Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elena Chebankova Author-X-Name-First: Elena Author-X-Name-Last: Chebankova Title: Contemporary Russian liberalism Abstract: This article analyzes contemporary Russian liberalism through the prism of competing trends of moderate pluralist and monistic radical thought. The author focuses particularly on the pluralist trend, less well known in the West, arguing that its prospects are more promising over the long term. Ideological and tactical differences within the liberal camp in Russia are compared with those in the West, both for the purpose of emphasizing that such differences are not unique to Russia and to show the connections between Russian and Western strands of liberal political thought. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 341-369 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.892743 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.892743 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:5:p:341-369 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Daniel Treisman Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Treisman Title: Putin's popularity since 2010: why did support for the Kremlin plunge, then stabilize? Abstract: This paper seeks to explain the surprising decline in Russian President Vladimir Putin's approval rating in 2011. During the previous 10 years, Putin's rating had correlated closely with Russians' perceptions of the state of the economy. Yet the fall in his approval – from 79% in December 2010 to 63% a year later – occurred despite roughly stable economic perceptions. Comparing Levada Center polls from late 2010 and 2011, the paper explores both who (what types of respondents) grew disenchanted with Putin, and why (what issues or grievances prompted this switch). It finds that (a) the fall in support for the Kremlin – although faster among members of the “creative class,” women, the rich, and residents of provincial cities – was broad-based, occurring among all social groups examined; (b) attitudes toward immigration, the West, and Russia's international status, as well as assessments of public service quality, changed little during 2011; (c) Putin's declining popularity most likely reflected stronger – not weaker – economic concerns; although the proportion judging economic performance to be poor did not increase, those who saw economic weakness became much less supportive of the Kremlin. Russians appear to have increasingly blamed their political leaders for unsatisfactory economic and political outcomes. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 370-388 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.904541 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.904541 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:5:p:370-388 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Matthew Light Author-X-Name-First: Matthew Author-X-Name-Last: Light Author-Name: Rosemary Gartner Author-X-Name-First: Rosemary Author-X-Name-Last: Gartner Author-Name: Milomir Strbac Author-X-Name-First: Milomir Author-X-Name-Last: Strbac Title: Interpersonal violence by authoritarian rulers: Saddam Hussein and Joseph Stalin compared Abstract: Why do some authoritarian rulers, such as Saddam Hussein, kill or torture other people personally, whereas others, like Joseph Stalin, delegate such violence to subordinates? Such politically motivated interpersonal violence committed by authoritarian leaders has never before been theorized. Through a comparison of Hussein and Stalin, we explain why some dictators engage in this behavior and others do not. We propose a model based on three components: the individual's prior habituation or non-habituation to violence; regime characteristics that ‘select for’ a personally violent or non-violent ruler; and, once a ruler takes power, the interaction of the first two variables. We also suggest that most communist regimes featured organizational characteristics that discouraged such violence by the leader. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 389-415 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.809914 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.809914 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:5:p:389-415 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nodar Tangiashvili Author-X-Name-First: Nodar Author-X-Name-Last: Tangiashvili Author-Name: Gavin Slade Author-X-Name-First: Gavin Author-X-Name-Last: Slade Title: Zero-tolerance schooling: education policy, crime, and democracy in post-Soviet Georgia Abstract: This paper explores the consequences of the massive investment in criminal justice in Georgia following the Rose Revolution of 2003. We argue that this resulted in “governing through crime” – the outflow of criminal justice practices and logics into other unrelated policy spheres. We demonstrate this by looking at responses to the issue of safety in schools. We show that up to 2007, despite a moral panic surrounding school violence, policy-makers were able to resist knee-jerk punitive reactions in favor of evidence-based, preventive approaches in the relatively transparent atmosphere of Mikheil Saakashvili's first term. By 2008, however, schools increasingly began to become the objects of central government intervention and education policy became harsher and more punitive. In 2010, Police Academy-trained School Resource Officers were introduced into all schools throughout Georgia, with troubling consequences for both teachers and students. The paper shows that this move was primarily the result of the more interventionist, executive-driven, and opaque policy-making process in Saakashvili's second term, which left unchallenged the circulation of personnel, expertise, and policy from the hypertrophied criminal justice institutions into the education sphere. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 416-440 Issue: 5 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.833400 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.833400 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:5:p:416-440 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vladimir Gel’man Author-X-Name-First: Vladimir Author-X-Name-Last: Gel’man Title: Introduction: rethinking structure and agency in post-Soviet regime dynamics Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 265-266 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1505216 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1505216 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:5:p:265-266 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Henry E. Hale Author-X-Name-First: Henry E. Author-X-Name-Last: Hale Title: Timing is everything: a quantitative study of presidentialist regime dynamics in Eurasia, 1992–2016 Abstract: Why do some countries with presidentialist constitutions feature more political closure than others at a given time? A quantitative study of post-Soviet countries since independence finds that much of the observed variation in political closure reflects timing, or the particular point at which a country happens to be within a regime cycle, rather than structural or other factors usually cited to explain regime change. Specifically, how much time a president has had to coordinate rivalrous networks around his or her authority is at least as strong a predictor of the level of regime closure as are economic development, economic growth, resource rents, proximity to Europe, and key cultural factors, even when controlling for the level of closure in the preceding year. This pattern is not found among countries with divided-executive constitutions, indicating it is related to the constitution rather than a general phenomenon. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 267-281 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1500094 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1500094 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:5:p:267-281 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vladimir Gel’man Author-X-Name-First: Vladimir Author-X-Name-Last: Gel’man Title: Bringing actors back in: political choices and sources of post-Soviet regime dynamics Abstract: One might summarize the state of the field of research into contemporary Russian politics as a “dismal consensus”: most observers believe that durable authoritarianism has consolidated itself, and there is very little chance of democratization in the foreseeable future. However, political regime changes are often launched and developed overtime as side effects of moves made by political actors, and their outcomes are not predetermined. This article aims to go beyond this “dismal consensus,” and revisits some of the arguments on the role of structure and agency in post-Soviet regime dynamics. Apart from the changes in structural variables, it reconsiders the role of the incentives and choices of self-interested political actors, who are not always omnipotent and well-informed strategists. The overall dismal tendencies nevertheless leave some “bias for hope” in the analysis of regime dynamics in post-Soviet Eurasia and beyond. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 282-296 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1493785 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1493785 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:5:p:282-296 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Regina Smyth Author-X-Name-First: Regina Author-X-Name-Last: Smyth Title: Considering the Orange legacy: patterns of political participation in the Euromaidan Revolution Abstract: The proximity of Ukraine’s Orange Revolution (2004) andEuromaidan Revolution (2014) provides an opportunity to considerwhy some individuals remain active across protest cycles whileothers defect. Many social movement scholars explain differentialparticipation in terms of micro-structural, biographical, or cognitivefactors. Others rely on rational choice theories of collective actionbased on coordination. Testing competing explanations arecomplicated because the variables included in structural andagency-based models are often the same, although the underlyingcausal mechanisms are different. In this article, I argue that thekey to understanding the role of agency and structure in protestparticipation is to relax strong assumptions about the unified natureof society and consider the multiple paths to participation. Thisapproach suggests that both structural and agency-based causalmechanisms can influence political engagement depending onindividual experiences, identities, and perceptions of events. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 297-316 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1505222 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1505222 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:5:p:297-316 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lucan Ahmad Way Author-X-Name-First: Lucan Ahmad Author-X-Name-Last: Way Author-Name: Adam Casey Author-X-Name-First: Adam Author-X-Name-Last: Casey Title: The structural sources of postcommunist regime trajectories Abstract: Regime trajectories in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union (FSU) have diverged considerably since the collapse of communism. We argue that this variation is the product of two largely structural factors: the salience of anti-Soviet nationalism and the opportunity for membership in the European Union (EU) that was mostly the product of geography. In Eastern Europe and the Baltic states, anti-Soviet nationalism and the stimulus of EU democratic conditionality contributed to the rise of a non-communist elite that confronted serious internal and external pressure to democratize. By contrast, weaker anti-Soviet nationalism and dearth of pressure from the EU allowed for the persistence of communist elites who faced relatively weak external constraints on autocratic behavior. We argue that these structural factors played a more important role in accounting for variation in democratization across the postcommunist world than factors such as institutional design. At the same time, the different character of structural forces in Eastern Europe and the FSU has likely created greater room for voluntarist factors in determining regime variation within the former Soviet Union than within Eastern Europe. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 317-332 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1494959 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1494959 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:5:p:317-332 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Samuel A. Greene Author-X-Name-First: Samuel A. Author-X-Name-Last: Greene Title: Running to stand still: aggressive immobility and the limits of power in Russia Abstract: The common conception of Russian politics as an elite game of rent-seeking and autocratic management masks a great deal of ‘mundane’ policymaking, and few areas of social and economic activity have escaped at least some degree of reform in recent years. This article takes a closer look at four such reform attempts – involving higher education, welfare, housing and regional policy – in an effort to discern broad patterns governing how and when the state succeeds or fails. The evidence suggests that both masses and mid-level elites actively defend informality – usually interpreted in the literature as an agent-led response to deinstitutionalization and the breakdown of structure – creating a strong brake on state power. More than a quarter century into the post-Soviet period, this pattern of “aggressive immobility” – the purposeful and concerted defense by citizens of a weakly institutionalized state – has in fact become an entrenched, structural element in Russian politics. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 333-347 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1500095 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1500095 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:5:p:333-347 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Timothy Frye Author-X-Name-First: Timothy Author-X-Name-Last: Frye Title: Bringing Kitschelt back in: a comment on “Rethinking Structure and Agency in Post-Soviet Regime Dynamics” Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 348-352 Issue: 5 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1518203 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1518203 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:5:p:348-352 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Victor H. Winston Author-X-Name-First: Victor H. Author-X-Name-Last: Winston Title: Reflections on the anticipated mass deportation of Soviet Jews Abstract: This paper investigates questions surrounding a purported plan (believed to have been interrupted and not resumed after Stalin’s death in March 1953) for the mass deportation of 2 million Soviet Jews from the European part of the country to desolate areas of Siberia, Kazakhstan, and the Arctic North. More specifically, it asks: (1) Was there such a plan, orchestrated by Stalin? (2) Were preparations undertaken to implement the plan, particularly the compilation of lists of potential Jewish deportees, assembly of cattle car echelons for their transportation, and construction of barracks at destinations? The author begins by briefly tracing the history of Stalin’s anti-Semitic campaign after World War II, summarizing the liquidation of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee and the Doctors’ Plot in light of the mounting anti-Semitic campaign in the country, which reached alarming proportions during the “seven-week” period prior to Stalin’s last days. In addition to an in-depth review of Russian-language sources, the paper also is based on contacts with authors and observers with access to state archives and a private archival collection. The latter, still in a state of relative disorganization, could become a link to resolving the question of whether the plan and preparations for the anticipated mass deportation had taken place. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 471-490 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1079961 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1079961 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:6:p:471-490 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Neil A. Abrams Author-X-Name-First: Neil A. Author-X-Name-Last: Abrams Author-Name: M. Steven Fish Author-X-Name-First: M. Steven Author-X-Name-Last: Fish Title: Policies first, institutions second: lessons from Estonia’s economic reforms Abstract: It has become convention in recent years to treat the building of institutions as the centerpiece of successful economic reform. The case of Estonia challenges this view. Although effective economic institutions eventually arose, Estonia began its transition bereft of the institutions that supposedly serve as the requisites of robust achievement. The institutions only emerged after an ideologically driven core of leaders implemented policies that laid the groundwork. In particular, the imposition of hard budget constraints sidelined political capitalists opposed to the rule of law by severing them from the state subsidies, soft loans, and other privileges on which they thrive. In the absence of a powerful class of political capitalists, Estonian governments were free to forge and continually improve a collection of institutions that sets the country apart among its postcommunist peers. Good institutions are desirable but not necessary for policy reform, and they are better seen as auspicious knock-on effects than as prime movers. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 491-513 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1061739 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1061739 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:6:p:491-513 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Max Bader Author-X-Name-First: Max Author-X-Name-Last: Bader Author-Name: Carolien van Ham Author-X-Name-First: Carolien Author-X-Name-Last: van Ham Title: What explains regional variation in election fraud? Evidence from Russia: a research note Abstract: The December 2011 legislative election was among the most fraudulent national elections in Russia since the communist period. The fraud, however, was not evenly spread across the country. Precinct-level election returns from the 83 regions of the Russian Federation suggest that the level of fraud ranged from minimal or small in some regions to extreme in some others, with moderate to high fraud levels in many regions in between. We argue that in an electoral authoritarian context like Russia, regional variation in fraud can be explained by differences in (a) the perceived need by regional authorities to signal loyalty to the center by “delivering” desired election results; (b) the capacity of regional authorities to organize fraud; and (c) the vulnerability of citizens to political pressure and manipulation. We test the effect of signaling, capacity, and vulnerability on electoral fraud in the 2011 legislative elections with data on the 83 regions of the Russian Federation. We find evidence for all three mechanisms, finding that the tenure of governors in office, United Russia's dominance in regional legislatures, and the ethnic composition of regions are most important for explaining regional variation in electoral fraud. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 514-528 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.969023 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.969023 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:6:p:514-528 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michele E. Commercio Author-X-Name-First: Michele E. Author-X-Name-Last: Commercio Title: The politics and economics of “retraditionalization” in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan Abstract: This paper analyzes attitudes of women enrolled in secular and religious universities in the capital cities of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan toward family life and the role of Islam in the private and public sphere. Survey data indicate that women from both types of universities in both countries sympathize with retraditionalization, or “a return to traditional values, family life, and religion, which entails, in part, women being moved out of the work force.” Thus far, there is no statistical evidence of this phenomenon in the literature. Sympathy for retraditionalization is unfolding in the context of ongoing economic uncertainty that has plagued Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan since the Soviet Union's collapse, and its manifestations produce political responses. I argue that Kyrgyz and Tajik elites push a particular gender norm implying female secularization to counter expressions of retraditionalization among young women. In conclusion, I highlight counterintuitive findings of the survey regarding Islam's role in Central Asian society and discuss collective versus individual acts of resistance to female secularization policies in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 529-556 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.986870 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.986870 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:6:p:529-556 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vytautas Kuokštis Author-X-Name-First: Vytautas Author-X-Name-Last: Kuokštis Title: Cooperating Estonians and “exiting” Lithuanians: trust in times of crisis Abstract: This article argues that substantial differences in political legitimacy can help explain why Estonia dealt with the recent economic crisis more successfully than Lithuania. In 2009, when the crisis hit hardest, Lithuania saw its budget deficit expand substantially, while Estonia managed to keep the deficit under 3% of GDP and consequently was invited to join the Eurozone, to which it acceded in 2011. The experience of these countries presents an interesting puzzle, as the divergent fiscal performance cannot be attributed to purely economic factors. Both countries have a similar economic structure, and both were similarly affected by the crisis. Furthermore, both pursued similar expenditure and tax policies during the crisis. Based on quantitative and qualitative evidence, it is argued that higher tax compliance and subsequently higher tax revenues can explain the difference. In turn, this compliance gap can be attributed to different levels of trust in political institutions in Estonia and Lithuania. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 557-575 Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1008733 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1008733 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:6:p:557-575 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Editorial Board Index Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: ebi-ebi Issue: 6 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1085166 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1085166 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:6:p:ebi-ebi Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jan Matti Dollbaum Author-X-Name-First: Jan Matti Author-X-Name-Last: Dollbaum Author-Name: Heiko Pleines Author-X-Name-First: Heiko Author-X-Name-Last: Pleines Author-Name: Susanne Schattenberg Author-X-Name-First: Susanne Author-X-Name-Last: Schattenberg Title: Trajectories of political protest in post-Soviet spaces: an introduction Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 189-191 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1750201 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1750201 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:3:p:189-191 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jan Matti Dollbaum Author-X-Name-First: Jan Matti Author-X-Name-Last: Dollbaum Title: Protest trajectories in electoral authoritarianism: from Russia’s “For Fair Elections” movement to Alexei Navalny’s presidential campaign Abstract: How do protest movements affect electoral politics in electoral authoritarianism? Related research has usually focused on the immediate effects of protests on regime change, while longer time periods have received less attention. To address this shortcoming, this paper explores the 2017/18 presidential campaign of the Russian opposition politician Alexei Navalny, asking how it was related to earlier contentious episodes, beginning with the countrywide protest wave of 2011/12. Drawing on qualitative and quantitative data sources, I argue that these protests affected different categories of actors differently. While they clearly provided Navalny with a boost in recognizability among the population, they were less important for mobilizing the online supporters of his 2017/18 campaign. At the same time, previous movement experience appears to have been vital for the political socialization of a significant share of Navalny’s core activists. Considered together, the results attest to the importance of studying the long-term trajectories of protest in stable electoral authoritarian contexts. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 192-210 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1750275 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1750275 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:3:p:192-210 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dmitry Kozlov Author-X-Name-First: Dmitry Author-X-Name-Last: Kozlov Title: “Do you dare to go to the square?” The legacy of Soviet dissidents in Russian public protests of the 2000s and 2010s Abstract: This paper analyzes the mechanisms of creating a symbolic connection between several generations of protesters in the late USSR and in Putin’s Russia. Based on an analysis of the periodical press, data on human-rights violations during public protests, and published sources on the history of Soviet dissidents, the article traces how and for what purposes protesters in the 2000s and 2010s used the symbolic and practical legacy of Soviet dissidents, what additional meanings of protest were actualized with these linkages, and how references to specific spaces of protest actions transformed the content and form of public protests. Using Charles Tilly’s concept of “repertoires of contention,” I argue that references to the dissidents’ legacy were not limited to the discursive level of repeating slogans but included various public actions that memorialized and/or reconsidered the Soviet dissidents’ tradition of contesting the state monopoly over public space. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 211-225 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1751513 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1751513 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:3:p:211-225 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Oleg Zhuravlev Author-X-Name-First: Oleg Author-X-Name-Last: Zhuravlev Author-Name: Volodymyr Ishchenko Author-X-Name-First: Volodymyr Author-X-Name-Last: Ishchenko Title: Exclusiveness of civic nationalism: Euromaidan eventful nationalism in Ukraine Abstract: Based on a case study of Euromaidan Ukrainian nationalism, we argue that civic nationalism may derive more from a commitment to a particular political event than from a set of stable political ideas and principles. We concur that civic nationalism can be as exclusivist as ethnocultural nationalism, and we develop specific criteria and mechanisms of civic exclusion originating from the unique experience of participating in the Euromaidan event. Challenging the conceptual dichotomy of civic vs. ethnocultural nationalism, we suggest that these categories are still fruitful; however, they should be re-conceptualized. We try to clarify the relations between civic and ethnocultural forms of nationalism instead of simply considering them in opposition to each other. We show that a belief in the existence of a civic nation can legitimize the practices of othering, among them ethnocultural exclusion, that are undertaken in the name of a civic nation. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 226-245 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1753460 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1753460 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:3:p:226-245 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrii Gladun Author-X-Name-First: Andrii Author-X-Name-Last: Gladun Title: Protesting that is fit to be published: issue attention cycle and nationalist bias in coverage of protests in Ukraine after Maidan Abstract: There is an established tradition in social movement research to study protests through event datasets constructed from newspaper data. However, studies evaluating the magnitude of bias in newspaper reporting on protests have been largely confined to Western Europe and North America and have predominantly focused on time-invariant bias. I extend the past scholarship by analyzing the bias in online newspapers’ reports on protest events in Ukraine prior to and following the Maidan protests, focusing on issue attention cycles. I find that the number of mentions per protest event in the national media dropped after Maidan, while the coverage of ideological protests increased, indicating an issue attention cycle. The regional sources displayed less bias; however, they over-reported protests against separatism and Russian intervention. This presents researchers with a trade-off between using selective national outlets which adhere more to journalism standards and less selective regional outlets featuring more unpredictable patterns of bias. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 246-267 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1753428 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1753428 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:3:p:246-267 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maria Snegovaya Author-X-Name-First: Maria Author-X-Name-Last: Snegovaya Title: Guns to butter: sociotropic concerns and foreign policy preferences in Russia Abstract: On the concept of “rally around the flag,” scholars often argue that by invoking the danger of external threats in times of economic hardship, leaders can rally the public around the government in a way that would otherwise be impossible. Alternative streams of literature suggest that a darkening economic reality (“butter”) may weaken the impact of patriotic euphoria (“guns”). I conducted an experimental survey to measure changes in foreign policy preferences among respondents exposed to negative economic primes in Russia. In line with the earlier findings on this topic, my analysis shows that participants who encounter negative economic primes report significantly less support for assertive foreign policy narratives. These results suggest that continuing economic strain may limit the Kremlin’s ability to divert public attention from internal problems through the use of assertive rhetoric. