro traders. Hence, this paper calls for a broadening of both academic and policy discussions in the field of social protection from the current narrow focus on formal schemes only. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 662-685 Issue: 4 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2310330 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2310330 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:4:p:662-685 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2300021_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Benjamin Kirby Author-X-Name-First: Benjamin Author-X-Name-Last: Kirby Author-Name: Erik Meinema Author-X-Name-First: Erik Author-X-Name-Last: Meinema Author-Name: Hans Olsson Author-X-Name-First: Hans Author-X-Name-Last: Olsson Title: Muslim political dissent in coastal East Africa: complexities, ambiguities, entanglements Abstract: This article stages a comparative analysis of Muslim politics in coastal Kenya and Tanzania between 2010 and 2023. We explore parallels, discontinuities, and entanglements between different expressions of – and responses to – Muslim political dissent. Our insights are drawn from ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Dar es Salaam, Malindi, and Zanzibar City. We begin by investigating a sharp rise of militant jihadi activity across the region, examining responses by Kenyan, Tanzanian, and U.S. governments, as well as the perceptions of ordinary Muslim citizens. We then explore currents of Muslim civic activism, highlighting the different claims, sentiments, and memories that these movements invoke. Merging these discussions, we analyse episodes of civil unrest and violence that are associated with Muslim dissenters, but which are shrouded with uncertainty. We examine the shifting interpretive frames that Muslim residents apply to these events. We demonstrate how these uncertainties and framing practices, alongside state security strategies, impact the capacity for Muslims at large to engage in political dissent. Using our analysis, we argue that forms of Muslim political expression in coastal East Africa, though comparable and sometimes entangled, must be interpreted with close attention to the distinct experiences, demographic configurations, and political landscapes that characterise different (sub-)national contexts. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 640-661 Issue: 4 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2300021 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2300021 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:4:p:640-661 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2328969_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Amina-Bahja Ekman Author-X-Name-First: Amina-Bahja Author-X-Name-Last: Ekman Title: Marriage as a pathway for justice for the Gabooye of Somaliland Abstract: While marriage is crucial in the preservation of clan alliances, as well as the reinforcing of the wider kinship structure in Somali society, there is very little research that critically engages with marriage as a concept for emancipation. This paper argues that as a minority clan group, members from the Gabooye collective in Somaliland experience inequality due to a lack of access to the resources needed for reaching full participatory parity, such as recognition, redistribution, and representation. By conceptualising a political economy of marriage in Somaliland, the paper uses empirical data from Somaliland to illustrate how marriage, across clan affiliation, is a possible pathway to justice and, therefore, emancipation. This paper concludes that the Gabooye are experiencing socio-economic challenges due to social rules and customs that put restrictions on their ability to marry other clan groups in Somaliland. The ethnographic findings on justice claims and marriage, as a pathway for reconciling with such claims, will add to the scant literature on this topic and it will also stimulate future research on minority clan members in Somaliland. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 557-574 Issue: 4 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2328969 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2328969 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:4:p:557-574 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2280933_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Willow Berridge Author-X-Name-First: Willow Author-X-Name-Last: Berridge Title: Western Sudanese marginalization, coups in Khartoum and the structural legacies of colonial military divide and rule, 1924-present Abstract: This paper discusses the long-term history underpinning the tension between the “national” army and provincial “militias” that led to the outbreak of conflict in Sudan in April 2023. Sudan’s British colonizers created the distinction between what would later become a professional military in the northern region of the country, and what were deemed as “tribal”, irregular and ethnically defined forces elsewhere. The aspiring revolutionaries of the post-independence era hoped they could use the military as a short-cut to social change and modernization that would sweep away the neo-tribal system of “Native Administration” imposed by the British, but by aligning themselves to an unreformed colonial army and economic system, found that they forced violent reactions in marginalized regions. The reactions included Western Sudanese involvement in attempts to change the regime in Khartoum by force in 1971, 1975, 1976, and 2008, which this paper documents. These crises exposed the broader tensions within Sudanese nationalism, based as it was on the ideal of synergy between military and people. The paper draws on a wide range of Arabic and English sources, including newspapers and archival content. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 535-556 Issue: 4 Volume: 17 Year: 2023 Month: 10 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2023.2280933 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2023.2280933 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:17:y:2023:i:4:p:535-556 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2332828_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Antonio M. Morone Author-X-Name-First: Antonio M. Author-X-Name-Last: Morone Title: The cycle of migrants’ containment between Libya and Africa: navigating their life among dreams, resilience, and defeats Abstract: During the last two decades, cooperation between Italy, the EU and Libya on migration management has been intended to establish a “cycle of containment” aimed at the externalisation and securitisation of the southern European border on Libyan soil. The escalation of the civil war in Libya since 2014 was one of the main reasons for the European attempt to replicate the international policies of containment southwards in Africa and to address them towards countries that were reputed as major producers of migrants, as in the case of the Horn of Africa. By comparing and discussing migrants’ life-stories collected in Tripolitania and Southern Tunisia, this study deconstructs some recurrent representations of migratory dynamics that are usually taken for granted in order to legitimate international policies of containment, and reveals the not-pre-made character of migrants’ journeys, their solidarity strategies, and the networks of (im)mobility mobilised to deal with the traps of containment. The international policies of containment and human mobility are two sides of the same reality that must be (re)connected to the wider regional or country context where this nexus is taking shape. This represents an analytical imperative and a methodological intersection between migration studies and African studies. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 18-35 Issue: 1 Volume: 18 Year: 2024 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2024.2332828 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2024.2332828 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:18:y:2024:i:1:p:18-35 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2350732_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Jason Mosley Author-X-Name-First: Jason Author-X-Name-Last: Mosley Author-Name: Florence Brisset-Foucault Author-X-Name-First: Florence Author-X-Name-Last: Brisset-Foucault Author-Name: Paul Tiyambe Zeleza Author-X-Name-First: Paul Tiyambe Author-X-Name-Last: Zeleza Title: Editorial Announcement Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 1-1 Issue: 1 Volume: 18 Year: 2024 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2024.2350732 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2024.2350732 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:18:y:2024:i:1:p:1-1 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2349859_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Luca Ciabarri Author-X-Name-First: Luca Author-X-Name-Last: Ciabarri Author-Name: Anja Simonsen Author-X-Name-First: Anja Author-X-Name-Last: Simonsen Title: Fragments of solidarity: the social worlds of African migrants moving northwards Abstract: The article provides a framework through which to analyse the experiences and social trajectories of migration from East Africa to North Africa and Europe. On the one side, it explores the systematic relationship between war and mobility, and on the other, it highlights the social worlds generated by such mobility. The article argues that these social worlds represent crucial elements for understanding contemporary (Eastern) African societies and their political dynamics, in relation to (a) the increased relevance of migration diplomacy, (b) the spatial interconnectivity constructed through mobility and (c) the transnational and diasporic spheres that lie at the core of the social and economic reproduction of states and societies in the Horn and more generally in Eastern Africa. We highlight, through these interconnections, the genealogies and transformations of the systems of violence composing the reality of migration in the regions explored, but also the various and interconnected systems of solidarity which, although fragmented and even misused at times, sustain migrants’ trajectories, social projects and resistance. In doing so, the article argues that it is necessary to explore present and historical local understandings and conceptualisations of migration, in relation to solidarity practices, forced migration, migrant smuggling, imaginaries of mobility. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 2-17 Issue: 1 Volume: 18 Year: 2024 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2024.2349859 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2024.2349859 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:18:y:2024:i:1:p:2-17 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2332042_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Chiara Pagano Author-X-Name-First: Chiara Author-X-Name-Last: Pagano Title: Inhabiting humanitarian borderscapes: claiming rights and organizing dissent in post-2011 southeastern Tunisia Abstract: Since 2011, the evolving dynamics of the Libyan civil war combined with the EU’s efforts to delegate sea patrolling in the Central Mediterranean to Libyan entities, resulted in Tunisia witnessing a surge in border crossings through Libya. This article argues that southeastern Tunisia consequently morphed into a humanitarian borderscape, where the personnel of International Organizations and their partner NGOs entrusted with the assistance and protection of mobile populations, de facto contributed to border enforcement. Based on interviews and informal conversations conducted in 2018 and 2019 with Tunisian NGOs, local institutional actors, national and international activists, refugees, asylum seekers, and irregularized migrants, this contribution demonstrates how such a metamorphosis impacted spontaneous solidarity networks that emerged post-2011. It also illuminates tensions and disruptions experienced by both borderland citizens and displaced individuals, particularly from Northeast Africa, as they negotiate an active presence within these altered border dynamics. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 36-57 Issue: 1 Volume: 18 Year: 2024 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2024.2332042 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2024.2332042 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:18:y:2024:i:1:p:36-57 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2343546_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: The Editors Title: Correction Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 174-174 Issue: 1 Volume: 18 Year: 2024 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2024.2343546 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2024.2343546 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:18:y:2024:i:1:p:174-174 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2348913_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Ja’afar Dirie Author-X-Name-First: Ja’afar Author-X-Name-Last: Dirie Title: Social, cultural and political responses to Somaliland’s tahriib movement Abstract: Irregular migration to Europe has surged over the past decade, including tahriib (irregular migration) from Somaliland, an internationally unrecognized nation-state in East Africa. As a unrecognized state, Somaliland endeavours to forge its national identity by drawing upon collective memories of historical violence and has gained prominence in the region through its successful forms of communal and indigenous forms of state-building, security and peace against a backdrop of the continued violence in southern Somalia. Consequently, Somalilanders that participate in tahriib are often viewed as unpatriotic for leaving their homeland and risking their lives to venture to foreign lands, exacerbating Somaliland’s precarious statehood. The article argues that the rise of particular language and terminology in Somaliland to disparagingly depict the tahriib movement challenges notions of national solidarity between migrants and their home country. Understanding Somaliland within this context highlights the particularities in which the Somaliland tahriib movement operates in and challenges notions of solidarity between tahriib participants and their country of origin. Primarily based on fieldwork from 2022 to 2023, including interviews with tahriib participants, their family members, community leaders and civil servants, this article presents an analysis of the political, social, and cultural responses towards tahriib participants. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 78-96 Issue: 1 Volume: 18 Year: 2024 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2024.2348913 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2024.2348913 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:18:y:2024:i:1:p:78-96 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2350731_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Carla Hung Author-X-Name-First: Carla Author-X-Name-Last: Hung Title: Amongst agaish: the criminalization of Eritrean migrants’ communities of care Abstract: In the Processo Agaish trial, Italian prosecutors accused Eritrean refugees of human trafficking and exploiting their clients’ desires to move further North. Pointing out the mistranslation of the Tigrinya word agaish was part of the defense's strategy to show that the purported victims in this case were not clients, but guests, often family members of those accused who hosted them, not for money but for something akin to hospitality. Defense lawyers linked this case with activist efforts to decry instances where solidarity with asylum seekers was criminalized as aiding and abetting human trafficking in order to expose this criminalization of solidarity as the latest politically motivated tactic in migrant deterrence. This article details the culturally specific forms of caretaking amongst Eritreans in order to consider, from an Eritrean perspective, the relational aspects of care and rethink the scholarship on the ‘criminalization of solidarity’ that limits itself to understanding solidarity in terms of politics. This article further argues that relational ties and hospitality practices amongst agaish become fragmented in the Eritrean diaspora. This work is based on ethnographic fieldwork with the Eritrean refugee community living primarily in Rome from 2016 to 2018 and access to case files in a human-trafficking investigation. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 155-173 Issue: 1 Volume: 18 Year: 2024 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2024.2350731 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2024.2350731 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:18:y:2024:i:1:p:155-173 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2333652_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Valentina Fusari Author-X-Name-First: Valentina Author-X-Name-Last: Fusari Title: Survivors-at-home and the right to know: solidarities in Eritrea in the aftermath of the Lampedusa tragedy Abstract: This study delves into the transnational mobility of migrants from the Horn of Africa, exploring the limited situated ethnographies on survivors-at-home, a topic still underexplored. Focusing on the tragic sinking of a boat carrying Eritreans from Libya to Italy on 3 October 2013 in Lampedusa, the article contextualises the event within a relevant chronology. It examines the post-tragedy solidarities emerging at local, national, and international levels, shedding light on the survivors-at-home’s right to know. Through fieldwork conducted in Eritrea and Italy between November 2012 and September 2016, employing participant observation and microhistory, the study shows nuanced narratives about survivors-at-home, emphasising the challenges they face in exercising their right to know. The transnational and transcalar lens captures the agency, priorities, and practices of various actors and networks involved, providing a comprehensive understanding of the solidarities emerged in the aftermath of the Lampedusa tragedy. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 135-154 Issue: 1 Volume: 18 Year: 2024 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2024.2333652 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2024.2333652 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:18:y:2024:i:1:p:135-154 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2332041_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Anja Simonsen Author-X-Name-First: Anja Author-X-Name-Last: Simonsen Author-Name: Mohamed S. Tarabi Author-X-Name-First: Mohamed S. Author-X-Name-Last: Tarabi Title: Images of torture: ‘affective solidarity’ and the search for ransom in the global Somali community Abstract: Recent migration trends among the Somali youth and the rise of the migrant smuggling network, in Somali known as Magafe, have rendered traditional practices of solidarity ambiguous. Somali notions of solidarity have historically been a mechanism of care within the clan system. In this article, we argue that traditional practices of solidarity are challenged through the intensification of ransom collection in the Somali community. In recent years, increasing numbers of young Somali migrants have been taken captive in the deserts of Sudan and Libya. Appealing to affective responses, the Magafe network use images and sound recordings of beatings and torture to convince family members, and the wider Somali community, to pay extortionate ransoms. Based on fieldwork conducted in Somaliland in 2013, 2015 and 2021 among Somali families affected by irregular youth migration, the article finds that the willingness and ability of clan members to pay the ever-increasing sums are dwindling. Consequently, mass and social media are widely used by family members and the Magafe network alike to spread the images, sound bites and the phone numbers for money transfer. They thereby appeal to what the article conceptualizes as the ‘affective solidarity’ of the global Somali community. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 117-134 Issue: 1 Volume: 18 Year: 2024 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2024.2332041 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2024.2332041 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:18:y:2024:i:1:p:117-134 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2333071_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Luca Ciabarri Author-X-Name-First: Luca Author-X-Name-Last: Ciabarri Title: Assemblages of mobility and violence: the shifting social worlds of Somali youth migration and the meanings of tahriib, 2005–2020 Abstract: Drawing on two periods of fieldwork (2007–2008 and 2019–2020) conducted between Somaliland and Italy, this article traces, from a longitudinal perspective, the migratory journeys from Somalia to Libya and Europe of a new generation of young asylum-seekers. The underlying thread linking the two temporal frames is the transformations of the word tahriib. Travelling between Libya and Somalia, the word takes on new meanings: while in the emerging institutional language on migration, the word referred to growing dimensions of control and containment of mobility (in Arabic it refers to human smuggling), for the new generation of young Somali asylum-seekers it alluded initially to a dimension of danger, adventure, and generational rupture, and then became increasingly associated with violence and disruption. These transformations, I argue, reveal the shifting social worlds of Somali youth migration, where protracted crises in the country of origin and struggles for social inclusion in the new transnational Somali society had to adjust to increasingly restrictive forms of regulation of international migration. As the destructive transformations of tahriib unfold, their effects pervade not only the areas of origin and transit but also affect the attempts at integration in European countries, showing the deceitful and uncertain nature of diaspora. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 58-77 Issue: 1 Volume: 18 Year: 2024 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2024.2333071 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2024.2333071 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:18:y:2024:i:1:p:58-77 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RJEA_A_2332827_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Elia Vitturini Author-X-Name-First: Elia Author-X-Name-Last: Vitturini Title: Solidarities on the move between the Horn of Africa and Italy: Somali migrants’ disconnection and networking practices in the 2010s Abstract: Through the reconstruction of the de-activations and re-activations of solidarity in different phases of migration trajectories, this article analyses transnational migration from the Somali territories during the 2010s. Somali migrants who arrived in Italy between 2011 and 2017 provide the ethnographic basis for a historically situated, socio-cultural theory of transnational migration from below. The article addresses the moral, social, economic and political milieu within which the migrants defined their intention to travel to Europe and assembled their trajectories. The analysis focuses on the interaction between the all-pervasive presence of networks of smugglers and traffickers in the Horn of Africa and their capacity to respond to the practical necessities and aspirations of young individuals. The second object of analysis is the transformative and productive dimension of the journey. The migrants re-adapted their theory of practice of solidarity and social networking to very specific circumstances imposed on them during the journey. Finally, the paper addresses the creative readaptations of ideas and practices of solidarity in Italy, under the combined pressure of inherited moral codes, the emotional and socio-economic effects of the previous steps in the migrants’ trajectories, and everyday life in a securitised and precarious context. Journal: Journal of Eastern African Studies Pages: 97-116 Issue: 1 Volume: 18 Year: 2024 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2024.2332827 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/17531055.2024.2332827 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rjeaxx:v:18:y:2024:i:1:p:97-116