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 268-279 Issue: 3 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1750912 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1750912 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:3:p:268-279 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ailsa Henderson Author-X-Name-First: Ailsa Author-X-Name-Last: Henderson Author-Name: Valentyna Romanova Author-X-Name-First: Valentyna Author-X-Name-Last: Romanova Title: Multi-level voting and party competition in vertically simultaneous elections: the case of Ukraine Abstract: Vertically simultaneous elections to state-wide and regional legislatures provide us with a naturally occurring experiment in which to examine regionalism and multi-level voting. We examine the 2006 vertically and horizontally simultaneous state-wide and regional elections in Ukraine to determine how the internal dynamics of regionalism within a state account for the dissimilarity of voting behavior across electoral levels. Drawing on the party competition literature, we demonstrate that variations in both supply (parties) and demand (voters) produce considerable dissimilarity between regional and state results, with lower levels of consolidation and greater fractionalization at the regional level. We show that political cleavages operate differently across levels, that regional distinctiveness rather than regional authority better predicts first order-ness in regional elections, and that voters display varying tolerance for polarization at the regional and state level. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 201-236 Issue: 3 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1016283 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1016283 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:3:p:201-236 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rostam J. Neuwirth Author-X-Name-First: Rostam J. Author-X-Name-Last: Neuwirth Author-Name: Alexandr Svetlicinii Author-X-Name-First: Alexandr Author-X-Name-Last: Svetlicinii Title: The current EU/US–Russia conflict over Ukraine and the WTO: a preliminary note on (trade) restrictive measures Abstract: In 2012, the Russian Federation (RF) joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) as its 156th member. Two years later, an international conflict over the developments in Ukraine in general and the changing status of Crimea erupted, which henceforth saw the RF, the United States (US), and the European Union (EU) drawn into a circle of the unilateral imposition of trade and other restrictive measures. This article looks at the trade aspects of the ensuing conflict and provides a detailed survey of the restrictive measures imposed by the EU, the US, and the RF from the perspective of the national legal orders of the jurisdictions concerned, as well as from the international perspective of the applicable WTO trade rules. It includes a critical assessment of the compatibility of economic sanctions with the parties' WTO commitments, as well as the possibility of addressing the current divergences under the WTO dispute settlement mechanism. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 237-271 Issue: 3 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1039330 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1039330 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:3:p:237-271 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lawrence P. Markowitz Author-X-Name-First: Lawrence P. Author-X-Name-Last: Markowitz Author-Name: Vera Peshkova Author-X-Name-First: Vera Author-X-Name-Last: Peshkova Title: Anti-immigrant mobilization in Russia's regions: local movements and framing processes Abstract: This article argues that increased anti-immigrant mobilization (the targeting of ethnic migrants to limit their rights and/or promote their resettlement) in Russia's regions is a consequence of local social movements adopting an anti-immigrant frame as part of their efforts to promote recruitment, acquire resources, and advance their movement's particular cause. Using the cases of Sverdlovsk's Gorod Bez Narkotikov (City Without Drugs) and Krasnodar's Cossack groups, it develops the argument and demonstrates specific ways in which an anti-immigrant frame is taken up by local movements. As a complement to existing studies of anti-immigrant sentiment or far right ideology, these cases highlight the practical politics of mobilizing support for anti-immigration causes in contemporary Russia. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 272-298 Issue: 3 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1035526 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1035526 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:3:p:272-298 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tatyana Malyarenko Author-X-Name-First: Tatyana Author-X-Name-Last: Malyarenko Author-Name: Stefan Wolff Author-X-Name-First: Stefan Author-X-Name-Last: Wolff Title: The logic of competitive influence-seeking: Russia, Ukraine, and the conflict in Donbas Abstract: The crisis in Ukraine since late 2013 has seen four successive internationally mediated agreements that have been at best partially implemented. Drawing on extensive fieldwork and 42 key informant interviews sides, we explain this outcome with reference to the logic of competitive influence-seeking: Russia is currently unable to achieve a friendly and stable regime in Kyiv and thus hedges against the consolidation of an unfriendly pro-Western and stable regime by maintaining its control over parts of eastern Ukraine and solidifying the dependence of local regimes there on Russian support. This gives Russia the opportunity to maintain the current status quo or settle for re-integration terms through which Russia can sustain long-term influence over Ukraine’s domestic and foreign policy. We conclude by reflecting on the consequences of competitive influence-seeking in the post-Soviet space: the likely persistence of low-intensity conflict in Ukraine; the further consolidation of territorial divisions in other post-Soviet conflicts; and the need for policy-makers in Russia and the West to prioritize the management of the consequent instability. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 191-212 Issue: 4 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1425083 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1425083 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:4:p:191-212 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vera Tolz Author-X-Name-First: Vera Author-X-Name-Last: Tolz Author-Name: Yuri Teper Author-X-Name-First: Yuri Author-X-Name-Last: Teper Title: Broadcasting agitainment: a new media strategy of Putin’s third presidency Abstract: This article argues that accounts of the Russian media system that tend to view the time from Vladimir Putin’s rise to power in 2000 as a single homogenous period do not capture major qualitative shifts in state-controlled media coverage. By analyzing the output of Russia’s two main television channels during Putin’s third presidential term, we identify a range of distinctly new features that amount to a new media strategy. This involves a significant increase in the coverage of political issues through the replacement of infotainment with what we term agitainment—an ideologically inflected content that, through adapting global media formats to local needs, attempts to appeal to less engaged and even sceptical viewers. Despite the tightening of political control over the media following the annexation of Crimea, the new strategy paradoxically has strengthened the constitutive role played by the state-controlled broadcasters in the articulation of official discourse. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 213-227 Issue: 4 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1459023 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1459023 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:4:p:213-227 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bernardo Teles Fazendeiro Author-X-Name-First: Bernardo Author-X-Name-Last: Teles Fazendeiro Title: Spirituality and anti-Western rhetoric in Uzbekistan in the early 2000s: the consequences of international misrecognition Abstract: References to the spirituality-morality (ma’naviyat) of the Uzbek people increased substantially throughout the course of Islam Karimov’s years in office as the President of Uzbekistan. Uzbek values were presented as qualities springing from the country’s supposedly unique civilizational heritage, cast as something distinct from “Western” civilizational norms and practice. This source of distinctiveness, however, soon gave way to a type of exclusionary discourse in the early 2000s, centered on clearly differentiating Uzbekistan from the “West.” This essay provides a lens through which to understand the phenomenon, arguing that international recognition of status partly accounts for the rise in the particularly anti-Western variant of Karimov’s rhetoric. Authorities in Uzbekistan, not unlike in Russia, built their foreign policy on the need to secure the country’s (allegedly) important status in the international arena; anti-Western rhetoric arose as a response to misrecognition, as it evaded appeals to equality of status and legitimized growing isolationism. The essay reviews the origins of that rhetoric, the meaning of recognition, and the backdrop against which anti-Western moralizing rhetoric arose in Uzbekistan’s international engagement. It also concludes with a brief assessment of how that rhetoric might affect (or not) the foreign policy of Uzbekistan’s new president, Shavkat Mirziyoyev. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 228-245 Issue: 4 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1468686 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1468686 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:4:p:228-245 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Serhiy Kudelia Author-X-Name-First: Serhiy Author-X-Name-Last: Kudelia Title: Presidential activism and government termination in dual-executive Ukraine Abstract: The limits on presidential authority in premier-presidential regimes permit legislatures to wield preeminent influence over government formation and termination. This article shows that even without formal powers to dismiss the prime minister, the president may play a decisive role in government replacement. The article compares three successful and one failed attempt by the president to unseat the prime minister in Ukraine under a premier-presidential system. Based on a review of the significance of 10 variables accounting for presidential activism, it finds that the president’s informal control over institutional veto players as well as the unity of his party faction and cooperation of opposition groups were necessary for the success of attempted cabinet turnover. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 246-261 Issue: 4 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1465251 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1465251 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:4:p:246-261 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Scott Gehlbach Author-X-Name-First: Scott Author-X-Name-Last: Gehlbach Title: Property rights in post-Soviet Russia: violence, corruption, and the demand for law Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 262-263 Issue: 4 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1435240 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1435240 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:4:p:262-263 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Regina Smyth Author-X-Name-First: Regina Author-X-Name-Last: Smyth Author-Name: Irina Soboleva Author-X-Name-First: Irina Author-X-Name-Last: Soboleva Title: Looking beyond the economy: Pussy Riot and the Kremlin's voting coalition Abstract: The arrest of the protest punk band Pussy Riot (PR) in March 2012 and the subsequent prosecution of three band members pose a significant puzzle for political science. Although PR's performances presented a coherent alternative to the Putin regime's image of Russian reality, it was unlikely that the discordant music and crude lyrics of their art protest would inspire Russian society to take to the streets. Yet, the regime mounted a very visible prosecution against the three young women. We argue that the trial marked a shift in the Kremlin's strategy to shape state–society relations. In the face of declining economic conditions and social unrest, the PR trial encapsulated the Kremlin's renewed focus on three related mechanisms to insure social support: coercion, alliance building, and symbolic politics. The PR trial afforded the Kremlin an important opportunity to simultaneously redefine its loyal constituency, secure the Church–state relationship, and stigmatize the opposition. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 257-275 Issue: 4 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.865940 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.865940 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:4:p:257-275 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marlene Laruelle Author-X-Name-First: Marlene Author-X-Name-Last: Laruelle Title: Alexei Navalny and challenges in reconciling “nationalism” and “liberalism” Abstract: This article examines the challenges and complexities in the efforts by political activist Alexei Navalny to reconcile “nationalist” and “liberal” modes of thinking in the current Russian environment. After deciphering three major axes of Navalny's narratives on the national question, the author then discusses the social and political context within which the national-democratic (Natsdem) movement was forged. Natsdems, who are simultaneously pro-European and democratic but also xenophobic, and who target an audience among the urban middle classes, reflect a fundamental shift in Russian society. The last part of the article discusses the paradoxes of Navalny's trajectory, in which a failed theoretical articulation between “nationalism,” “democracy,” and “liberalism” nonetheless has translated into a political success. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 276-297 Issue: 4 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.872453 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.872453 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:4:p:276-297 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Allison D. Evans Author-X-Name-First: Allison D. Author-X-Name-Last: Evans Title: Local democracy in a hybrid state: pluralism and protest in Volzhskiy, Russia Abstract: The standard narrative of Russia's “authoritarian backsliding” fails to grapple with the tremendous variation in subnational politics that emerged over the past two decades. This article offers a case study of the industrial city of Volzhskiy, which, although once a stalwart supporter of the Communist Party (KPRF), has evolved into a highly pluralistic system with democratic municipal institutions. Drawing upon analysis of local publications, protest data, and interviews with local politicians, this article traces the interplay of formal institutions and informal political processes in Volzhskiy's local-level transition to democracy. Volzhskiy's pluralism and local democratic outcome can largely be explained by (1) the emergence of a more diverse set of economic and political interests and constituencies, and (2) a KPRF organization that was strong and provided robust competition that created the conditions for cooperation among the competitors to form fair and open local political institutions, which fostered the city's pluralism. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 298-323 Issue: 4 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.862971 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.862971 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:4:p:298-323 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Molly O'Neal Author-X-Name-First: Molly Author-X-Name-Last: O'Neal Title: Invisible and slow: small business and the “civic-ness” of Russia's regions, 1991–2009 Abstract: This article suggests that incremental small business development across Russia's regions has been associated with greater “civic-ness” as defined by civil society activism, diversity, and independence of regional press and media, greater transparency in regional and municipal policy deliberations, and greater dispersion of power among governors, mayors, legislatures, and courts. A retrospective analysis of regional variation over the period 1991–2009 allows for a theoretically informed inquiry into the mutuality of property rights, entrepreneurship, norms of citizenship, and liberal democracy. While Russia has become more authoritarian at least since the mid 2000s, the variation in governance across regions remained significant, creating a promising basis for exploring the reasons for this variation. Might democratization viewed comparatively across regions be associated with the extent of liberalization of regional economies and specifically with the extent of small business development? Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 324-340 Issue: 4 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.843897 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.843897 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:4:p:324-340 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrew R. Bond Author-X-Name-First: Andrew R. Author-X-Name-Last: Bond Author-Name: George W. Breslauer Author-X-Name-First: George W. Author-X-Name-Last: Breslauer Title: Victor H. Winston, 1925–2015 Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 99-102 Issue: 2 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2016.1138627 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2016.1138627 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:2:p:99-102 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Geir Flikke Author-X-Name-First: Geir Author-X-Name-Last: Flikke Title: Resurgent authoritarianism: the case of Russia's new NGO legislation Abstract: Following the protest demonstrations of the 2011–2012 electoral cycle, tensions between the limited modernization efforts of Medvedev and the resurgent authoritarianism of Putin have become increasingly manifest. These are seen not only in the relationship between society and the state, but also in the “para-constitutional” institutions of the dual state. This article argues that whereas Medvedev created an arena for liberalization within these para-constitutional structures, Putin has firmly rejected these policies, among other things by revising the 1995 law on NGOs amended in 2006. Using the perspective of the dual state, the article argues that with the introduction of the Law on Foreign Agents (2012), the original law draft On Public Control (2014), a key element in Medvedev's modernization program, was delayed and substantially altered. Together, these amendments create precarious conditions for NGOs, pressuring their independence by threats of dissolution and reducing the quality of civil control over state organs. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 103-131 Issue: 2 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1034981 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1034981 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:2:p:103-131 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrei Melville Author-X-Name-First: Andrei Author-X-Name-Last: Melville Author-Name: Mikhail Mironyuk Author-X-Name-First: Mikhail Author-X-Name-Last: Mironyuk Title: “Bad enough governance”: state capacity and quality of institutions in post-Soviet autocracies Abstract: This article contributes to current discussions on state capacity, quality of institutions, and political regimes. Our analysis demonstrates that the J-curve argument (“good institutions” in autocracies as compared to hybrid and transitional regimes) may not be generic and is not well supported by empirical evidence from the sample of post-Soviet countries. An explanatory model of the “King of the Mountain” is instead provided. Its focus is on the monopoly of political rent as a precondition for extraction of economic rent. It demonstrates an inverse correlation between the quality of institutions and the extraction of political and economic rent, and explains why an autocrat may not have an incentive to improve institutions that may make his/her monopoly vulnerable, and rather would prefer to preserve a low quality of institutions and “bad enough governance.” An analysis of a variety of external and domestic factors that may endanger this monopoly is provided. Finally, the autocrat's alternative strategic choices are analyzed. It is argued that better payoffs for the autocrat – paradoxically – may result from partial reforms and improvement of the quality of institutions. However, for various reasons, this is not occurring in post-Soviet autocracies. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 132-151 Issue: 2 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1052215 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1052215 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:2:p:132-151 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Aadne Aasland Author-X-Name-First: Aadne Author-X-Name-Last: Aasland Author-Name: Oleksii Lyska Author-X-Name-First: Oleksii Author-X-Name-Last: Lyska Title: Local democracy in Ukrainian cities: civic participation and responsiveness of local authorities Abstract: This article examines local democracy in Ukrainian cities from the perspective of the local population, with a focus on citizen participation and city authorities' responsiveness to the concerns of local inhabitants. It draws on a survey of 2000 urban residents in 20 Ukrainian cities with a diversity of population size, administrative status, and geographic location. Correspondence analysis is used to show how different groups of the population are distributed along the two dimensions of responsiveness of local authorities and citizen participation. A typology of four ideal-types of city residents is elaborated: “alienated,” “protesters,” “compliant,” and “interactive.” The data reveal remarkably large differences among cities: from four to six of the cities are associated with each of the four typology categories based on the clustering patterns along the two dimensions. The main policy implication of the study is that general measures for local government reform should be combined with targeted measures directed at the various types of challenges experienced in different Ukrainian cities. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 152-175 Issue: 2 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1037072 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1037072 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:2:p:152-175 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Shale Horowitz Author-X-Name-First: Shale Author-X-Name-Last: Horowitz Author-Name: Michael Tyburski Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Tyburski Title: When are similar regimes more likely to form alliances? Institutions and ideologies in the post-communist world Abstract: Following the collapse of the old communist regimes, 28 post-communist countries chose from among three main foreign security arrangements: commonwealth of independent states (CIS)/collective security treaty organization (CSTO) membership, north atlantic treaty organization (NATO) membership, or neutrality. What explains these choices? We are most interested theoretically in the role played by regime type. The alliances literature typically uses a narrow institutional theory of the effects of regime type, which implies that more democratic regimes are more attractive alliance partners than more authoritarian regimes. Post-communist area specialists will be aware that this institutional theory fails to explain the apparent tendency of more authoritarian post-communist regimes to join the CIS/CSTO. We develop a broader ideological theory of how regime type affects alliances, in which political institutions are complemented by substantive ideological and policy goals. Applying the ideological approach to the post-communist world, we define and measure two main ideological regime types – liberal nationalist regimes and neo-communist authoritarian regimes. Multinomial logit regressions indicate that more democratic, liberal nationalist regimes are more likely to affiliate with NATO, whereas more authoritarian, neo-communist regimes are more likely to join the CIS/CSTO. Moreover, the desire of neo-communist authoritarianism regimes to affiliate with the CIS/CSTO is as strong or stronger than that of neo-liberal democracies to affiliate with NATO – largely because NATO is more reluctant than Russia to accept aspirants. We conclude that the ideological approach to regime type may offer significant explanatory value as a refinement of the institutional approach. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 176-200 Issue: 2 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1043083 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1043083 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:2:p:176-200 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jesse Driscoll Author-X-Name-First: Jesse Author-X-Name-Last: Driscoll Author-Name: Zachary C. Steinert-Threlkeld Author-X-Name-First: Zachary C. Author-X-Name-Last: Steinert-Threlkeld Title: Social media and Russian territorial irredentism: some facts and a conjecture Abstract: After Kremlin policymakers decided to incorporate the territory of Crimea into Russia, updates on public attitudes in Russian-speaking communities elsewhere in Ukraine would have been in high demand. Because social media users produce content in order to communicate ideas to their social networks, online political discourse can provide important clues about the political dispositions of communities. We map the evolution of Russian-speakers’ attitudes, expressed on social media, across the course of the conflict as Russian analysts might have observed them at the time. Results suggest that the Russian-Ukrainian interstate border only moved as far as their military could have advanced while incurring no occupation costs – Crimea, and no further. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 101-121 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1701879 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1701879 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:2:p:101-121 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kristian Åtland Author-X-Name-First: Kristian Author-X-Name-Last: Åtland Title: Destined for deadlock? Russia, Ukraine, and the unfulfilled Minsk agreements Abstract: Bringing peace, security, and stability to the war-torn region of Donbas has proven to be a challenging – some would say near-impossible – task. The “Minsk II” agreement, signed in February 2015, was supposed to put an end to the armed hostilities, resolve the underlying political issues, and gradually restore Ukrainian government control of the country’s eastern border. None of this has happened. Despite continuous Western support and pressure, progress in the implementation of the peace plan signed in Minsk has been slow, also after the much-anticipated Paris summit of the “Normandy Four” (Russia, Ukraine, Germany, and France) in December 2019. This article discusses the underlying causes of the current stalemate, emphasizing factors such as the inherently complex nature of the conflict, the process through which “Minsk II” came into being, the vague and ambiguous language of this and other agreements, practical challenges related to the timing and sequencing of agreed-upon measures, and Russia’s persistent non-acknowledgement of its role in the conflict. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 122-139 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1720443 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1720443 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:2:p:122-139 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pål Kolstø Author-X-Name-First: Pål Author-X-Name-Last: Kolstø Title: Biting the hand that feeds them? Abkhazia–Russia client–patron relations Abstract: The article discusses the post-Soviet de facto state of Abkhazia, and its relationship to its main patron, Russia. All patron–client nexuses are marked by a high degree of asymmetrical power – especially with de facto states, which depend upon the patron for their very survival. Thus, it is surprising to see how de facto client states repeatedly show that they are both willing and able to defy the wishes of their patrons and pursue their own agendas instead. Moreover, the patron may be willing to tolerate such rebelliousness. What can explain such “disobedient” behavior? I examine three contentious aspects of Russian–Abkhazian relations: the process leading up to the signing of an extended bilateral agreement in 2014; the tussles over how to fight crime in Abkhazia; and acrimony over Abkhazia’s reluctance to allow Russians to buy property in their country, despite massive pressure from Russian authorities. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 140-158 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1712987 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1712987 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:2:p:140-158 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Igor Fedotenkov Author-X-Name-First: Igor Author-X-Name-Last: Fedotenkov Title: Terrorist attacks and public approval of the Russian president: evidence from time series analysis Abstract: This article applies time series analysis to examine weekly data on Vladimir Putin’s approval rating and their dependence on terrorist attacks. I find that minor terrorist attacks with few or no fatalities in Chechnya, Ingushetia, and Dagestan increase Putin’s ratings, while major terrorist attacks, with more than four fatalities, have a negative impact. There is also evidence that terrorist attacks in other Russian regions reduce Putin’s public approval; however, this evidence is weaker and depends on the model specification. Furthermore, I control for main annual media events with President Putin’s participation: the television Q&A program “Direct Line with V. Putin,” Putin’s address to the Federal Assembly, and a large annual press conference. All three media events increase the president’s approval, with Direct Line having the least effect. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 159-170 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1707566 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1707566 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:2:p:159-170 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Janyl Moldalieva Author-X-Name-First: Janyl Author-X-Name-Last: Moldalieva Author-Name: John Heathershaw Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: Heathershaw Title: Playing the “Game” of Transparency and Accountability: Non-elite Politics in Kyrgyzstan’s Natural Resource Governance Abstract: This article demonstrates the role of non-elites in the struggle for transparency and accountability in Kyrgyzstan’s mining sector. Most existing accounts foreground elite strategies and political machines in the governance of post-Soviet societies. Drawing on recent anthropological work on post-Soviet politics and applying it critically to the literature on neopatrimonialism, this article sheds light on the adoption of political game strategies by community members (non-elites) to advance their interests and challenge elite dominance within the case study’s mining communities. This finding responds to recent calls to interrogate the activities of non-elites at the margins of neopatrimonial contexts. The article advances a research agenda on how practices by non-elites shape the multiple meanings and enactments of transparency and accountability by elites in natural resource governance. It also points to the need to explore how and why “communities” exert their “agency” in governing natural resources within post-Soviet contexts. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 171-187 Issue: 2 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1721213 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1721213 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:2:p:171-187 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Timothy Frye Author-X-Name-First: Timothy Author-X-Name-Last: Frye Author-Name: Scott Gehlbach Author-X-Name-First: Scott Author-X-Name-Last: Gehlbach Author-Name: Kyle L. Marquardt Author-X-Name-First: Kyle L. Author-X-Name-Last: Marquardt Author-Name: Ora John Reuter Author-X-Name-First: Ora John Author-X-Name-Last: Reuter Title: Is Putin’s popularity real? Abstract: Vladimir Putin has managed to achieve strikingly high public approval ratings throughout his time as president and prime minister of Russia. But is his popularity real, or are respondents lying to pollsters? We conducted a series of list experiments in early 2015 to estimate support for Putin while allowing respondents to maintain ambiguity about whether they personally do so. Our estimates suggest support for Putin of approximately 80%, which is within 10 percentage points of that implied by direct questioning. We find little evidence that these estimates are positively biased due to the presence of floor effects. In contrast, our analysis of placebo experiments suggests that there may be a small negative bias due to artificial deflation. We conclude that Putin’s approval ratings largely reflect the attitudes of Russian citizens. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 1-15 Issue: 1 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2016.1144334 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2016.1144334 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:1:p:1-15 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Carolina Vendil Pallin Author-X-Name-First: Carolina Author-X-Name-Last: Vendil Pallin Title: Internet control through ownership: the case of Russia Abstract: The Russian Internet remained relatively unregulated compared to the media sector as a whole until about 2012. One of the levers for increased control over the Internet was ownership, direct or indirect, of the most important infrastructure and websites. Control through ownership over the Russian Internet companies has increased, but in a finely calibrated fashion in order not to spark discontent and risk the formation of a social movement. The Internet’s global nature, however, has made it impossible to use the same methods against international companies. The Russian government has had to exert other forms of pressure, change legislation, or block entire social networks. Furthermore, increasing and more systematic control through ownership carries with it considerable long-term consequences and costs, both when it comes to the modernization of Russia and in terms of possible rising discontent if Internet users no longer accept that the repressive measures taken are in their interest. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 16-33 Issue: 1 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1121712 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1121712 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:1:p:16-33 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rolf Fredheim Author-X-Name-First: Rolf Author-X-Name-Last: Fredheim Title: The loyal editor effect: Russian online journalism after independence Abstract: This article investigates what effect pressure from owners – via loyal editors – had on journalistic output at the popular Russian online newspapers Lenta and Gazeta. Using novel methods to analyze a data-set of nearly 1 million articles from the period 2010–2015, this article separates the effect of a changing news agenda from new editorial priorities. Statistical tests show that changes in output coincide temporally with editorial change, and that the direction of change sees new editors move away from publication patterns associated with other independent outlets. In both Gazeta and Lenta, editorial changes were accompanied by a move away from core news areas such as domestic and international politics, toward lifestyle and human interest subjects. The loyal editor effect resulted in a 50% reduction in coverage of controversial legal proceedings, together with the business dealings of Russian elites. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 34-48 Issue: 1 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2016.1200797 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2016.1200797 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:1:p:34-48 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Victoria Golikova Author-X-Name-First: Victoria Author-X-Name-Last: Golikova Author-Name: Boris Kuznetsov Author-X-Name-First: Boris Author-X-Name-Last: Kuznetsov Title: Perception of risks associated with economic sanctions: the case of Russian manufacturing Abstract: This paper is focused on assessing the risk factors for Russian manufacturing firms posed by sanctions imposed on Russia by the EU, US, and other countries in 2014. While there is an extensive literature assessing the successes and failures of international sanctions on the economies of both those imposing and targeted by sanctions on a macroeconomic level, we are more interested in trying to understand the corporate response – i.e. which firms evaluate the introduction and increasing scale of economic sanctions as a threat to their corporate strategy, and their possible reactions aimed at adjusting to a changing environment due to the geopolitical shock. Our research, based on a recent survey of manufacturing companies, provides evidence that over the last decade Russian manufacturing firms have become much more integrated into the global economy than is commonly assumed, through foreign direct investment, foreign trade (including imports of both technological equipment and raw materials and components), international partnerships, and by extensively supplying foreign companies that operate in Russia. Considering the self-selection effect of the top-performing firms in terms of foreign trade, we can state that sanctions could prove most harmful not only for the targeted firms, but for the entire population of better-performing and globalized firms involved in foreign trade with the EU and Ukraine. Thus, the impact of the sanctions on the prospects of the Russian manufacturing sector may be very strong over the medium-to-long term. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 49-62 Issue: 1 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2016.1195094 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2016.1195094 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:1:p:49-62 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vladimir Mau Author-X-Name-First: Vladimir Author-X-Name-Last: Mau Title: Russia’s economic policy in 2015–2016: the imperative of structural reform Abstract: In the aftermath of the global economic crisis, we have seen uneven development in the leading advanced and emerging economies, new models of economic growth that vary from country to country, uncertain prospects for globalization and challenges of “regional globalization,” looming currency re-configurations, as well as shifting energy price dynamics and their influence on political and economic prospects of particular states. This paper discusses current challenges for social and economic policy in the context of the history of the past 30 years. With reference to Russia, it focuses on a new growth model, structural transformation (including import-substitution issues), economic dynamics, fiscal and monetary concerns, and social issues. It concludes by addressing the priorities of economic policy. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 63-83 Issue: 1 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2016.1215679 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2016.1215679 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:1:p:63-83 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Robert G. Moser Author-X-Name-First: Robert G. Author-X-Name-Last: Moser Author-Name: Allison C. White Author-X-Name-First: Allison C. Author-X-Name-Last: White Title: Does electoral fraud spread? The expansion of electoral manipulation in Russia Abstract: In this paper, we argue that the occurrence of electoral manipulation in Russia has been driven, in part, by diffusion across neighboring raions through emulation, incentives, and networks. Presumably, in Putin’s Russia all local authorities have some incentives to deliver a high number of votes to United Russia, the “party of power”. However, the perceived pressure to deliver ever higher levels of support for Putin’s party arguably increases considerably if one’s raion is located in a region marked by extraordinarily high turnout and high vote share for United Russia. Conversely, the absence of perceived competition to curry executive favor through delivering votes and networks of uncorrupted local authorities, as well as local opposition organizations working to combat electoral fraud, may help explain the absence of fraud among raions located in regions marked by clean elections. Our quantitative analyses suggest that a “neighborhood effect” – the existence of manipulated raions within a region – strongly influences the likelihood that raions are manipulated. Moreover, although results are more mixed, spatial autocorrelation analysis suggests that turnout levels in raions are influenced by the turnout in proximate raions. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 85-99 Issue: 2 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2016.1153884 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2016.1153884 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:2:p:85-99 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Rodion Skovoroda Author-X-Name-First: Rodion Author-X-Name-Last: Skovoroda Author-Name: Tomila Lankina Author-X-Name-First: Tomila Author-X-Name-Last: Lankina Title: Fabricating votes for Putin: new tests of fraud and electoral manipulations from Russia Abstract: We extend the “fraud forensics” research to systematically explain precinct-level and regional variations in electoral manipulations in Russia’s March 2012 presidential election. Parametric last-digit frequency tests (a multivariate extension of last-digit tests) are employed to analyze fraud heterogeneity during the vote count stage. We also utilize author-assembled data harvested from the election monitoring non-governmental organization Golos’s regional reports of misconduct to explore the co-variance of last-digit fraud with other irregularities extending beyond the falsification of electoral records. We find that while higher regional education levels positively correlate with exposure of electoral malpractice, an educated populace may also incentivize regional officials to channel misconduct toward election-day fraud – perhaps because pre-electoral manipulations would be more visible to the public than tampering with ballots, and thus, more vulnerable to exposure. Furthermore, last-digit fraud is associated with (a) fake turnout counts; (b) fake votes disproportionally benefitting Putin; and (c) vote “re-distribution” whereby votes cast for some candidates are systematically miscounted. We also find that citizen reports of election-day misconduct are positively correlated with our region-specific last-digit fraud measures. The results indicate that reports by independent observers of sub-national electoral irregularities could be employed as reasonably reliable indicators of fraud, and could be utilized alongside other data to ascertain the incidence of misconduct in Russia and other settings. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 100-123 Issue: 2 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2016.1207988 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2016.1207988 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:2:p:100-123 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John O’Loughlin Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: O’Loughlin Author-Name: Gerard Toal Author-X-Name-First: Gerard Author-X-Name-Last: Toal Author-Name: Vladimir Kolosov Author-X-Name-First: Vladimir Author-X-Name-Last: Kolosov Title: The rise and fall of “Novorossiya”: examining support for a separatist geopolitical imaginary in southeast Ukraine Abstract: In the spring of 2014, some anti-Maidan protestors in southeast Ukraine, in alliance with activists from Russia, agitated for the creation of a large separatist entity on Ukrainian territory. These efforts sought to revive a historic region called Novorossiya (“New Russia”) on the northern shores of the Black Sea that was created by Russian imperial colonizers. In public remarks, Vladimir Putin cited Novorossiya as a historic and contemporary home of a two-part interest group, ethnic Russian and Russian-speaking Ukrainians, supposedly under threat in Ukraine. Anti-Maidan agitation in Ukraine gave way to outright secession in April 2014, as armed rebel groups established the Donetsk People’s Republic and Luhans’k People’s Republic on parts of the eponymous Ukrainian oblasts. Rebel leaders aspired to create a renewed Novorossiya that incorporated all of eastern and southern Ukraine from Kharkiv to Odesa oblasts. To examine the level of support for this secessionist imaginary in the targeted oblasts, our large scientific poll in December 2014 revealed the Novorossiya project had minority support, between 20 and 25% of the population. About half of the sample believed that the concept of Novorossiya was a “historical myth” and that its resuscitation and promotion was the result of “Russian political technologies.” Analysis of the responses by socio-demographic categories indicated that for ethnic Russians, residents of the oblasts of Kharkiv and Odesa, for older and poorer residents, and especially for those who retain a nostalgic positive opinion about the Soviet Union, the motivations and aims of the Novorossiya project had significant support. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 124-144 Issue: 2 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2016.1146452 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2016.1146452 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:2:p:124-144 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pavel Maškarinec Author-X-Name-First: Pavel Author-X-Name-Last: Maškarinec Title: Testing Duvergerʼs law: strategic voting in Mongolian elections, 1996–2004 Abstract: Recent empirical research on voting in single-member districts, based on extensive data-sets of election results, has demonstrated the general (although not universal) validity of Duverger’s law (i.e. that the average outcome under plurality rule is generally consistent with two-party competition). This article tests Duverger’s law through analysis of a data-set covering Mongolian parliamentary elections in the period of 1996–2004. The results show consistent, but not linear, movement towards the Duvergerian equilibrium in Mongolia, with large part of the districts conforming to the Duvergerian norm of two-party competition. Duverger treated his law merely as an important tendency but insisted that social forces are the main determinants of the number of political parties. The main factor that limited Mongolian voters’ rationality, and created problems with their strategic ability to distinguish and abandon hopeless candidates, was weak institutionalization of the Mongolian party system. Finally, I prove that the emergence of bipolar party politics was not an immediate process and will continue over a series of elections, supporting the so-called “learning hypothesis.” Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 145-160 Issue: 2 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1119553 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1119553 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:2:p:145-160 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gulnaz Sharafutdinova Author-X-Name-First: Gulnaz Author-X-Name-Last: Sharafutdinova Author-Name: Rostislav Turovsky Author-X-Name-First: Rostislav Author-X-Name-Last: Turovsky Title: The politics of federal transfers in Putin’s Russia: regional competition, lobbying, and federal priorities Abstract: Most studies of intergovernmental financial flows in the Russian Federation focus on the federal center’s decision-making in determining the direction of these flows. Anecdotal evidence, however, suggests that regional governments employ a variety of tools and strategies to compete over federal transfers. This study uses data on federal transfers during 2002–2012 to examine the factors associated with the politically sensitive share of such transfers occurring in this period. The key findings highlight the importance of administrative capacity and the value of attracting attention from, as well as cultivating relations with, federal officials for shaping decision-making on the distribution of federal transfers. We discuss some specific strategies used by more successful regional governments in attracting additional federal funds. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 161-175 Issue: 2 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2016.1163826 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2016.1163826 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:2:p:161-175 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Armstrong Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Armstrong Author-Name: Ora John Reuter Author-X-Name-First: Ora John Author-X-Name-Last: Reuter Author-Name: Graeme B. Robertson Author-X-Name-First: Graeme B. Author-X-Name-Last: Robertson Title: Getting the opposition together: protest coordination in authoritarian regimes Abstract: It is widely recognized that unified oppositions present a bigger threat to dictators than divided oppositions. In this paper, we use micro-level data on opposition protests in Putin-era Russia to examine the factors that facilitate co-operation among different opposition forces. In particular, we focus on what leads so-called systemic opposition parties – those who have been granted some institutional accommodation by the regime – to join forces with non-systemic opposition forces. We propose a novel permutation-based method for analyzing protest coordination using event count data and find that coordination is most likely on issues of fundamental importance to the systemic opposition’s base supporters. We also find that state co-optation reduces the extent of coordination. These findings illustrate the politically precarious position of “loyal” oppositions under autocracy; they must simultaneously show fealty to the state and maintain some measure of credibility as an opposition party that cares about its supporters’ demands. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 1-19 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1665941 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1665941 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:1:p:1-19 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tomila Lankina Author-X-Name-First: Tomila Author-X-Name-Last: Lankina Author-Name: Katerina Tertytchnaya Author-X-Name-First: Katerina Author-X-Name-Last: Tertytchnaya Title: Protest in electoral autocracies: a new dataset Abstract: A growing literature explores the causes and consequences of dramatic political protests in autocracies. Yet, we know comparatively little about other forms of protests in these regimes. The Lankina Russian Protest-Event Dataset (LAruPED) facilitates the investigation of protest in Russia, a classic example of an electoral authoritarian regime. The data, which are human-coded, identify, in wave one, protests across Russia from March 2007 until 2016. Unlike other datasets, which focus on political protests, LAruPED covers a wide range of social and economic protests and imposes no limitations on the minimum number of protesters involved in events as a prerequisite for inclusion in the dataset. We introduce LAruPED and discuss how it differs from other data. We also present examples from work that leverages the dataset to show how the data could be used to explore questions of authoritarian politics, highlighting variation in the type of suppressed protests in electoral autocracies. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 20-36 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1656039 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1656039 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:1:p:20-36 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elena Sirotkina Author-X-Name-First: Elena Author-X-Name-Last: Sirotkina Author-Name: Margarita Zavadskaya Author-X-Name-First: Margarita Author-X-Name-Last: Zavadskaya Title: When the party’s over: political blame attribution under an electoral authoritarian regime Abstract: Which reaction takes the upper hand: a “rally around the flag,” born of geopolitical success, or grievance over economic misfortune? By means of a survey experiment, we aim to explore the mechanisms of blame and credit when a rally around the flag coincides with a major economic downturn, and we estimate the effects of the Crimean events and the economic crisis on how Russians assess the performance of federal political institutions. Our findings suggest that economic hardships are attributed exclusively to the government and the State Duma, while it is only the president who benefits from the rally around the flag. Moreover, the president receives an additional benefit when the “patriotic unity” priming meets the “economic hardship” priming, thereby resulting in a double rally around the flag effect. This suggests that the president stands apart from state institutions when responsibility is assigned, and he is the only one to enjoy national consolidation around him, which is further reinforced by poor economic conditions. Spotlighting the president increases his popularity and consequently increases the costs of political divides, while the legislature and the government can be exploited as scapegoats for policy failures. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 37-60 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1639386 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1639386 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:1:p:37-60 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Theodore P. Gerber Author-X-Name-First: Theodore P. Author-X-Name-Last: Gerber Author-Name: Jane Zavisca Author-X-Name-First: Jane Author-X-Name-Last: Zavisca Title: Experiences in Russia of Kyrgyz and Ukrainian labor migrants: ethnic hierarchies, geopolitical remittances, and the relevance of migration theory Abstract: Many aspects of labor migration to Russia are consistent with different strands of general social science theories of migration. We illustrate how based on an account of migrant experiences drawn from focus groups we conducted with return migrants in Kyrgyzstan and Ukraine. Participants discussed their motives for migrating, experiences in Russia, and the impact on their views of Russia. In contrast to the overwhelmingly negative portrayals that predominate in prior accounts, they report a diverse set of experiences. For many, appreciation for income earned in Russia is the most salient aspect of their time there, outweighing more negative aspects. Their views of Russia are generally positive, in part due to their perceptions of where they stand in Russia’s ethnic hierarchies. These findings suggest that Russia’s reputation benefits from migration through what we call geopolitical remittances. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 61-82 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1680040 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1680040 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:1:p:61-82 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Olga A. Avdeyeva Author-X-Name-First: Olga A. Author-X-Name-Last: Avdeyeva Author-Name: Richard E. Matland Author-X-Name-First: Richard E. Author-X-Name-Last: Matland Title: Ethnicity and voters’ evaluations of political leadership: “lab-in-the-field” experiments in Russian regions Abstract: This paper presents an experimental test of ethnic-based bias in citizens’ evaluation of a political leader’s decision-making across three multi-ethnic regions of the Russian Federation (Sakha, Buryatia, and Tatarstan) and one mono-ethnic region (Arkhangel’sk Oblast). With variations in the intensity of ethnic loyalties, degree of titular ethnic group assimilation, and differences in an ethnic division of labor, Russian regions present an interesting site for the investigation of these conjectures. The experiment participants read a vignette describing a decision by a local mayor and assess the decision. We randomly vary the mayor’s ethnicity and policy choice. Our findings suggest that policy substance is the primary influence and dominates ethnicity when citizens evaluate public officials in three of the four regions. In the fourth region, Sakha in Northern Siberia, we provide analyses to explain the greater salience of ethnicity. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 83-100 Issue: 1 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1653063 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1653063 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:1:p:83-100 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen White Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: White Author-Name: Tania Biletskaya Author-X-Name-First: Tania Author-X-Name-Last: Biletskaya Author-Name: Ian McAllister Author-X-Name-First: Ian Author-X-Name-Last: McAllister Title: Belarusians between East and West Abstract: Belarus has a divided identity that reflects its complex history and culture. A mixed-methods investigation incorporating focus groups and national representative surveys conducted over a decade or more suggests that Belarusians themselves are more likely to regard themselves as “European” than their counterparts in Ukraine and Russia, but less likely to do so than in other European countries. There is substantial support for a hypothetical European Union membership, particularly among younger respondents, but there is also strong and widely distributed support for a closer association with the other members of the Commonwealth of Independent States. Consistently, it is the “multidirectional” foreign policy promoted by the current leadership, which seeks closer relations with East and West at the same time, that finds the greatest support. But a “Slavic choice” is also popular, and much more so than a “Western choice” or isolationism. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 1-27 Issue: 1 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.986872 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.986872 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:1:p:1-27 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elena Chebankova Author-X-Name-First: Elena Author-X-Name-Last: Chebankova Title: Contemporary Russian conservatism Abstract: This article analyzes contemporary Russian conservatism through the prism of ideational and positionist ideological perspectives. The author argues that Russian conservatism proposes a distinct value package through its anthropocentric nature, its plans for modernization of Russia, and its future outlook that must rest on the best elements of tradition. The author compares these trends with the Western conservative tradition, making distinct parallels between the two strands of conservative thought. The author also explores the attitude of Russian conservatism toward the post-modern world. This is intrinsically linked to the discussion of Russia's attempts to develop a political and ideational alternative to the West, introduce a distinct model for the architecture of international relations, and find Russia's position in the global world. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 28-54 Issue: 1 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1019242 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1019242 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:1:p:28-54 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marlene Laruelle Author-X-Name-First: Marlene Author-X-Name-Last: Laruelle Title: The three colors of Novorossiya, or the Russian nationalist mythmaking of the Ukrainian crisis Abstract: While the annexation of Crimea boosted Putin's popularity at home, the Donbas insurgency shattered the domestic ideological status quo. The Kremlin's position appeared somehow hesitant, fostering the resentment of Russian nationalist circles that were hoping for a second annexation. In this article, I explore the term Novorossiya as a live mythmaking process orchestrated by different Russian nationalist circles to justify the Donbas insurgency. The powerful pull of Novorossiya rests on its dual meaning in announcing the birth of a New Russia geographically and metaphorically. It is both a promised land to be added to Russia and an anticipation of Russia's own transformation. As such, Novorossiya provides for an exceptional convergence of three underlying ideological paradigms – “red” (Soviet), “white” (Orthodox), and “brown” (Fascist). The Novorossiya storyline validates a new kind of geopolitical adventurism and blurs the boundaries, both territorial and imaginary, of the Russian state. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 55-74 Issue: 1 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1023004 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1023004 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:1:p:55-74 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alexander Baturo Author-X-Name-First: Alexander Author-X-Name-Last: Baturo Author-Name: Johan A. Elkink Author-X-Name-First: Johan A. Author-X-Name-Last: Elkink Title: Dynamics of regime personalization and patron–client networks in Russia, 1999–2014 Abstract: Many comparative scholars classify personalist regimes as a distinct category of nondemocratic rule. To measure the process of regime personalization, and to distinguish such a process from overall authoritarian reversal, is difficult in comparative context. Using the Russian political regime in 1999–2014 as a case study, we examine the dynamics of regime personalization over time. Relying on original data on patron–client networks and expert surveys assessing the policy influence of the key members of the ruling coalition, we argue that having more clients, or clients who are more powerful, increases the power of patrons – and that where the patron is the ruler, the resulting measure is an indication of the level of personalization of the regime. We trace regime personalization from the changes in political influence of the president's associates in his patron–client network versus that of other elite patron–client networks. We find that as early as 2004, the Russian regime can be regarded as personalist, and is strongly so from 2006 onward. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 75-98 Issue: 1 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1032532 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1032532 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:1:p:75-98 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Yuliya Zabyelina Author-X-Name-First: Yuliya Author-X-Name-Last: Zabyelina Title: Vigilante justice and informal policing in post-Euromaidan Ukraine Abstract: During and after the Euromaidan, the Ukrainian society experienced an emergence of non-state groups that combined elements of civic activism and paramilitarism. They operated independently from the state and often used extra-legal violence to restore law and order, deliver justice, and protect Ukraine from external and internal threats. Their conduct closely resembles vigilantism. This article draws on the body of criminological and sociological research on vigilantism in order to understand the diverse landscape of vigilante groups in post-Euromaidan Ukraine. It explores the complex relationship between the most representative vigilante groups, the Ukrainian government, and the political and business elites; analyzes the legal boundaries of vigilantism in Ukraine; and discusses the outcomes of vigilante justice for democratic consolidation, rule of law, and human rights. This article offers a new paradigm for theorizing popular mobilization in Ukraine and sheds light on important dimensions of the formation of an informal system of policing and justice. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 277-292 Issue: 4 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1601460 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1601460 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:4:p:277-292 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tor Bukkvoll Author-X-Name-First: Tor Author-X-Name-Last: Bukkvoll Title: Fighting on behalf of the state—the issue of pro-government militia autonomy in the Donbas war Abstract: This study investigates the degree of autonomy the Ukrainian volunteer battalions had from the regular forces during the war in Donbas. The findings indicate that the degree of autonomy was high and that in particular, three initial conditions were decisive for this outcome: (1) the relative level of militia military strength in the initial states of conflict; (2) the degree of agenda overlap; (3) the degree of bottom-up organization. The empirical evidence further suggests that the three factors produced the identified outcome through the mechanisms of “institutional lock-in,” “performance interdependence,” and “entitlement.” Consequently, the Ukrainian state and regular forces ended up accepting a higher degree of autonomy, in terms of command and control, on the part of the volunteer battalions than they otherwise probably would have preferred. This outcome contributed significantly to saving the sovereignty of the Ukrainian state in 2014–2015, but may also have created conditions for challenges to the same state further down the road. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 293-307 Issue: 4 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1615810 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1615810 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:4:p:293-307 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gertjan Plets Author-X-Name-First: Gertjan Author-X-Name-Last: Plets Title: Exceptions to Authoritarianism? Variegated sovereignty and ethno-nationalism in a Siberian resource frontier Abstract: This paper explores how the governance of culture and nationalism in Russia is far from uniform but rather, characterized by exceptions and diffuse sovereignty. It responds to a literature exploring the use of culture and identity in the Kremlin’s governing practices through the idiom of “exceptions to authoritarianism.” The dominant conception that culture is strictly instrumentalized by the Kremlin for regime legitimation and the maintenance of the so-called power vertikal is countered by anthropologically examining cultural institutions and identity politics in the Altai Republic. More specifically, the Gazprom-sponsored renovation of a museum celebrating Altaian indigenous culture is explored. This contribution highlights the agendas, interests, and players defining the culture-political fields of practice in authoritarianstates by analyzing how Gazprom enables the blossoming of indigenous cultural institutions. It repositions Gazprom, which successfully enabled a temporary exception to centrist policies, as a parastatal company, located between the global market and authoritarian state. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 308-322 Issue: 4 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1617574 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1617574 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:4:p:308-322 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Paul Chaisty Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Chaisty Author-Name: Stephen Whitefield Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Whitefield Title: The political implications of popular support for presidential term limits in Russia Abstract: With Vladimir Putin having commenced his second term, the issue of the constitutional limit of two successive terms for the president has again become politically salient in Russia. In this article, two specialists of Russian politics investigate public support in 2018 for term limits. They address three questions. Why does the issue of term limits matter? To whom in Russia does it matter? Is opposition to abolishing terms limits likely to be politically divisive? Their findings point in general to a shift in the level and character of support for term limits since 2012. Opposition to term limits has grown over time, and while in 2012 support for term limits was drawn from supporters of more authoritarian leadership, today it includes engaged democrats with negative views of the economic situation. They also find that supporters of term limits remain more likely to support political protest. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 323-337 Issue: 4 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1619300 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1619300 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:4:p:323-337 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: George W. Breslauer Author-X-Name-First: George W. Author-X-Name-Last: Breslauer Title: Reforming sacred institutions, part II: the Soviet Party-State and the Roman Catholic Church compared Abstract: The Soviet Party-State and the Roman Catholic Church are conceptualized as hierocratic institutions that faced analogous challenges of adaptation to a changing world from the 1950s onward. Building upon an earlier publication in Post-Soviet Affairs, this article identifies four strategies of “selective inclusion” chosen by these institutions as their leaders sought to reduce the pre-1950s levels of sectarianism: hierocratic reformism; hierocratic managerialism; messianic revivalism; and anti-hierocratic radicalism. Parallels in the adoption of these strategies, and common features of a legitimacy crisis they both came to face, reveal the causal strength of common features, while possible differences in their institutional durability suggest the likely causal impact of differences between them. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 338-357 Issue: 4 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1620977 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1620977 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:4:p:338-357 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrei Tsygankov Author-X-Name-First: Andrei Author-X-Name-Last: Tsygankov Title: Vladimir Putin's last stand: the sources of Russia's Ukraine policy Abstract: The paper studies Russia's Ukraine policy since the Orange Revolution. Russia's policy toward its western neighbor has evolved from unhappy relations with Victor Yushchenko to rapprochement with Victor Yanukovich and then confrontation over the revolutionary power change in Kiev in February 2014. The paper argues that Vladimir Putin's actions following February revolution in Kiev demonstrate both change and continuity in Russia's foreign policy. Although these actions constituted a major escalation, relative to Russia's previous behavior toward Ukraine, the escalation of relations with Kiev also reflected a broader policy pattern of Russia's assertive relations with the Western nations adopted by the Kremlin since the mid-2000s. What made Russia's conflict with Ukraine possible, even inevitable, was the West's lack of recognition for Russia's values and interests in Eurasia, on the one hand, and the critically important role that Ukraine played in the Kremlin's foreign policy calculations, on the other. The paper provides an empirically grounded interpretation of Russia's changing policy that emphasizes Russia–Ukraine–West interaction and a mutually reinforcing dynamics of their misunderstanding. It also addresses four alternative explanations of Russia's Ukraine policy and discusses several dangers and possible solutions to the crisis. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 279-303 Issue: 4 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1005903 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1005903 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:4:p:279-303 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anastassia Obydenkova Author-X-Name-First: Anastassia Author-X-Name-Last: Obydenkova Author-Name: Alexander Libman Author-X-Name-First: Alexander Author-X-Name-Last: Libman Title: Understanding the survival of post-Communist corruption in contemporary Russia: the influence of historical legacies Abstract: Corruption is widespread throughout the former Communist states, and it is particularly severe and entrenched in Russia. Despite the fact that Russia's contemporary corruption has recently become a subject of analysis, there is, however, no study that has addressed the role of the Communist legacy in the development of various aspects of corruption. This paper contributes to the debates through, first, disentangling the complex phenomenon that is corruption, and focusing on its three aspects: supply, demand, and the attitude of the population. Second, the paper also contributes to the literature on modern corruption by explicitly focusing on the role of the historical legacy in these different aspects of corruption. The study is based on several rich data-sets on corruption and on an original data-set compiled to measure the percentage share of Communists in various regions of Russia in the last decades of the USSR (1970s–1980s). The analysis presented in the paper uncovers different roles of the Communist legacies across the development of various aspects of corruption. By doing so, the paper contributes to the literature on historical legacies in general, on Communist legacies in particular, as well as to the broader literature on the causes of corruption in transitional societies. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 304-338 Issue: 4 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.931683 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.931683 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:4:p:304-338 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jody LaPorte Author-X-Name-First: Jody Author-X-Name-Last: LaPorte Title: Hidden in plain sight: political opposition and hegemonic authoritarianism in Azerbaijan Abstract: This paper examines the consolidation and maintenance of hegemonic authoritarianism in post-Soviet Azerbaijan. Hegemonic regimes are characterized by their nearly total lack of political competition. Despite the presence of opposition parties and regular elections, the incumbent in these cases is reelected with 70% or more of the vote. What does it take to sustain overwhelming margins of victory in regular elections in the face of institutionalized opposition? Previous studies have suggested that either violent repression or institutionalized co-optation of opposition groups is central to securing long-term hegemonic regime stability. These mechanisms explain how rulers forestall potential opposition. Upon coming to power in 1993, however, Heydar Aliyev – like many post-Soviet leaders – inherited a genuine, existing opposition in the Popular Front movement. I suggest that in the presence of an intractable opposition, Azerbaijan's rulers have taken a different approach with regard to regime maintenance. Drawing on over 50 original interviews conducted during 6 months of field research, I identify the mechanisms by which the government has “hidden the opposition in plain sight” by making it effectively difficult for existing opposition groups to function as credible political parties. Since the mid-1990s, the Aliyev regime has used informal measures to prevent these groups from aggregating and articulating the diverse interests present in society from visibly competing in elections and from serving effectively in government to craft and implement policy. These practices have rendered the opposition technically legal, but completely ineffective. Besides weakening the opposition, these measures produce a series of mutually reinforcing effects – including noncompetitive elections by default and a politically disengaged society – that sustain long-term regime stability. The paper concludes by examining this argument in comparative perspective. Hegemonic regimes have proliferated in the post-Soviet region, and I suggest that this strategy is an important factor in sustaining many of these regimes. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 339-366 Issue: 4 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.951184 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.951184 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:4:p:339-366 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: George W. Breslauer Author-X-Name-First: George W. Author-X-Name-Last: Breslauer Title: Reforming sacred institutions: the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Roman Catholic Church compared Abstract: The Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Roman Catholic Church (RCC) are both conceptualized as sacred institutions, with many features of ideology/theology, hierocratic structure, and policy process in common. After periods of exclusion, they both also faced strong pressures to adapt to changes in the modern world, both internal and external, and to reduce status differentiation within the hierarchy and between the clergy/apparatchiki hierarchy and the laity/population. The present article compares and contrasts de-Stalinization under Khrushchev (1956–1964) with the results of Vatican II (1959–1965), and Gorbachev’s reforms (1985–1991) with the efforts of Pope Francis to reform the RCC (2013–present). The comparisons validate the explanatory power of the noted similarities between these sacred institutions, while also highlighting significant differences in structure, mission, and process, which explain why Pope Francis has adopted an incremental strategy for reform of the RCC, in contrast to Gorbachev’s revolutionary strategy for reforming the CPSU. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 177-199 Issue: 3 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2017.1296729 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2017.1296729 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:3:p:177-199 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jardar Østbø Author-X-Name-First: Jardar Author-X-Name-Last: Østbø Title: Securitizing “spiritual-moral values” in Russia Abstract: This article examines how “spiritual-moral values” (SMV) became securitized, or defined as a matter of national security in Russia. I analyze speech acts to show how moves to securitize SMV spread from the political fringe to the center of power, and from individual sectors to the strategic level. This “moral turn” in Russian politics is not merely a superficial attempt of the elite to distract the masses and rally the conservative electorate. The securitization of SMV has wider implications: It is, in the most direct way, the regime’s way of preventing a “color revolution.” By introducing a “state of siege” to the sphere of fundamental moral values, this securitization aids the construction of a national identity that is incompatible with basic human rights. An existential threat is constructed in order to justify extraordinary measures and establish a new social contract in which modernization is sacrificed at the altar of security. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 200-216 Issue: 3 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2016.1251023 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2016.1251023 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:3:p:200-216 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elena Chebankova Author-X-Name-First: Elena Author-X-Name-Last: Chebankova Title: Russia’s idea of the multipolar world order: origins and main dimensions Abstract: Contemporary international relations are rife with the ideological struggle over the potential nature of the rapidly changing world order. Two distinct paradigmatic positions have surfaced. One champions economic, cultural, and political globalization conducted under the leadership of the Western world. The other advocates a more particularistic approach that fends for a balance of interests, multiplicity of politico-cultural forms and multiple centers of international influence. The latter doctrine, often referred to as the multipolar world theory, is the subject of this paper. The discussion argues that the idea of a multipolar world order has emerged as Russia’s main ethical and ideological position advanced in the international arena. Its philosophical tenets buttress Russian society intellectually at home, providing the expedients to pursue the country’s foreign policy goals abroad. The paper examines a substantial value package with roots in both Russian and Western philosophy that sustains the multipolar world order theory. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 217-234 Issue: 3 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2017.1293394 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2017.1293394 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:3:p:217-234 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Regine A. Spector Author-X-Name-First: Regine A. Author-X-Name-Last: Spector Author-Name: Aisalkyn Botoeva Author-X-Name-First: Aisalkyn Author-X-Name-Last: Botoeva Title: New shop owners in old buildings: spatial politics of the apparel industry in Kyrgyzstan Abstract: This article adopts a political economy approach with insights from the political geography literature to illuminate how the apparel manufacturing sector in Kyrgyzstan has thrived in a region known for significant challenges in electricity access and availability. In contrast to studies that have analyzed the role of state policies and informal relations in promoting industrialization, we focus on how myriad shop owners gain access to elite-controlled, privatized urban infrastructure through owner–tenant relations in a new market economy. Drawing upon original interviews with Bishkek-based shop owners, we find that despite the challenges associated working in these spaces, including poor infrastructure and exploitative relationships with owners, they remain due to the constant provision of electricity and convenient location. We contribute to understanding how everyday shop owners make sense of and grapple with production challenges in a new market context, against the backdrop of Soviet infrastructural legacies and post-Soviet privatization processes. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 235-253 Issue: 3 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2016.1251024 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2016.1251024 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:3:p:235-253 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen K. Wegren Author-X-Name-First: Stephen K. Author-X-Name-Last: Wegren Author-Name: Alexander Nikulin Author-X-Name-First: Alexander Author-X-Name-Last: Nikulin Author-Name: Irina Trotsuk Author-X-Name-First: Irina Author-X-Name-Last: Trotsuk Author-Name: Svetlana Golovina Author-X-Name-First: Svetlana Author-X-Name-Last: Golovina Author-Name: Marina Pugacheva Author-X-Name-First: Marina Author-X-Name-Last: Pugacheva Title: Gender inequality in Russia's rural formal economy Abstract: Gender inequality in Russia's rural formal economy is examined using quantitative and qualitative data. Rural women continue to be underrepresented in farm managerial positions, and gendered income differences remain the norm. Rural women are underrepresented because they continue to have responsibility for most of the housework and child care. The traditional division of labor inside the household continues to dominate, thereby affecting women's career trajectories and earning potential. Value change about gendered roles in the formal economy has been minimal. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 367-396 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.986871 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.986871 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:5:p:367-396 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Grigorii V. Golosov Author-X-Name-First: Grigorii V. Author-X-Name-Last: Golosov Title: The idiosyncratic dynamics of party system nationalization in Russia Abstract: This article uses data from the 1993–2011 national legislative elections in Russia in order to systematically measure and explain the dynamics of party system nationalization. The analysis registers a salient discrepancy between the extremely low levels of territorial homogeneity of the vote in the single-member plurality section of Russia's electoral system (1993–2003), on the one hand, and very high levels of party nationalization in party-list contests, on the other. This discrepancy, facilitated by such factors as the legacies of regime transition, federalism, and presidentialism, was reinforced by the integration of gubernatorial political machines into the nationwide political order, which ultimately resulted in unprecedentedly high levels of party nationalization in the 2007–2011 elections. The findings challenge a conventional theory that equates the formation of national electorates to the progressive process of party system consolidation, suggesting that under certain conditions, related but not reducible to the authoritarian perversion of the structure of electoral incentives, there is no such linear relationship. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 397-419 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.926633 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.926633 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:5:p:397-419 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Robert Person Author-X-Name-First: Robert Author-X-Name-Last: Person Title: Potholes, pensions, and public opinion: the politics of blame in Putin's power vertical Abstract: What are the risks and rewards of power centralization in competitive authoritarian regimes, and who in the regime bears those risks and enjoys the rewards? The elimination of gubernatorial elections in Russia in late 2004 provides a unique opportunity to study public reaction to policies that replaced democratically elected regional leaders with Kremlin appointees, thereby further concentrating power in the hands of the central state while simultaneously reducing the level of democratic accountability in Russian politics. Using a 2007 survey of 1500 Russians, it is possible to observe how key measures of public opinion and regime support were influenced by the elimination of gubernatorial elections. Because the timeline of gubernatorial appointments was determined exogenously based on the expiration of elected incumbent governors' terms, by 2007 some regions had governors who still held electoral mandates, while others had Kremlin appointees with no electoral mandate. This quasi experiment allows us to draw surprising conclusions about whom Russians blame – and do not blame – when power becomes increasingly centralized in the hands of the president. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 420-447 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.932142 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.932142 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:5:p:420-447 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Štěpán Jurajda Author-X-Name-First: Štěpán Author-X-Name-Last: Jurajda Author-Name: Daniel Münich Author-X-Name-First: Daniel Author-X-Name-Last: Münich Title: Candidate ballot information and election outcomes: the Czech case Abstract: This study measures the importance of candidate characteristics listed on ballots for a candidate's position on a slate, for preferential votes received by a candidate, and, ultimately, for getting elected. We focus on the effects of gender, various types of academic titles, and also several novel properties of candidates' names. Using data on over 200,000 candidates competing in recent Czech municipal board and regional legislature elections, and conditioning on slate fixed effects, we find that ballot cues play a stronger role in small municipalities than in large cities and regions, despite the general agreement on higher candidate salience in small municipalities. We also quantify the electoral advantage of a slate being randomly listed first on a ballot. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 448-469 Issue: 5 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.949066 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.949066 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:5:p:448-469 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrew Roberts Author-X-Name-First: Andrew Author-X-Name-Last: Roberts Title: Millionaires and the public in Czech politics Abstract: This article relies on a unique survey of Czech millionaires and the general public to probe the nature and extent of the differences in opinions between these two groups and their correspondence with public policy. Its main finding is that millionaires are substantially more right-wing than the public on economic issues and somewhat more internationalist on foreign affairs, though a number of areas of agreement can be found as well, particularly assessments of the problems facing the country. Most surprisingly, the opinions of the public appear more likely to correspond with policy than those of millionaires. These findings have important implications for the rise of populism and the quality of democracy in the Czech Republic. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 353-366 Issue: 6 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1484031 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1484031 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:6:p:353-366 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lawrence P. Markowitz Author-X-Name-First: Lawrence P. Author-X-Name-Last: Markowitz Author-Name: Mariya Y. Omelicheva Author-X-Name-First: Mariya Y. Author-X-Name-Last: Omelicheva Title: Disciplined and undisciplined repression: illicit economies and state violence in Central Asia’s autocracies Abstract: What explains the use of disciplined repression in some autocratic regimes and undisciplined repression in others? Despite its relevance to these broader debates on authoritarianism, this question remains inadequately explained in conventional approaches to repression. This article proposes that autocrats’ discipline over the use of state repression is a consequence of their differential control over illicit commercial networks. Autocratic regimes that consolidate their control over rents become dependent on security apparatuses to deepen and maintain that control. These regimes invest in and support the development of coercive capabilities, which leads to more disciplined state repression. Where autocratic regimes do not control illicit networks and rents, their dependence on security offices is low. Consequently, their investment in coercive capacity suffers, giving rise to patterns of undisciplined repression. This article explores the empirical implications of these regime trajectories through a controlled comparison of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, two drug transit states in post-Soviet Eurasia whose coercive institutions and patterns of state violence have developed in markedly different ways. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 367-383 Issue: 6 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1496646 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1496646 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:6:p:367-383 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Susanne Wengle Author-X-Name-First: Susanne Author-X-Name-Last: Wengle Author-Name: Christine Evans Author-X-Name-First: Christine Author-X-Name-Last: Evans Title: Symbolic state-building in contemporary Russia Abstract: Vladimir Putin has made state-building a central goal of his presidency and recent scholarship has demonstrated that Russian formal institutions have indeed been deliberately reformed. Unlike studies that ass’ess state-building vis-à-vis a particular outcome, our research examines what kind of state Russian political elites seek to build, and focuses on symbolic state-building strategies. To capture symbolic state-building in the Putin era, we examine the Pryamaya Liniya broadcasts: annual, high-profile TV broadcasts in which citizens pose questions to the president. We find that a broad range of formal institutions appear to be central to Putin’s state-building project, a finding that runs counter to claims that governance is largely deinstitutionalized, informal and personal. We argue that symbolic state-building seeks to reconcile personalism and institutionalism, by conveying a dual image of a state in citizens’ everyday lives – emphasizing both formal institutions, while also affirming Putin as the personal guarantor of the state’s authority. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 384-411 Issue: 6 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1507409 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1507409 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:6:p:384-411 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Liudmila Zasimova Author-X-Name-First: Liudmila Author-X-Name-Last: Zasimova Author-Name: Marina Kolosnitsyna Author-X-Name-First: Marina Author-X-Name-Last: Kolosnitsyna Title: Charitable giving and the future of NGOs in Russia: what can we learn from individual data? Abstract: This study seeks to discuss the survivability of charitable nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in Russia without foreign funding. We use cross-sectional data from a quantitative household survey conducted in April 2016 to investigate common giving patterns of Russians. We find that Russians prefer to give directly to people in need rather than to NGOs; the donations are small, spontaneous, and irregular; they are mainly targeted to supporting the poor and the sick. Involvement in religious activities and higher self-assessed income are two factors that contribute most to the probability of donating. Educated and younger donors are more likely to donate to NGOs compared to donating to particular people/families. The study suggests that private donations to NGOs will decline if no changes in public policy are made. NGOs supporting education, environment, culture, or civil organizations seem to be worst hit. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 412-429 Issue: 6 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1508861 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1508861 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:6:p:412-429 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Grigory Ioffe Author-X-Name-First: Grigory Author-X-Name-Last: Ioffe Author-Name: Tatyana Nefedova Author-X-Name-First: Tatyana Author-X-Name-Last: Nefedova Author-Name: Kirsten de Beurs Author-X-Name-First: Kirsten Author-X-Name-Last: de Beurs Title: Agrarian transformation in the Russian breadbasket: contemporary trends as manifest in Stavropol' Abstract: A team of US and Russian geographers combines field observations with satellite imagery in an examination of how major trends in Russian agriculture are manifest in one of Russia's most productive agricultural regions: Stavropol' Kray. A nationwide pattern of agricultural consolidation during the 1990s (featuring rural depopulation and a reduction in cultivated area and herd sizes upon the termination of Soviet-era subsidization levels) has had decidedly different outcomes in different parts of the vast Russian countryside. This paper – using Stavropol' as a surrogate for regions which by physical attributes, location, and human capital are best positioned to support agricultural activity – identifies a number of developments that may signal a new growth trajectory for agriculture in Russia: evolving specialization of former socialized farms in response to market conditions (in Stavropol' involving the shrinkage of animal husbandry and the release of surplus labor); increased levels of absentee (corporate) ownership of farmland in the more favorable locations; decoupling of the economic fate of large farms (success) from local municipal budgets (deficiency); and the expansion of non-Russian ethnic communities in the countryside, with attendant land use changes. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 441-463 Issue: 6 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.858509 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.858509 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:6:p:441-463 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Grigorii V. Golosov Author-X-Name-First: Grigorii V. Author-X-Name-Last: Golosov Title: The territorial genealogies of Russia's political parties and the transferability of political machines Abstract: This article uses statistical analysis of aggregate electoral returns in order to establish continuities in the territorial patterns of support between four major political parties of contemporary Russia, on the one hand, and those parties that contested national legislative (Duma) elections from 1993 through 2007, on the other hand. It is hypothesized that such continuities, dubbed “territorial genealogies,” are largely rooted in the migration of region-based gubernatorial political machines from one national party to another, which constitutes a major flow of organizational continuity in the development of political parties. Statistical analysis confirms that the main hubs of machine politics in Russia's regions, originating from the intra-elite struggles of the 1990s, provide United Russia with the territorial core of its current support. Other political parties retain electoral salience in those regions where their electoral appeal is not mitigated by the presence of political machines, which underscores the importance of non-machine party organization for their electoral destinies. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 464-480 Issue: 6 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.882106 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.882106 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:6:p:464-480 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Richard Arnold Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Arnold Title: Testing constructivism: why not more “Cossacks” in Krasnodar Kray? Abstract: Despite attempts to portray Krasnodar Kray in southern Russia as a homeland for Cossacks, to date the Cossack identity there remains underdeveloped. Why has a Cossack identity in Krasnodar not become more popular? This article uses the case of the Kuban Cossacks as a test of constructivist theories of identity. The article takes as background the attempts of the Russian authorities to display the Cossacks as the indigenous people of the region for the upcoming Winter Olympics in 2014. Despite this and other efforts, only a minuscule proportion of the inhabitants of Krasnodar Kray identify with the Cossack label, which makes this case problematic for constructivism. The article reviews constructivist theories of ethnic and national identity and analyses the advantages and obstacles to the successful construction of a Cossack identity in the Krasnodar region. It finishes by drawing implications for constructivist theorizing from the case of the Kuban Cossack Host. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 481-502 Issue: 6 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.889365 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.889365 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:6:p:481-502 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrej Krickovic Author-X-Name-First: Andrej Author-X-Name-Last: Krickovic Title: Imperial nostalgia or prudent geopolitics? Russia's efforts to reintegrate the post-Soviet space in geopolitical perspective Abstract: After stagnating throughout most of the 1990s and 2000s, Russia's efforts to reintegrate the post-Soviet space are finally gathering momentum. According to President Vladimir Putin, Russia's goal is to establish a Eurasian Economic Union “capable of becoming one of the poles in a future multi-polar world.” Most existing studies see Russia's imperial and post-Soviet legacies as the driving forces behind these efforts. Although they offer valuable insights, these studies fail to explain the timing of Russia's push for deeper regional integration. This article examines these developments from a geopolitical perspective and compares Eurasian regionalism with the regional integration projects of other great powers (more specifically, Brazil and Mercosur/Unasur and China and ASEAN+1). All three efforts are occurring at a time when the international system is in flux and the ability of the USA and other Western powers to deliver key global collective goods is being called into question. Regional integration must ultimately be seen as a strategy by Russia and other great powers to respond to these challenges and prepare themselves for an unpredictable future. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 503-528 Issue: 6 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.900975 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.900975 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:6:p:503-528 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Editorial Board Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: ebi-ebi Issue: 6 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.972042 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.972042 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:6:p:ebi-ebi Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Emil Souleimanov Author-X-Name-First: Emil Author-X-Name-Last: Souleimanov Title: An ethnography of counterinsurgency: kadyrovtsy and Russia's policy of Chechenization Abstract: Exploring the case study of the Moscow-led counterinsurgency in Chechnya, this article shows the crucial importance of cultural knowledge understood in an ethnographic sense in terms of patterns of social organization, persisting value systems, and other related phenomena – in the relative success of the eradication of the Chechnya-based insurgency. Using a range of first-hand sources – including interviews by leading Russian and Chechen experts and investigative journalists, and the testimonies of eyewitnesses and key actors from within local and Russian politics – the article explains the actual mechanisms of Moscow's policy of Chechenization that have sought to break the backbone of the local resistance using local human resources. To this end, the study focuses on the crucial period of 2000–2004, when Moscow's key proxy in Chechnya, the kadyrovtsy paramilitaries, were established and became operational under the leadership of Akhmad Kadyrov, which helped create a sharp division within Chechen society, reducing the level of populace-based support for the insurgents, thereby increasing support for the pro-Moscow forces. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 91-114 Issue: 2 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.900976 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.900976 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:2:p:91-114 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: A. Gorodzeisky Author-X-Name-First: A. Author-X-Name-Last: Gorodzeisky Author-Name: A. Glikman Author-X-Name-First: A. Author-X-Name-Last: Glikman Author-Name: D. Maskileyson Author-X-Name-First: D. Author-X-Name-Last: Maskileyson Title: The nature of anti-immigrant sentiment in post-socialist Russia Abstract: The main aim of this study was to investigate whether the competition and cultural theoretical models that have received solid empirical support in the context of Western European societies can explain anti-foreigner sentiment in post-socialist Russia as a society searching for new national identity borders. Data obtained from the third round of the European Social Survey (2006) indicate a high level of anti-foreigner sentiment in contemporary Russia – more than 60% of Russians claimed that immigrants undermine the cultural life of the country, and almost 60% claimed that immigration is bad for the economy of the country. Our multivariate analysis showed that the two sets of individual-level predictors of anti-foreigner sentiment – the socioeconomic position of individuals (as suggested by the competition model) and conservative views and ideologies (as suggested by the cultural model) – are not meaningful in predicting anti-foreigner sentiment in post-socialist Russia. The results are discussed from a comparative sociology perspective and in the context of the Russian society. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 115-135 Issue: 2 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.918452 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.918452 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:2:p:115-135 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lindsay Parrott Author-X-Name-First: Lindsay Author-X-Name-Last: Parrott Title: Tools of persuasion: the efforts of the Council of Europe and the European Court of Human Rights to reform the Russian pre-trial detention system Abstract: This paper examines the tools available to the Council of Europe and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) for promoting Russian compliance with the European Convention on Human Rights regarding pre-trial detention conditions. As cases regarding the poor treatment of prisoners in Russian pre-trial detention centers continue to burden the ECHR, the Court has begun implementing alternative methods of curbing what it views as a systemic problem within the Russian prison system. Mechanisms considered include the awarding of financial damages, which has thus far been difficult to enforce, as well as the newly adopted mechanism of the pilot judgment procedure. The pilot judgment procedure presents a strong tool for the ECHR in gaining compliance from the Russian government and affecting reform within the pre-trial detention system, as long as the ECHR treats Russia as an equal partner. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 136-175 Issue: 2 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.922336 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.922336 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:2:p:136-175 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Erin Trouth Hofmann Author-X-Name-First: Erin Trouth Author-X-Name-Last: Hofmann Title: Labor market integration of returned educational migrants in Turkmenistan Abstract: Turkmenistan has experienced increasing educational migration, and many of these students hope to return home after graduating. The ability of returned migrants to succeed in Turkmenistan’s labor market is complicated by a variety of factors, including variation in educational quality across countries, intrusive state regulation of foreign education, and Turkmenistan’s large informal sector. Based on a survey of 98 Turkmen citizens, this study compares the career trajectories and perceptions of the labor market of people educated in Turkmenistan to those educated elsewhere. Because men and women undertake different strategies of educational migration, it also compares patterns of labor market integration by gender. Country of education does appear to matter for employment in Turkmenistan, but the effect is most prominent immediately after graduation. Women were less likely to be employed in Turkmenistan, partly because they were more likely to have been educated abroad, and more likely to have a partner abroad. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 1-16 Issue: 1 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2017.1418615 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2017.1418615 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:1:p:1-16 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ivan S. Grigoriev Author-X-Name-First: Ivan S. Author-X-Name-Last: Grigoriev Title: Law clerks as an instrument of court–government accommodation under autocracy: the case of the Russian Constitutional Court Abstract: There is a normative expectation that constitutionalism does not co-exist well with autocracy. How do constitutional courts then uphold their integrity under authoritarianism? In this paper, I answer this question by taking the case of the Russian Constitutional Court (RCC) and showing how court–government accommodation in the new post-third wave autocracies can be achieved by limiting the amount of information the court receives from its secretariat. It follows from a detailed analysis of case selection in the RCC that the secretariat can function as an “insulator,” protecting the Court from political and reputational risks. The two features that make this possible are its invisibility to the judges and the clerks’ specific professional culture. The research is informed by an extensive series of in-depth interviews in the RCC, and benefits from the relocation of the RCC to St. Petersburg in 2008. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 17-34 Issue: 1 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1408927 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1408927 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:1:p:17-34 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Masha Hedberg Author-X-Name-First: Masha Author-X-Name-Last: Hedberg Title: The target strikes back: explaining countersanctions and Russia’s strategy of differentiated retaliation Abstract: This article analyzes Russia’s retaliatory food embargo, explaining why the Russian government banned some imports from the West but refrained from banning a range of equally plausible others. I argue that Moscow was following a strategy of differentiated retaliation when selecting which imports to embargo. The countersanctions were not designed to mete out equal punishment on all members of the sanctioning coalition. Rather, Russia purposefully crafted the policy to inflict greater economic damage on some states than others. Utilizing an original data-set on all agricultural and food products that Russia imports, I demonstrate that, ceteris paribus, imports of sizeable commercial value to countries the Kremlin has long viewed as the mainstays of anti-Russian policies were far more likely to have been banned. In contrast, the evidence shows that Moscow stayed its hand in dealing with Europe’s major powers. This analysis both illuminates the policy objectives being pursued by a leading actor in world politics, as well as lays the groundwork for theoretically understanding the geostrategic, political, and economic drivers of countersanctions. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 35-54 Issue: 1 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1419623 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1419623 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:1:p:35-54 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Morena Skalamera Author-X-Name-First: Morena Author-X-Name-Last: Skalamera Title: Understanding Russia’s energy turn to China: domestic narratives and national identity priorities Abstract: This study investigates whether, as part of a broader “Asian Energy Pivot,” Russia’s energy giant Gazprom refashioned its export strategy away from Europe, and what impact such a reorientation might have on the EU–Russia gas relationship. It uses four empirical cases to emphasize the domestic movers underlying Russia’s eastward shift in energy trade, developing a constructivist theory rooted in the dynamics of Russia’s dominant public narrative and the contours of domestic politics. It argues that Russia’s national interests changed as a result of how Russian policy-makers interpreted and reacted to the stand-off with Europe, in response to what they perceived as Europe’s attempt to isolate it economically and geopolitically. Russia’s Eurasianists, who had advocated the notion of a necessary turn to the East for a long time, positioned themselves as norm entrepreneurs and their new interpretation of the preexisting material incentives shaped the future course of action. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 55-77 Issue: 1 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2017.1418613 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2017.1418613 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:1:p:55-77 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nikolay Petrov Author-X-Name-First: Nikolay Author-X-Name-Last: Petrov Author-Name: Maria Lipman Author-X-Name-First: Maria Author-X-Name-Last: Lipman Author-Name: Henry E. Hale Author-X-Name-First: Henry E. Author-X-Name-Last: Hale Title: Three dilemmas of hybrid regime governance: Russia from Putin to Putin Abstract: This article investigates how hybrid regimes supply governance by examining a series of dilemmas (involving elections, the mass media, and state institutions) that their rulers face. The authors demonstrate how regime responses to these dilemmas – typically efforts to maintain control while avoiding outright repression and societal backlash – have negative outcomes, including a weakening of formal institutions, proliferation of “substitutions” (e.g., substitutes for institutions), and increasing centralization and personalization of control. Efforts by Russian leaders to disengage society from the sphere of decision-making entail a significant risk of systemic breakdown in unexpected ways. More specifically, given significantly weakened institutions for interest representation and negotiated compromise, policy-making in the Russian system often amounts to the leadership's best guess (ad hoc manual policy adjustments) as to precisely what society will accept and what it will not, with a significant possibility of miscalculation. Three case studies of the policy-making process are presented: the 2005 cash-for-benefits reform, plans for the development of the Khimki Forest, and changes leading up to and following major public protests in 2011–2012. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 1-26 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.825140 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.825140 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:1:p:1-26 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David W. Rivera Author-X-Name-First: David W. Author-X-Name-Last: Rivera Author-Name: Sharon Werning Rivera Author-X-Name-First: Sharon Werning Author-X-Name-Last: Rivera Title: Is Russia a militocracy? Conceptual issues and extant findings regarding elite militarization Abstract: The dominant paradigm for understanding contemporary Russia holds that Vladimir Putin's tenure in office has been accompanied by a massive influx of former KGB and military personnel – so-called “siloviki” – into positions of power and authority throughout the polity and economy. Claims of extensive elite militarization, however, are largely based on the analyses of only one research program and, moreover, the validity of the estimates produced by that research program is open to question on numerous grounds. In this article, we review existing research on elite militarization in Russia; discuss a series of conceptual and empirical issues that need to be resolved if valid and meaningful estimation of military–security representation is to be achieved; introduce new findings; and evaluate the totality of existing evidence regarding whether the Russian state under Putin deserves to be labeled a militocracy. We find that the most straightforward reading of existing data indicates that the percentage of siloviki in the political elite during Putin's first two terms as president was approximately half of that which has been widely reported in both scholarship and the media, and also declined during the Medvedev presidency. In addition, our analysis of a broader cross section of the elite estimates military–security representation during the Putin presidency to have been lower still. Overall, existing data paint a less alarming picture of the depths to which siloviki have penetrated the corridors of power since 2000 than has been commonly portrayed and thereby cast doubt on Russia's status as an “FSB state.” On the other hand, past trends also provide some basis for expecting that the numbers of siloviki will once again rise during Putin's current presidential term. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 27-50 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.819681 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.819681 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:1:p:27-50 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Grigorii V. Golosov Author-X-Name-First: Grigorii V. Author-X-Name-Last: Golosov Title: Is electoral authoritarianism good for women's representation? Evidence from the 1999–2011 regional legislative elections in Russia Abstract: This article employs a comprehensive set of data on 226 regional legislative elections held in Russia in 1999–2011 in order to assess the impact of electoral authoritarianism upon women's representation in sub-national legislative bodies. The analysis of 50,520 cases of candidate nomination and 9553 cases of electoral success, supported by a cross-regional statistical study of the factors of women's nomination and success, empirically confirms an explanatory model that incorporates three working hypotheses derived from the mainstream literature on women's representation. According to this model, the 2002–2003 electoral reform, by introducing proportional representation into regional electoral systems, strongly facilitated women's representation. After the advent of electoral authoritarianism, proportional rules, in combination with the increased ‘party magnitude’ of the pro-government party, continued to exert expectedly positive effects; yet these effects were offset by the decreased competitiveness in majority districts. As a result, political regime transformation did not lead to a significant increase in the number of female deputies. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 51-66 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.831653 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.831653 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:1:p:51-66 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Johan Engvall Author-X-Name-First: Johan Author-X-Name-Last: Engvall Title: Why are public offices sold in Kyrgyzstan? Abstract: Why are public offices for sale in Kyrgyzstan? To address this question, this article attempts to set out a new logic for understanding the motives, nature, and consequences of corruption in the country. Rather than securing access to a single favor through bribery, officials invest in political and administrative posts in order to obtain access to stream of rents associated with an office. Political and administrative corruption is organically linked in this system, and corruption stems not so much from weak monitoring as from being a franchise-like arrangement, where officials are required to pay continuous “fees” to their bosses. The key is to be the public official influencing the redistribution of rents as well as participating in the informal market where “public” goods are privatized and exchanged for informal payments. Thus, instead of control over the pure economic assets of the state, influence over the state's institutional and organizational framework is the dominant strategy for earning and investing in the country. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 67-85 Issue: 1 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.818785 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.818785 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:1:p:67-85 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Robert W. Orttung Author-X-Name-First: Robert W. Author-X-Name-Last: Orttung Author-Name: Elizabeth Nelson Author-X-Name-First: Elizabeth Author-X-Name-Last: Nelson Title: Russia Today’s strategy and effectiveness on YouTube Abstract: Many countries now operate state-funded international broadcasters, communicating directly with foreign publics to promote a variety of foreign policy goals. RT (formerly known as Russia Today) is currently one of the most prominent broadcasters in a crowded field. What is RT’s strategy, the size of its audience, and the effectiveness of its broadcasts in implementing its strategy? To answer these questions, we explore a case study of RT’s YouTube programming utilizing a new dataset of 70,220 video titles spanning the 2 years from February 2015 through January 2017. RT’s three-prong strategy focuses attention on strategic groups outside the West, including Arabic, Russian, and Spanish speakers, circumvents local media in target countries to promote Kremlin aims, and spreads a positive image of Russian accomplishments, particularly in Syria, which it considers a foreign policy success. The data presented here show that RT’s strategy is only partially successful since it underperforms among Arabic speakers, its main target, while doing relatively better among Russian, global English, and Spanish audiences. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 77-92 Issue: 2 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1531650 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1531650 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:2:p:77-92 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ruxanda Berlinschi Author-X-Name-First: Ruxanda Author-X-Name-Last: Berlinschi Title: Migration and geopolitical preferences Abstract: This paper investigates the impact of work experience abroad on migrants’ geopolitical preferences. For this purpose, I analyze representative survey data from Moldova, a country caught in an ideological battle between Russia and the West, with high emigration rates to both destinations. In a first step, I show that return migrants from the West are significantly more likely to support European Union (EU) accession than non-migrants, while return migrants from the East are more likely to support closer ties with Russia, controlling for economic, demographic, and ethnic confounding factors. In a second step, I use district-level variation in migrant networks as an instrument for individual migration. Second-stage regressions show that work experience in the West increases support for EU accession, while no evidence of causal effects is found for work experience in the East. Differences in information exposure and migration policies between the EU and Russia may explain this asymmetry. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 93-121 Issue: 2 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1548226 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1548226 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:2:p:93-121 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Petra Stykow Author-X-Name-First: Petra Author-X-Name-Last: Stykow Title: The devil in the details: constitutional regime types in post-Soviet Eurasia Abstract: The constitutions of Eurasia’s more authoritarian countries categorically differ from those of the region’s more democratic countries, in that they codify a doctrine of presidential supremacy as well as several constitutional tools allowing for its implementation. Therefore, the classic typology of forms of government is inadequate for understanding the architecture of power in these countries. Rather, their routine categorization as presidential or semi-presidential formats of executive–legislative relations causes flawed case selection in extant comparative research about the impact of forms of government, particularly president-parliamentarism, on regime performance and stability. This article shows that almost a third of all constitutions in the region reflect a regional variety of genuinely authoritarian presidentialism. It systematizes the properties of this constitutional pattern of “Eurasian-type presidentialism” or, for that matter, “superpresidentialism.” Methodologically, the article encourages contextual analyses to understand non-Western, non-liberal constitutions “from within.” Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 122-139 Issue: 2 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1553437 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1553437 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:2:p:122-139 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: J. Paul Goode Author-X-Name-First: J. Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Goode Title: Russia’s ministry of ambivalence: the failure of civic nation-building in post-Soviet Russia Abstract: This article argues that the sources of official and societal ambivalence towards civic nationhood in today’s Russia are found in the institutional instability and personalist dynamics of hybrid regime politics in the 1990s. Successful civic nation-building should institutionalize inclusive criteria for citizenship as a basis for policymaking, which in turn should create incentives for dominant ethnicities to embrace civic nationhood. While the shifting views of Boris Yel’tsin on nationalities policy and the constant turmoil in the government’s nationalities ministry have received little scholarly attention, they illuminate the endogenous sources of regime instability in relation to civic nation-building. Russia’s experience thus challenges the traditional view of ethnic nationalism as fostering authoritarianism and civic nationalism as fostering democracy: rather, competitive authoritarianism in the 1990s confounded the regime’s own efforts toward civic nation-building and laid the groundwork for the “ethnic turn” in Russian politics under Vladimir Putin. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 140-160 Issue: 2 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1547040 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1547040 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:2:p:140-160 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anar K. Ahmadov Author-X-Name-First: Anar K. Author-X-Name-Last: Ahmadov Title: How oil autocracies learn to stop worrying: Central Eurasia in 2008 global financial crisis Abstract: Autocracies in developing countries are more likely to collapse during economic crises. Some influential works and popular media extend this argument to oil-rich autocracies, but cross-national empirical studies find little evidence to support this view. Yet, while the causes of their stability during boom periods are well understood, how oil-rich autocratic regimes remain stable during busts is underexplored. This article advances an explanation that refines and complements existing accounts. I argue that we need to take into account three interrelated factors that currently are likely to stabilize oil-rich autocracies: considerable savings, policy learning, and sustenance of coercive capacity. Leveraging evidence drawn from 40 original interviews, documents, news media, and academic literature, I investigate the role of these factors through a comparative case study of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan during the 2008 global economic turmoil. The findings highlight the ruling elites’ ability to amass sizeable savings that later provide safety cushions, to update their know-how through drawing lessons within and beyond fiscal policy, and to sustain coercive capacity without resorting to overt repression. Through economic crises, they may learn to not escape the “resource curse,” but to escape despite the “resource curse.” Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 161-180 Issue: 2 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 3 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1554943 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1554943 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:2:p:161-180 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: William M. Reisinger Author-X-Name-First: William M. Author-X-Name-Last: Reisinger Author-Name: Marina Zaloznaya Author-X-Name-First: Marina Author-X-Name-Last: Zaloznaya Author-Name: Vicki L. Hesli Claypool Author-X-Name-First: Vicki L. Hesli Author-X-Name-Last: Claypool Title: Does everyday corruption affect how Russians view their political leadership? Abstract: Do Russians’ personal experiences with corruption influence how they evaluate their political leaders and, if so, in what direction? In addressing this question, we focus specifically on small-scale corruption that arises when Russians encounter employees of service provision organizations. We analyze survey data gathered in the summer of 2015 from Russia to trace the links between personal corrupt behavior and political attitudes. We show that participation in everyday corruption lowers a person’s support for the political regime, both as a bivariate relationship and in a multivariate model with controls. Being involved in corrupt transactions reduces support for the regime through two indirect mechanisms: by making the political leadership’s performance seem worse and by heightening perceptions that corruption is widespread among the country’s leaders. We find no support for arguments in the literature that bribery and other forms of bureaucratic corruption help citizens pursue their needs in the face of inefficient state institutions and less developed economies. In Russia, those who frequently encounter corruption are less, not more, happy with the regime. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 255-275 Issue: 4 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2016.1227033 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2016.1227033 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:4:p:255-275 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ellen Martus Author-X-Name-First: Ellen Author-X-Name-Last: Martus Title: Contested policymaking in Russia: industry, environment, and the “best available technology” debate Abstract: The centralized nature of the Russian political system and the dominance of the executive can obscure the role played by other actors in the policymaking process. This article aims to further our understanding of the Russian policy process by examining the ability of industry to determine policy outcomes. An example from the environmental policy process concerning the introduction of the “best available technology” will be presented. This highly contested policy led to significant opposition from industry groups and disputes between government actors. The case demonstrates that industrial interests in Russia are able to exert considerable influence on the policy process; however, this influence is not absolute and requires closer scrutiny. Political leadership was found to be an important factor in achieving policy outcomes. However, for the most part, the policy process was found to be heavily bureaucratized, and dominated by a range of competing interests. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 276-297 Issue: 4 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2016.1209315 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2016.1209315 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:4:p:276-297 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sophia Wilson Author-X-Name-First: Sophia Author-X-Name-Last: Wilson Title: Majoritarian values and women’s rights: police and judicial behavior in Tajikistan and Azerbaijan Abstract: This paper analyzes judicial and police behavior in dealing with cases of family violence and divorce in Tajikistan and Azerbaijan. Police and judges deliberately violate existing legal provisions to prevent women from divorcing or filing charges against their husbands in cases of domestic violence. While the law does not recognize religious marriages in Tajikistan, judges often rule to protect women’s living space after the dissolution of such unions. Drawing on rich interview and archival data, this behavior is explained by showing that judicial and police behavior reflects their biases, which in turn are a reflection of majoritarian norms in these countries. Since current laws are derived from Soviet codes, which were never internalized by the population, police and judges bend them to fit their understanding of social justice. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 298-312 Issue: 4 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2017.1306950 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2017.1306950 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:4:p:298-312 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas F. Remington Author-X-Name-First: Thomas F. Author-X-Name-Last: Remington Title: Business-government cooperation in VET: a Russian experiment with dual education Abstract: Upgrading skill formation has become an increasingly urgent task for societies facing the challenges of rapid technological change and globalization. However, reform of systems of vocational education and training (VET) poses severe challenges for aligning the interests of schools, firms, households, and governments, even in societies with relatively efficient markets for labor and education. Where market institutions are poorly developed, these challenges are particularly acute, resulting in endemic mismatches between the supply and demand of skill. Currently governments in many countries, including the United States, Russia, and China, are seeking to adopt elements of the German dual education model. The Russian federal government has undertaken several initiatives designed to upgrade VET by encouraging closer cooperation of vocational schools and firms at the regional level, including the adoption of dual education programs. This paper focuses on one such project: a 2013 pilot program administered by the Russian Agency for Strategic Initiatives, to foster the development of new models of dual education. The paper compares the 13 pilot regions with regions that submitted proposals but were not selected and with all other regions along multiple economic, social, demographic, and institutional dimensions. The findings suggest hypotheses about the conditions that enabled the pilot regions to take advantage of federal policies encouraging the adoption of dual education. More generally, the paper sheds light on institutional solutions to collective action dilemmas in skill formation in transitional and developing societies. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 313-333 Issue: 4 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2017.1296730 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2017.1296730 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:4:p:313-333 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kimberly Marten Author-X-Name-First: Kimberly Author-X-Name-Last: Marten Title: Russia’s use of semi-state security forces: the case of the Wagner Group Abstract: This article provides a definitive, in-depth case-study, using primarily Russian sources, of Russia’s use of the informal “Wagner Group” private military company (PMC) and its antecedents (from 2012 to 2018) in Nigeria, Crimea and Eastern Ukraine, Syria, Sudan, and the Central African Republic. It explores why Russia has used this group without legalizing its existence or role. While Wagner is sometimes used in the same ways that other rational states use PMCs, corrupt informal networks tied to the Russian regime have also used it in ways that are not typical of other strong states and that potentially undermine Russian security interests. Understanding the Wagner Group is interesting for comparative academic studies of PMCs, because Wagner doesn’t fit well any existing PMC category or template in the literature. It is also crucial for US and allied policy analysts attempting to attribute “Russian” actions in foreign theaters. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 181-204 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1591142 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1591142 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:3:p:181-204 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anastasia Gorodzeisky Author-X-Name-First: Anastasia Author-X-Name-Last: Gorodzeisky Title: Opposition to immigration in contemporary Russia Abstract: The study examines sources of opposition to immigration in contemporary Russia. It distinguishes between two types of opposition to immigration: exclusionary attitudes based on national membership and exclusionary attitudes based on race or ethnicity, directed exclusively at foreigners with non-Slavic or non-European origins. Findings indicate that a quarter of ethnic Russians can be classified as “racial exclusionists”; they are willing to admit immigrants who share a race/ethnic group with most of Russia’s people but object to the admission of racially/ethnically different immigrants. Another 42% of ethnic Russians are classified as “total exclusionists”; they object to immigration of all foreigners, regardless of their race/ethnicity. Multivariate analysis focuses on the impact of perceived collective vulnerability, human values, and socio-demographic attributes. Opposition to immigration in Russia is further situated within temporal and cross-national comparative perspectives. Apparently, exclusionary attitudes toward immigrants who share a race/ethnicity with most Russians increased between 2006 and 2016. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 205-222 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1534473 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1534473 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:3:p:205-222 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maxim Tabachnik Author-X-Name-First: Maxim Author-X-Name-Last: Tabachnik Title: Defining the nation in Russia’s buffer zone: the politics of citizenship by birth on territory (jus soli) in Moldova, Azerbaijan, and Georgia Abstract: Citizenship by birth on territory (jus soli), versus by blood (jus sanguinis), is associated with liberal democracies and the Americas. Yet Azerbaijan and Moldova, part of the “buffer zone” between Russia and the West, have used unconditional jus soli. No such law exists in Europe or elsewhere in the post-Soviet space, including in Georgia, a third country that is part of this “buffer zone.” The three countries cannot forge closer links to the West due to Russia’s support of “frozen” separatist conflicts on their territories. The article finds that territorial citizenship in Azerbaijan and Moldova, as well as its absence in Georgia, are linked to territorial integrity concerns, a multi-century historical context that had thwarted or facilitated ethnic collective identity, and geopolitical fears of dual citizenship. Both authoritarian (Azerbaijan) and liberal-democratic (Moldova) states have used the resulting territorial concept of national identity to combat ethnic separatism, whereas Georgia remains an ethnocracy with difficulties integrating ethnic minorities. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 223-239 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1542868 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1542868 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:3:p:223-239 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Barbara Junisbai Author-X-Name-First: Barbara Author-X-Name-Last: Junisbai Author-Name: Azamat Junisbai Author-X-Name-First: Azamat Author-X-Name-Last: Junisbai Title: Regime type versus patronal politics: a comparison of “ardent democrats” in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan Abstract: Kazakhstan is home to the longest serving ruler in post-Soviet Eurasia while Kyrgyzstan is among the region’s most competitive polities. Do these regime differences correspond to divergence in political attitudes, as an extensive body of literature posits? Are Kyrgyzstanis more likely to strongly support democratic ideals? Are Kazakhstanis less likely? Contrary to expectations, data reveal the two populations to be attitudinally indistinguishable when it comes to strong support for practices associated with democracy. Whatever country differences we find are minor or statistically insignificant. We explain this convergence by shifting focus away from the political features that distinguish the two nascent democracy versus consolidated authoritarianism to those that they hold in common. Notwithstanding major constitutional reform in Kyrgyzstan in 2010, politics there, as in Kazakhstan, remains fundamentally patronal, or patronage- based. Mass attitudes, we argue, align in many ways with the countries’ shared patronal politics, rather than with their contrasting regime types. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 240-257 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1568144 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1568144 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:3:p:240-257 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Masatomo Torikai Author-X-Name-First: Masatomo Author-X-Name-Last: Torikai Title: The electoral logic of governor rotations in Ukraine: rulers’ authority, party strength, and regional polarization Abstract: How and under what conditions do authoritarian rulers use the state apparatus to help ensure victory? To answer this question, this paper examines electoral mobilization as a rationale for the appointment of governors in hybrid regimes. Given their absolute authority to use administrative resources, autocratic rulers prefer governors who can perform well in mobilizing the electorate in their favor. However, several circumstances make this strategy suboptimal or impossible. To provide empirical evidence supporting this argument, this study conducts a survival analysis using an original dataset of gubernatorial appointments and dismissals in Ukraine from 1996 to 2017. The results confirm that electoral performance was the primary driver of governor appointments during the presidency of Leonid Kuchma. In addition, it is demonstrated that various institutional conditions, such as party strength, the weak authority of the ruler within the central government, and regional polarization resulted in the adoption of different appointment strategies by subsequent presidents. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 258-276 Issue: 3 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1589683 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1589683 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:3:p:258-276 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Paul Chaisty Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Chaisty Author-Name: Svitlana Chernykh Author-X-Name-First: Svitlana Author-X-Name-Last: Chernykh Title: Coalitional presidentialism and legislative control in post-Soviet Ukraine Abstract: Two political scientists explore the significance of pro-presidential legislative coalitions in Ukrainian politics since 2000. They draw on an original survey of MPs and cabinet data to engage with the extant analysis of coalitional politics in Ukraine. Using the framework of “coalitional presidentialism,” which was first developed in the study of Latin American presidential systems, they find evidence to suggest that legislative coalitions are a meaningful feature of Ukrainian legislative life, and point to the tools that presidents use to maintain them. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 177-200 Issue: 3 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.994941 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.994941 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:3:p:177-200 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michael Gentile Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Gentile Title: West oriented in the East-oriented Donbas: a political stratigraphy of geopolitical identity in Luhansk, Ukraine Abstract: Building on data from a survey (n = 4000) conducted in the eastern Ukrainian city of Luhansk in late 2013, this article explores the link between national identity and foreign policy preferences in the Donbas, suggesting that they are increasingly conflated in distinct geopolitical identities. Descriptive statistics and multinomial logistic regression are used to compare the characteristics of pro-West and uncertain individuals with those of the pro-Russian/Soviet individuals, with preferences on North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and European Union (EU) accession underlying this distinction. The results show that geopolitical identities in Luhansk have a complex political stratigraphy that includes demographic, socioeconomic, cultural, and attitudinal components. The pro-West constituency is younger, not Russian but often including members of other ethnic groups, well educated, more tolerant toward sexual minorities, generally more satisfied with life, and it also speaks better English. Conversely, those with pro-Russia/Soviet geopolitical identities are older, Russian, low educated, less fluent in English, intolerant, and unsatisfied with their lives. Uncertainty is more randomly distributed among social groups, indicating different underlying causes related to the source of the respondents’ uncertainty. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 201-223 Issue: 3 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.995410 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.995410 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:3:p:201-223 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dinissa Duvanova Author-X-Name-First: Dinissa Author-X-Name-Last: Duvanova Author-Name: Alexander Semenov Author-X-Name-First: Alexander Author-X-Name-Last: Semenov Author-Name: Alexander Nikolaev Author-X-Name-First: Alexander Author-X-Name-Last: Nikolaev Title: Do social networks bridge political divides? The analysis of VKontakte social network communication in Ukraine Abstract: New electronic forms of political communication have become increasingly popular in countries with weak democratic institutions. The effectiveness of these new forms of association in altering political behavior, however, remains uncertain even in developed democratic regimes. This paper investigates connections between regional variation in electoral behavior and regional distribution of electronic social networks in the case of Ukraine's polarized and institutionally unstable democracy. Our analysis of online networks shows that, somewhat contrary to conventional wisdom, electronic communication does not bridge political divides. This finding casts doubt on the effectiveness of online forms of political communication as a source of behavioral change. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 224-249 Issue: 3 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.918453 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.918453 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:3:p:224-249 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Serhiy Kudelia Author-X-Name-First: Serhiy Author-X-Name-Last: Kudelia Author-Name: Taras Kuzio Author-X-Name-First: Taras Author-X-Name-Last: Kuzio Title: Nothing personal: explaining the rise and decline of political machines in Ukraine Abstract: This article is the first to explore and compare the dynamics of party-building between the three main political forces that competed for power during the last decade in Ukraine – Viktor Yushchenko's Nasha Ukrayina (Our Ukraine), Yulia Tymoshenko's Batkivshchyna (Fatherland), and Viktor Yanukovych's Partiya Rehioniv (Party of Regions). We show that their political trajectories can be explained by differences in their organizational structure and distribution of resources within the party's leadership. When a party depends on resources linked primarily to one individual, it will develop a personalized decision-making structure advantaging its leader, and the party's fortunes will be tied to the popularity (or lack of same) of the leader. By contrast, when a party relies equally on resources from several groups, a more consociational style of decision-making is likely to emerge. Using Ukraine as a case study, the article shows that personality-led parties will be more vulnerable to defections and less capable of absorbing potential competitors. On the other hand, coalition-led parties are better capable of surviving defeats, maintaining internal cohesion, and merging with like-minded parties. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 250-278 Issue: 3 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.920985 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.920985 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:3:p:250-278 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Martin Jirušek Author-X-Name-First: Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Jirušek Author-Name: Tomáš Vlček Author-X-Name-First: Tomáš Author-X-Name-Last: Vlček Author-Name: James Henderson Author-X-Name-First: James Author-X-Name-Last: Henderson Title: Russia’s energy relations in Southeastern Europe: an analysis of motives in Bulgaria and Greece Abstract: Although officially Russian state-owned energy companies operate as independent entities, their actions often lead to suspicion that they are acting as a tool of Russian state foreign policy. Countries on the southeastern borders of Europe – Bulgaria and Greece – are prime examples of where this might be the case, since they not only have a central position in Russia’s plans to penetrate European markets through new transport infrastructure but are also part of competing plans for routing non-Russian gas to Western markets. The main focus of the present research is on the natural gas and oil sectors, as these are the traditional foundation of Russian energy exports to Europe. The aim of this paper is thus to provide an objective, evidence-based analysis of Russian activities in the natural gas and oil sectors of Greece and Bulgaria in order to establish whether its actions have been implicitly or explicitly politicized and have served to strengthen Russian influence in the region. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 335-355 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2017.1341256 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2017.1341256 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:5:p:335-355 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Yana Gorokhovskaia Author-X-Name-First: Yana Author-X-Name-Last: Gorokhovskaia Title: Testing for sources of electoral competition under authoritarianism: an analysis of Russia’s gubernatorial elections Abstract: What drives electoral competition in competitive authoritarian regimes? Most scholarship has assumed that the outcome of these elections is decided by regime manipulation alone. Using three rounds of newly reinstated gubernatorial elections in Russia’s regions, I test this assumption. I identify three distinct measures of competition calibrated to authoritarian elections and assess whether voter preferences or regime manipulation best explain the degree of electoral competition. Relying on new data on protests across Russia’s regions, I find that regions with high protest activity have more contested elections with narrower margins of victory. The results also confirm recent scholarship highlighting the importance of voter turnout for delivering pro-regime victories. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 356-369 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2016.1257843 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2016.1257843 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:5:p:356-369 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Helge Blakkisrud Author-X-Name-First: Helge Author-X-Name-Last: Blakkisrud Author-Name: Pål Kolstø Author-X-Name-First: Pål Author-X-Name-Last: Kolstø Title: Stavropol as “Russia’s Kosovo”? Nationalist mobilization and public response in a Russian region Abstract: Russian nationalism after Crimea is commonly depicted as aggressive and expansionist – but few Russian ethno-nationalists would accept this description. Quite the contrary: they would argue that ethnic Russians as the majority population find themselves under “under siege” from ethnic minorities. A case in point, they hold, is Stavropol Krai in the North Caucasus. In local ethno-nationalist circles this region is depicted as “Russia’s Kosovo,” a glaring example of the Kremlin’s betrayal of ethnic Russian interests. This article presents a case study of the under-researched regional dimension of Russian nationalism. The purpose is twofold: to map regional ethno-nationalist discourse and, drawing on survey data, to explore to what extent this discourse is reflected in general attitudes toward the influx of migrants and plans for own migration. We find that local ethno-nationalists have succeeded in mobilizing support at the national level, but that, despite increased ethnic tensions in Stavropol Krai, few Russians contemplate leaving. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 370-388 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2017.1355716 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2017.1355716 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:5:p:370-388 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sunnee Billingsley Author-X-Name-First: Sunnee Author-X-Name-Last: Billingsley Author-Name: Aija Duntava Author-X-Name-First: Aija Author-X-Name-Last: Duntava Title: Putting the pieces together: 40 years of fertility trends across 19 post-socialist countries Abstract: Demographic change has been a key consequence of transition, but few studies trace fertility trends across countries over time. We describe fertility trends immediately before and after the fall of state socialism across 19 Central and Eastern European and Central Asian countries. We found a few common patterns that may reflect economic and political developments. The countries that experienced the most successful transitions and integration into the EU experienced marked postponement of parenthood and a moderate decline in second and third births. Little economic change in the poorest transition countries was accompanied by less dramatic changes in childbearing behavior. In western post-Soviet contexts, and somewhat in Bulgaria and Romania, women became more likely to only have one child but parenthood was not substantially postponed. This unique demographic pattern seems to reflect an unwavering commitment to parenthood but economic conditions and opportunities that did not support having more than one child. In addition, we identify countries that would provide fruitful case studies because they do not fit general patterns. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 389-410 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2017.1293393 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2017.1293393 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:5:p:389-410 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ekaterina Borisova Author-X-Name-First: Ekaterina Author-X-Name-Last: Borisova Author-Name: Andrei Govorun Author-X-Name-First: Andrei Author-X-Name-Last: Govorun Author-Name: Denis Ivanov Author-X-Name-First: Denis Author-X-Name-Last: Ivanov Title: Social capital and support for the welfare state in Russia Abstract: Few tasks are more important in a post-communist setting than rebuilding the welfare state. We study individual preferences for increasing social welfare spending to reduce inequality. Using two surveys of about 34,000 and 37,000 Russians, we show the great importance of the “bridging” type of social capital for redistribution preferences in Russia, as it precludes possibilities of cheating and free-riding on the welfare state. Instrumenting social capital with education, climate, and distance from Moscow, we deal with endogeneity concerns and also contribute to our understanding of the deep roots of social capital in Russia. We claim that social capital in post-socialist countries could help mobilize public support for redistribution even where institutions are weak. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 411-429 Issue: 5 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2017.1348588 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2017.1348588 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:5:p:411-429 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kathryn Hendley Author-X-Name-First: Kathryn Author-X-Name-Last: Hendley Title: Justice in Moscow? Abstract: The article explores Russians’ satisfaction with their experiences in court and with the legal system more generally. The analysis draws on a nationally representative survey of Russians, fielded by the Levada Center in 2010. The results show that most court veterans believe that the decision in their case was just, and that the judge treated them well. But these positive feelings do not extend beyond their case. Russians who have no court experience tend to have more favorable views about the legal system than do court veterans. These findings serve to remind us of the difficulty of building confidence in the legal system in post-Soviet Russia. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 491-511 Issue: 6 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1091564 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1091564 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:6:p:491-511 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alexander S. Skorobogatov Author-X-Name-First: Alexander S. Author-X-Name-Last: Skorobogatov Title: A provocative event, media, and religious choice in post-Soviet Russia Abstract: This paper uses the famous events related to Pussy Riot as a natural experiment to examine the effect of alternative media on church membership. A difference-in-differences strategy is used to explore the effect in question. The hypothesis is that, given a lack of religious background in the majority of the population and strong temporary interest in religious issues promoted by a particular provocative event, mass media substantially affect religious choice. To check if this is the case, I compare the dynamics of religious choice of those exposed to alternative media reports on church topics and the rest of the population. As a proxy of familiarity with an alternative view, I use a dummy variable for using the Internet to obtain news. The main finding is that, during the experiment run over the year 2012, the growth of self-reported Orthodox believers was significantly lower in the treatment group than in the control group. Exposure to alternative media coverage turned out to heavily affect religious choice. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 512-541 Issue: 6 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1097045 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1097045 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:6:p:512-541 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sean P. Roberts Author-X-Name-First: Sean P. Author-X-Name-Last: Roberts Author-Name: Arkady Moshes Author-X-Name-First: Arkady Author-X-Name-Last: Moshes Title: The Eurasian Economic Union: a case of reproductive integration? Abstract: The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) appeared in January 2015 as the latest and most ambitious attempt at reconnecting the post-Soviet space. Building on the Customs Union between Belarus, Russia, and Kazakhstan (2010), and successfully extending membership to Armenia and Kyrgyzstan (2015), the EAEU not only connects a market of over 182 million people, but has the stated aim of utilizing European Union experience to achieve deep integration in a fraction of the time. Based on original fieldwork conducted in Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Russia, this article examines the kind of integration project currently under construction, as well as the EAEU’s ability to make a significant impact in the region. As argued, despite early achievements, the EAEU is very much limited to reproducing sovereignty rather than transforming it, marking a clear disconnect between rhetoric and reality. Moreover, when viewed from the perspective of the three “I”s – institutions, identity, and international context – even this modest reality faces significant barriers. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 542-565 Issue: 6 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1115198 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1115198 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:6:p:542-565 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alena Vysotskaya Guedes Vieira Author-X-Name-First: Alena Vysotskaya Guedes Author-X-Name-Last: Vieira Title: Eurasian integration: elite perspectives before and after the Ukraine crisis Abstract: A European scholar explores the changing dynamics of integration processes within the Eurasian Customs/Economic Union in the new context created by the Ukraine crisis. The article examines positions adopted by member states Russia, Kazakhstan, and Belarus before and after onset of the crisis in Ukraine. Several rationales for justifying the Union are derived from international relations theory and documented in the rhetoric of actors from these three countries. The evolution of conflicting rhetorical postures mirrors a slowdown of the Eurasian integration process and growth in the bargaining leverage of Belarus and Kazakhstan vis-à-vis Moscow. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 566-580 Issue: 6 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1118200 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1118200 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:6:p:566-580 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Erratum Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: x-x Issue: 6 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2016.1222740 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2016.1222740 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:6:p:x-x Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen Crowley Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Crowley Title: Monotowns and the political economy of industrial restructuring in Russia Abstract: During the 2008–2009 economic crisis, Russia's monotowns – one-industry towns left from the Soviet era – gained widespread attention as potential sources of social protest and unrest. Will such worries resurface under current economic conditions? While fears about monotowns were exaggerated during the last economic crisis, Russia's leadership has reason to remain concerned. Despite the dramatic transformations of the last two decades, Russia's post-Soviet industrial landscape has largely survived intact, leaving a significant number of monotowns with unprofitable enterprises in a precarious position. Yet given its emphasis on social stability, we can expect the government to continue subsidies, both explicit and hidden, that seek to maintain employment and avoid social conflict, but that preserve the country's inefficient industrial geography. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 397-422 Issue: 5 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1054103 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1054103 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:5:p:397-422 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen Fortescue Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Fortescue Title: Russia's “turn to the east”: a study in policy making Abstract: Russia's recent reorientation “to the East” has gained increased urgency given events in Ukraine. Here the policymaking process surrounding the “turn to the East” is examined. The focus is on the economic dimension – the economic development of the Russian Far East and engagement with the Asia-Pacific region – rather than geostrategic and security issues. Policymaking is evaluated in terms of general approach and process, with the implications of the evaluation for Russian policymaking more generally then being explored. “Turn to the East” policymaking exhibits a strong commitment to strategic planning that is characteristic of Putin, and which in this case struggles not only with process issues but also with contradictions within the strategy and the challenging realities of the region. Regarding process, a far more institutionalized policy process than the currently dominant personalist view would lead us to expect is found, with relevant bureaucratic and non-state actors well represented in an elaborate and relatively formal process. However a considerable weakening of sign-off procedures is noted, which has lead to policy inconsistency and indeed “policy irresponsibility” among participants. The author attributes the weakening of sign-off procedures to Putin's frustration with the gridlock tendencies of strict sign-off regimes, rather than a desire to create a personalist regime of hands-on management. This suggests that improvement of the Russian policy process requires structural and procedural change, rather than simply leadership change. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 423-454 Issue: 5 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1051750 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1051750 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:5:p:423-454 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vladimir Gel’man Author-X-Name-First: Vladimir Author-X-Name-Last: Gel’man Title: The vicious circle of post-Soviet neopatrimonialism in Russia Abstract: Since the collapse of Communism, Russia and some other post-Soviet states have attempted to pursue socioeconomic reforms while relying upon the political institutions of neopatrimonialism. This politico-economic order was established to serve the interests of ruling groups and establish the major features of states, political regimes, and market economies. It provided numerous negative incentives for governing the economy and the state due to the unconstrained rent-seeking behavior of major actors. Policy reform programs revealed these institutions to be incompatible with the priorities of modernization, and efforts to resolve these contradictions through a number of partial and compromise solutions often worsened the situation vis-à-vis preservation of the status quo. The ruling groups lack incentives for institutional changes, which could undermine their political and economic dominance, and are caught in a vicious circle: reforms often result in minor returns or cause unintended and undesired consequences. What are the possible domestic and international incentives to reject the political institutions of neopatrimonialism in post-Soviet states and replace them with inclusive economic and political ones? Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 455-473 Issue: 5 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1071014 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1071014 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:5:p:455-473 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Scott Radnitz Author-X-Name-First: Scott Author-X-Name-Last: Radnitz Title: Paranoia with a purpose: conspiracy theory and political coalitions in Kyrgyzstan Abstract: This article considers the political uses of conspiracy theories (CTs). It is widely accepted that post-Soviet citizens are prone to believe CTs, but there has been little research about the conditions under which politicians endorse conspiracy narratives and why those narratives sometimes become hegemonic. I argue that in times of high uncertainty, CTs have properties that are useful in providing political elites with a focal point for coordination in the absence of other bases for coalition formation. I demonstrate this logic by analyzing the politics surrounding the construction and spread of a conspiracy narrative following violence in Kyrgyzstan in 2010. Politicians with different interpretations of the event coalesced around a contrived conspiratorial narrative, and used it to paper over differences as they formed a ruling coalition. This argument has implications for how to understand the appearance and durability of conspiracy claims in states where political formations are fluid. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 474-489 Issue: 5 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 9 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1090699 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1090699 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:5:p:474-489 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Olga A. Avdeyeva Author-X-Name-First: Olga A. Author-X-Name-Last: Avdeyeva Author-Name: Dekabrina M. Vinokurova Author-X-Name-First: Dekabrina M. Author-X-Name-Last: Vinokurova Author-Name: Alexandr A. Kugaevsky Author-X-Name-First: Alexandr A. Author-X-Name-Last: Kugaevsky Title: Gender and local executive office in regional Russia: the party of power as a vehicle for women’s empowerment? Abstract: We employ a political ambition framework to study women’s under-representation in Russian local politics. We conduct a survey of current heads of municipal districts and municipal urban and rural settlements in four regions of the Russian Federation. The study reveals gendered pathways to local leadership positions. The advantage of incumbency is fully used by male politicians: male incumbents are more likely than female incumbents to run for re-election. Self-initiated ambition, term in office, and age explain the decisions of male executives to run for re-election. Female incumbents are likely to run for a subsequent term only if they are supported by the United Russia Party. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 431-451 Issue: 6 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2017.1365806 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2017.1365806 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:6:p:431-451 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pamela A. Jordan Author-X-Name-First: Pamela A. Author-X-Name-Last: Jordan Title: Diminishing returns: Russia’s participation in the World Trade Organization Abstract: Russia’s 2012 accession to the World Trade Organization was widely expected to spur economic growth and modernization, by helping the country abandon its import-substitution model and fully integrate into the global economy. However, thus far, Russia’s compliance record with its WTO commitments has been mixed, and WTO membership has given Russia limited economic benefits and few political gains. In analyzing why, this article uses neoclassical realism as a framework for assessing Russia’s behavior in WTO trade disputes and negotiations. During Russia’s economic recession, the regime of President Vladimir Putin advanced protectionist policies and maintained statist control over the heights of the economy, while using rhetorical strategies to counter accusations from Western powers that Russia had violated WTO norms. Russia’s struggling economy weakened its status as a global economic power, and it was viewed as unqualified to sit among the core group of negotiators in the WTO. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 452-471 Issue: 6 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2017.1388473 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2017.1388473 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:6:p:452-471 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Fabian Burkhardt Author-X-Name-First: Fabian Author-X-Name-Last: Burkhardt Title: The institutionalization of relative advantage: formal institutions, subconstitutional presidential powers, and the rise of authoritarian politics in Russia, 1994–2012 Abstract: What role do formal institutions play in the consolidation of authoritarian regimes such as the Russian Federation? Oftentimes, it is assumed that autocrats, usually potent presidents, wield informal powers and control far-flung patron–client networks that undermine formal institutions and bolster their rule. After the institutional turn in authoritarianism studies, elections, parties, legislatures, or courts have taken center stage, yet presidencies and public law are still on the margins of this research paradigm. This paper proposes a method for measuring subconstitutional presidential power and its change by federal law, decrees, and Constitutional Court rulings as well as a theoretical framework for explaining when and under which conditions subconstitutional presidential power expands. It is argued that as a result of a gradual, small-scale, and slow-moving process of layering, presidential powers have been accumulated over time. This furthers the institutionalization of presidential advantage toward other federal and regional institutions, which in turn contributes to the consolidation of authoritarianism. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 472-495 Issue: 6 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2017.1388471 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2017.1388471 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:6:p:472-495 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Una Hakvåg Author-X-Name-First: Una Author-X-Name-Last: Hakvåg Title: Russian defense spending after 2010: the interplay of personal, domestic, and foreign policy interests Abstract: Since 2010, Russia’s defense spending has seen an average annual real growth of 10%, causing a profound shift in the composition of government expenditure. This article examines the formal and informal processes through which Russia’s level of defense spending is determined and identifies personal, domestic, and foreign policy interests behind the rise in defense expenditures. Drawing on a combination of elite interviews and document and news analyses, I argue that domestic political and socioeconomic factors are at least as important as geopolitical and security ones in explaining Russia’s decision to push defense to the forefront of the political agenda. The findings suggest that high levels of defense spending may be politically sustainable in Russia, at least in the medium term, even though it comes at the cost of other public goods. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 496-510 Issue: 6 Volume: 33 Year: 2017 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2017.1388472 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2017.1388472 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:33:y:2017:i:6:p:496-510 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sharon Werning Rivera Author-X-Name-First: Sharon Author-X-Name-Last: Werning Rivera Author-Name: William Zimmerman Author-X-Name-First: William Author-X-Name-Last: Zimmerman Title: Introduction: new directions in survey research on Russian elites Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 359-364 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1660482 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1660482 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:5-6:p:359-364 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Noah Buckley Author-X-Name-First: Noah Author-X-Name-Last: Buckley Author-Name: Joshua A. Tucker Author-X-Name-First: Joshua A. Author-X-Name-Last: Tucker Title: Staring at the West through Kremlin-tinted glasses: Russian mass and elite divergence in attitudes toward the United States, European Union, and Ukraine before and after Crimea Abstract: In this paper, we investigatethe divergence in Russian public opinion between the masses and elites in terms of attitudes toward foreign countries in the post-Crimea era. To do so, we combine elite surveys conducted in Russia from 2000 to 2016 with an extensive database of Levada Center mass public opinion polling to test two competing models for explaining the observed divergence in mass and elite opinion: a demographic-driven Common Determinants model and a novel Kremlin Cueing model. More specifically, we assess the extent to which a set of demographic variables trained on a model of mass attitudes is able to predict elite attitudes. Our empirical evidence is more consistent with the predictions of the Kremlin Cueing model, indicating that, in some cases, elite opinion reacts very differently to shocks such as the Crimea crisis due to “where they sit” rather than who they are as individuals. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 365-375 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1660491 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1660491 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:5-6:p:365-375 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sharon Werning Rivera Author-X-Name-First: Sharon Author-X-Name-Last: Werning Rivera Author-Name: James D. Bryan Author-X-Name-First: James D. Author-X-Name-Last: Bryan Title: Understanding the sources of anti-Americanism in the Russian elite Abstract: This paper applies the model of opinion formation developed by John Zaller to the study of anti-American attitudes in the Russian elite. It examines the relative weight of political predispositions (interests, values, and experiences) versus immediately accessible “considerations” that depend on the flow of information in elite discourse. Based on survey data from 1995–2016, we find that two key political predispositions (identification as a Westernizer or Slavophile and service in the military and security agencies) are highly significant in the Yel’tsin period, when debates about Western intentions toward Russia were robust and the Kremlin’s messaging was diverse. By contrast, anti-American sentiment in the elite has become more uniform in the Putin era, which we attribute to an increasingly fervent anti-American narrative on state-controlled television. In a period of clear and unequivocal messaging emanating from Kremlin-controlled media, these signals have surpassed civilizational identity and service in the force structures in importance. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 376-392 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1662194 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1662194 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:5-6:p:376-392 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Olesya Tkacheva Author-X-Name-First: Olesya Author-X-Name-Last: Tkacheva Title: Digital media and perceptions of the United States among the Russian elite, 2004–2016 Abstract: This paper seeks to explain why Russian elites’ exposure to online media for their news contributed to stronger pro-American attitudes than reliance on traditional media. Two causal mechanisms are tested using a repeated cross-section of elite surveys. One operates at the level of attitudes and is suggested by the field of political communication; the other emerges from the literature on cognitive psychology and operates at the level of beliefs by providing a cognitive map through which individuals process information and reach conclusions. I find that both mechanisms are relevant, with framing effects being particularly important to hardliners’ perceptions of security threats. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 393-405 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1662195 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1662195 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:5-6:p:393-405 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Henry E. Hale Author-X-Name-First: Henry E. Author-X-Name-Last: Hale Title: A surprising connection between civilizational identity and succession expectations among Russian elites Abstract: We know from prior research that non-democratic regimes can become vulnerable when elites anticipate succession at the top, but we know little about what shapes these elites’ expectations. This study examines connections between such expectations and Russia’s relationships to the outside world. Analysis of elite opinion data from the 2016 Survey of Russian Elites reveals strong associations between identifying Russia with European civilization and expecting Russian politics to display behaviors more like those believed to characterize European polities, including more frequent dominant party turnover. Elites appear not to expect their top political leadership to pay a political price for what they perceive as foreign policy blunders in a consistent way, though opposition elites critical of Russia’s actions in Ukraine are found to expect an earlier United Russia Party exit. Variations in threat perceptions are not found to influence predictions of leadership tenure. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 406-421 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1662198 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1662198 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:5-6:p:406-421 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kirill Zhirkov Author-X-Name-First: Kirill Author-X-Name-Last: Zhirkov Title: Militant internationalism and dogmatism among foreign policy elites: evidence from Russia, 1995–2016 Abstract: Are foreign policy attitudes among Russian elites structured around broader beliefs about the nature of world politics? Are these attitudes consistently related to individual cognitive styles? I address these questions using survey data on the Russian foreign policy elite spanning most of the post-Soviet period. In my analysis, I focus on militant internationalism – a hawkish foreign policy orientation – and its relationship to the dogmatic cognitive style. The internal structure of militant internationalism among Russian elites reveals two constituent dimensions: perception of threat from the United States (anti-Americanism) and acceptance of using armed force abroad (militarism). I also demonstrate that militarism is positively related to dogmatism, whereas anti-Americanism appears to be more volatile. This analysis represents the first attempt to study elites’ views on foreign policy within the motivated cognition framework using survey data from outside of the United States. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 422-432 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1662199 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1662199 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:5-6:p:422-432 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Danielle N. Lussier Author-X-Name-First: Danielle N. Author-X-Name-Last: Lussier Title: Ideology among Russian elites: attitudes toward the United States as a belief system Abstract: This article examines ideological constraint among Russian foreign policy elites, using all seven waves of the Survey of Russian Elites 1993–2016 to explore four questions: (1) Do attitudes expressed by members of the Russian foreign policy elite form a constrained belief system? (2) What is the content of Russian elite belief systems? (3) Do different groups within the foreign policy community differ with regard to their ideological attachments? (4) How have these belief systems changed over time? My statistical analysis reveals two structured belief systems within Russia’s elite: one focused on attitudes toward the US and another regarding economic and political institutions. Attitudes toward the US have vacillated over time, compressing in a more hostile direction in 2016. In analyzing these elites’ attitudes, variation over time proves more significant than variation between elite groups. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 433-449 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1662201 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1662201 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:5-6:p:433-449 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kirill Petrov Author-X-Name-First: Kirill Author-X-Name-Last: Petrov Author-Name: Vladimir Gel’man Author-X-Name-First: Vladimir Author-X-Name-Last: Gel’man Title: Do elites matter in Russian foreign policy? The gap between self-perception and influence Abstract: This article analyzes the findings of the Survey of Russian Elites from the perspective of Russian elites’ perceptions of their individual and group influence on Russian foreign policy. In the current Russian elite structure, state enterprise managers, executive branch officials, and military/security officers are far more influential than members of other sub-groups when it comes to foreign policy. However, the survey results show that despite being members of the elite, respondents in all sub-groups generally found their ability to influence foreign policy decisions to be quite limited. That being said, the data show that representatives of less influential elite sub-groups are more confident about their impact on the decision-making process than representatives of more influential elite sub-groups. As such, there is a gap between elite sub-groups’ perception of their influence and their actual level of individual and group influence on Russian foreign policy. The article discusses various manifestations of this gap, as well as possible causes and implications. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 450-460 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1662185 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1662185 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:5-6:p:450-460 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kirill Kalinin Author-X-Name-First: Kirill Author-X-Name-Last: Kalinin Title: Neo-Eurasianism and the Russian elite: the irrelevance of Aleksandr Dugin’s geopolitics Abstract: The consistency and effectiveness of Russia’s assertive foreign policy has earned Putin, both domestically and internationally, the image of a powerful and ambitious leader with a strategic plan to re-establish the Russian empire and defend Russia’s core national interests. Speculation among scholars and practitioners regarding the existence of such a “strategic plan” makes Aleksandr Dugin’s conspiratorial neo-Eurasianism project an especially appealing subject of research. This paper explores key ideas of Dugin’s neo-Eurasianism, as described in his Foundations of Geopolitics, and tests them empirically with data from the Survey of Russian Elites: 1993–2016 using a Bayesian Structural Equation Modeling approach. Its main finding is that the theory has limited utility for understanding elites’ foreign policy perceptions and therefore its influence should not be overstated. Moreover, there is no evidence that Dugin’s theory is more salient in the post-Crimean period than in the pre-Crimean period. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 461-470 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1663050 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1663050 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:5-6:p:461-470 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elena Bashkirova Author-X-Name-First: Elena Author-X-Name-Last: Bashkirova Author-Name: Tamara Litikova Author-X-Name-First: Tamara Author-X-Name-Last: Litikova Author-Name: Dina Smeltz Author-X-Name-First: Dina Author-X-Name-Last: Smeltz Title: Moscow elites and the use of coercive foreign policy Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to analyze differences between Russian opinion leaders on the basis of Russian elite studies conducted in 2008, 2012 and 2016. We divide elites into two groups – supporters and opponents of official regime foreign policy – based on their attitudes toward the official governmental positions on Russian–US relations and examine their attitudes over the past decade (2008–2016). Analyzing the attitudes of elites who strongly support the official agenda versus those who are more oriented toward the West will help determine whether there has been wholesale elite consolidation around President Putin’s policy agenda or whether any significant scepticism about current Russian foreign policy remains. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 471-476 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1663047 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1663047 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:5-6:p:471-476 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Olga Onuch Author-X-Name-First: Olga Author-X-Name-Last: Onuch Author-Name: Henry E. Hale Author-X-Name-First: Henry E. Author-X-Name-Last: Hale Author-Name: Gwendolyn Sasse Author-X-Name-First: Gwendolyn Author-X-Name-Last: Sasse Title: Studying identity in Ukraine Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 79-83 Issue: 2-3 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1451241 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1451241 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:2-3:p:79-83 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Olga Onuch Author-X-Name-First: Olga Author-X-Name-Last: Onuch Author-Name: Henry E. Hale Author-X-Name-First: Henry E. Author-X-Name-Last: Hale Title: Capturing ethnicity: the case of Ukraine Abstract: Building on past survey-based studies of ethnic identity, we employ the case of Ukraine to demonstrate the importance of taking seriously the multidimensionality of ethnicity, even in a country that is regarded as deeply divided. Drawing on relational theory, we identify four dimensions of ethnicity that are each important in distinctive ways in Ukraine: individual language preference, language embeddedness, ethnolinguistic identity, and nationality. Using original survey data collected in May 2014, we show that the choice of one over the other can be highly consequential for the conclusions one draws about ethnicity’s role in shaping attitudes (e.g. to NATO membership), actions (e.g. participation in the Euromaidan protests), and the anticipation of outgroups’ behavior (e.g. expectations of a Russian invasion). Moreover, we call attention to the importance of including the right control variables for precisely interpreting any posited effects of ethnicity, making specific recommendations for future survey research on ethnic identity in Ukraine. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 84-106 Issue: 2-3 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1452247 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1452247 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:2-3:p:84-106 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Grigore Pop-Eleches Author-X-Name-First: Grigore Author-X-Name-Last: Pop-Eleches Author-Name: Graeme B. Robertson Author-X-Name-First: Graeme B. Author-X-Name-Last: Robertson Title: Identity and political preferences in Ukraine – before and after the Euromaidan Abstract: Taking advantage of a panel survey in Ukraine before and after the Euromaidan, we analyze the relationship between ethnicity, language practice, and civic identities on the one hand and political attitudes on the other. We find that while ethnic identities and language practices change little on the aggregate level over the period, there has been a significant increase in the proportion of people thinking of Ukraine as their homeland. There has also been a large fall in support for a close political and economic relationship with Russia and some increase in support for joining the European Union. Nevertheless, we find that identities in general, and language practice in particular, remain powerful predictors of political attitudes and that people are more likely to shift attitudes to reflect their identities rather than modify their identities to match their politics. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 107-118 Issue: 2-3 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1452181 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1452181 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:2-3:p:107-118 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Volodymyr Kulyk Author-X-Name-First: Volodymyr Author-X-Name-Last: Kulyk Title: Shedding Russianness, recasting Ukrainianness: the post-Euromaidan dynamics of ethnonational identifications in Ukraine Abstract: Euromaidan and the subsequent Russian military intervention brought about a perceptible change in ethnonational identifications of Ukrainian citizens. Based on three nationwide surveys from various years, the present article seeks to measure this shift and explore its underlying factors and mechanisms. My analysis reveals considerable changes in ethnolinguistic identifications, practices of language use, and preferences regarding language policies of the state, which can be seen as a kind of bottom-up de-Russification, a popular drift away from Russianness. At the same time, I demonstrate that changes in identifications by nationality and native language are related to changes in the perceptions of these categories; that is, that they should be conceptualized as measuring people’s perceived belonging to both ethnic groups and civic nations. In other words, as people are shedding their Russianness in favor of Ukrainianness, they are also changing the meaning of being Ukrainian. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 119-138 Issue: 2-3 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1451232 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1451232 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:2-3:p:119-138 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gwendolyn Sasse Author-X-Name-First: Gwendolyn Author-X-Name-Last: Sasse Author-Name: Alice Lackner Author-X-Name-First: Alice Author-X-Name-Last: Lackner Title: War and identity: the case of the Donbas in Ukraine Abstract: The study of identities struggles to capture the moments and dynamics of identity change. A crisis moment provides a rare insight into such processes. This paper traces the political identities of the inhabitants of a region at war – the Donbas – on the basis of original survey data that cover the four parts of the population that once made up this region: the population of the Kyiv-controlled Donbas, the population of the self-declared “Donetsk People’s Republic” and “Luhansk People’s Republic,” the internally displaced, and those who fled to the Russian Federation. The survey data map the parallel processes of a self-reported polarization of identities and the preservation or strengthening of civic identities. Language categories matter for current self-identification, but they are not cast in narrow ethnolinguistic terms, and feeling “more Ukrainian” and Ukrainian citizenship include mono- and bilingual conceptions of native language (i.e. Ukrainian and Russian). Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 139-157 Issue: 2-3 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1452209 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1452209 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:2-3:p:139-157 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elise Giuliano Author-X-Name-First: Elise Author-X-Name-Last: Giuliano Title: Who supported separatism in Donbas? Ethnicity and popular opinion at the start of the Ukraine crisis Abstract: Donetsk and Luhansk are often labeled pro-Russian regions as a result of the founding of Peoples’ Republics there in spring 2014. This article investigates popular opinion in Donbas before armed conflict began, to determine whether the high concentration of ethnic Russians there drove support for separatism. Analysis of a KIIS opinion poll shows that, on the one hand, ethnic Russian respondents were divided on most separatist issues, with a minority backing separatist positions. On the other hand, they supported separatist issues in larger numbers than both ethnic Ukrainians and respondents with hybrid identities. Thus, while ethnic identity does not produce polarized preferences, it is relevant in shaping political attitudes. Also, analysis of an original database of statements made by Donbas residents indicate that they were motivated to support separatism by local concerns exacerbated by a sense of abandonment by Kyiv rather than by Russian language and pro-Russian foreign policy issues. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 158-178 Issue: 2-3 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1447769 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1447769 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:2-3:p:158-178 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lowell W. Barrington Author-X-Name-First: Lowell W. Author-X-Name-Last: Barrington Title: Understanding identity in Ukraine – and elsewhere Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 179-182 Issue: 2-3 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1445468 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1445468 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:2-3:p:179-182 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Oxana Shevel Author-X-Name-First: Oxana Author-X-Name-Last: Shevel Title: Towards new horizons in the study of identities in Ukraine Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 183-185 Issue: 2-3 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1451243 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1451243 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:2-3:p:183-185 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Dominique Arel Author-X-Name-First: Dominique Author-X-Name-Last: Arel Title: How Ukraine has become more Ukrainian Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 186-189 Issue: 2-3 Volume: 34 Year: 2018 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1445460 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1445460 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:34:y:2018:i:2-3:p:186-189 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tatiana Karabchuk Author-X-Name-First: Tatiana Author-X-Name-Last: Karabchuk Author-Name: Noah Buckley Author-X-Name-First: Noah Author-X-Name-Last: Buckley Author-Name: Ekaterina Borisova Author-X-Name-First: Ekaterina Author-X-Name-Last: Borisova Title: Political economy of development: perspectives from contemporary Russia Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 393-394 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1785242 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1785242 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:5-6:p:393-394 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anna Bykova Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Bykova Author-Name: Dennis Coates Author-X-Name-First: Dennis Author-X-Name-Last: Coates Title: Firm performance and regional economic freedom: the case of Russia Abstract: This study investigates whether the economic freedom of a region drives firm performance. Despite the large number of papers about the relationship between economic freedom and growth, there is still little evidence on the role of economic freedom in the performance of individual firms. We address this gap in the literature using hierarchical linear modeling, allowing us to investigate regional differences in company-level performance. The dataset consists of information about 1,096 companies combined with the Index of Economic Freedom for Russian regions during the period 2004–2014. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 395-415 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1785239 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1785239 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:5-6:p:395-415 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Anton Kazun Author-X-Name-First: Anton Author-X-Name-Last: Kazun Title: Stopping the feast in times of plague: fighting criminal corporate raiding in diverse Russian regions Abstract: This paper analyzes the process of renegotiation of the informal contract between the regional and federal elites of Russia after the economic crisis. We use the database of Center of Public Procedures’ “Business against Corruption” to show that, after 2011, regional elites in Russia lost the pre-existing opportunity to extract rents from businesses in return for favorable election results for Vladimir Putin and United Russia. We also analyze the connection between the level of corporate raiding in various Russian regions and the political competition, tenure, and ties of their governors. We show that there are two distinct models for fighting raiding in a region: an authoritarian model for suppressing negative signals and a competitive model with the creation of a new consensus among the elites. Although both models are similar in terms of the absence of negative signals, they have very different consequences in the business context of an area. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 416-433 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1787672 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1787672 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:5-6:p:416-433 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michael Rochlitz Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Rochlitz Author-Name: Anton Kazun Author-X-Name-First: Anton Author-X-Name-Last: Kazun Author-Name: Andrei Yakovlev Author-X-Name-First: Andrei Author-X-Name-Last: Yakovlev Title: Property rights in Russia after 2009: from business capture to centralized corruption? Abstract: Since about 2009, increasing budgetary constraints forced the Russian state to become notably less tolerant of lower-level corruption and predatory behavior by state agencies. In this paper, we argue that after a first stage of decentralized corruption and state capture during the 1990s, and a second period of decentralized corruption and business capture during the 2000s, Russia has entered a third stage of more centralized corruption since 2009. We build our argument on a detailed discussion of property rights relations in Russia, and support it with indicative quantitative data, suggesting that raiding attacks on businesses and corrupt behavior by state agencies have become less frequent and more centralized between 2009 and 2016. The sustainability of this move towards a more centralized mode of corruption remains questionable, however, mainly due to the lack of a long-term vision for the development of the country. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 434-450 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1786777 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1786777 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:5-6:p:434-450 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Koen Schoors Author-X-Name-First: Koen Author-X-Name-Last: Schoors Author-Name: Laurent Weill Author-X-Name-First: Laurent Author-X-Name-Last: Weill Title: Politics and banking in Russia: the rise of Putin Abstract: We investigate whether lending by the dominant Russian state bank, Sberbank, contributed to Vladimir Putin’s ascent to power during the presidential elections of March2000. Our hypothesis is that Sberbank corporate loans were used as incentives for managers at private firms to mobilize employees to vote for Putin. In line with our proposed voter mobilization mechanism, we find that the growth of regional corporate Sberbank loans in the months before the presidential election is related to the regional increase in votes for Putin and to the regional increase in voter turnout between the Duma election of December1999 and the presidential election of March2000. The effect is pronounced in regions where the governor is affiliated with the regime and in regions with extensive private employment, and less apparent in regions bequeathed with single-company towns, where voter intimidation suffices to get the required result. The results are highly robust. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 451-474 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1785245 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1785245 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:5-6:p:451-474 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Guzel Garifullina Author-X-Name-First: Guzel Author-X-Name-Last: Garifullina Author-Name: Kirill Kazantcev Author-X-Name-First: Kirill Author-X-Name-Last: Kazantcev Author-Name: Andrei Yakovlev Author-X-Name-First: Andrei Author-X-Name-Last: Yakovlev Title: United we stand: the effects of subnational elite structure on succession in two Russian regions Abstract: In this paper, we build a theory that presents the process of succession at the subnational level as bargaining between the region and the center. The region should first be able to produce qualifying candidates for successor status, which requires incumbent control. If potential successors emerge and one is designated as such by the incumbent, the central authorities still need to accept such a candidate as the new leader. The center’s strength (depending on the level of centralization) and the region’s strength (depending on regional elite cohesion) shape this negotiation. Using biographical data on subnational political elites in Tatarstan and Bashkortostan in the 1990s and 2000s, we construct elite social networks and demonstrate how and why we observe leader succession in Tatarstan in 2010, but not in Bashkortostan. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 475-494 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1785244 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1785244 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:5-6:p:475-494 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas F. Remington Author-X-Name-First: Thomas F. Author-X-Name-Last: Remington Author-Name: Po Yang Author-X-Name-First: Po Author-X-Name-Last: Yang Title: Public-private partnerships for skill development in the United States, Russia, and China Abstract: We compare three countries where public policy has explicitly sought to align incentives of employers and educational institutions around closing the gap between skill formation and labor market demand. In large, heterogeneous countries such as the United States, Russia and China, collaborative arrangements such apprenticeships and other forms of public-private partnerships can be constructed at the subnational level by building on direct, face-to-face ties across educational, business, government, and civic sectors. Drawing on existing literature as well as fieldwork studying a number of specific cases in the three countries, the paper develops a typology of such arrangements and proposes an explanation for the observed variation. It emphasizes the importance of two sets of factors: those that induce cooperation on the part of firms and schools, and those that influence the character of such partnerships. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 495-514 Issue: 5-6 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1780727 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1780727 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:5-6:p:495-514 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Aleksandr Fisher Author-X-Name-First: Aleksandr Author-X-Name-Last: Fisher Title: Demonizing the enemy: the influence of Russian state-sponsored media on American audiences Abstract: There is growing anxiety about the influence of international propaganda on public opinion. Under what conditions can countries shift foreign public opinion against an adversary? Does making people aware that news is coming from a foreign source mitigate its influence? I examine these questions in the context of Russian propaganda in the United States. I subject subgroups of Americans to an article from Russia Today (RT), a Russian international television network, criticizing the Ukrainian government. I vary whether audiences are aware of the message source, and/or the intentions, of the Russian-funded network. I show that exposure to information about Ukrainian human rights violations lowers Americans’ evaluations of Ukraine irrespective of source awareness – indicating that making people more aware of foreign propaganda does not attenuate its influence. The findings have important implications for understanding the micro-level effects of international propaganda and the effectiveness of counter-propaganda strategies. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 281-296 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1730121 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1730121 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:4:p:281-296 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Erik Andermo Author-X-Name-First: Erik Author-X-Name-Last: Andermo Author-Name: Martin Kragh Author-X-Name-First: Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Kragh Title: Secrecy and military expenditures in the Russian budget Abstract: This article proposes a transparent method for collecting, structuring, and analyzing Russian budget data on defense and security-related expenditures. A precise answer to the question of how big Russia’s defense expenditures are is impossible because of issues concerning secrecy and accounting principles. We circumvent this challenge by constructing lower and upper bounds for Russia’s military expenditure, showing that depending on the chosen measure these have increased from the range of 10.3–31.2% of federal expenditures in 2011 to 12.9–35.4% in 2018. The analysis also yields additional insights into the concept of secrecy in the Russian budget; we show that 39 out of 96 subchapters in the Russian budget contain secret expenditures, many of which are not nominally related to defense or security, and that secret expenditures increased as a share of total expenditures from 12% to 17% between 2011 and 2019. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 297-322 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1738816 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1738816 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:4:p:297-322 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michelle L. O’Brien Author-X-Name-First: Michelle L. Author-X-Name-Last: O’Brien Title: Disruption and decline: the gendered consequences of civil war and political transition for education in Tajikistan Abstract: The sweeping political transition from the Soviet Union to independence in Tajikistan was accompanied by a devastating civil war. Social, economic, and demographic change followed. This research examines a critical indicator of human welfare and stability at the micro- and macro-levels: educational attainment and mobility. Using the 2007 Tajik Living Standards Survey, I compare cohorts educated before, during, and after the civil war. I examine the impact of the war and the political transition on educational attainment and mobility. The findings suggest that the consequences of civil war and political transition in Tajikistan were gendered: boys’ attainment was disrupted when they lived in a conflict-affected area and were 16-to-17 years old when the war began; girls’ attainment decline was more widespread. This research contributes to our understanding of the long-term consequences of political events on human capital accumulation over the life course. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 323-345 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2019.1701880 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2019.1701880 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:4:p:323-345 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Beth Knobel Author-X-Name-First: Beth Author-X-Name-Last: Knobel Title: The Great Game and the evolving nature of political talk shows on Russian television Abstract: Much has been written about the specific way in which the Russian government under President Vladimir V. Putin uses television to propagate pro-government views on domestic and international politics by influencing what is aired. This paper examines the first season of The Great Game (Bol’shaya Igra in Russian), a television talk show that appears on Russia’s national television network Channel One, as an example of the government’s effort to shape public opinion. A content analysis suggests The Great Game differs from the typical Russian talk show genre in that it delivers political messages without much entertainment, providing cerebral discussions of issues that nonetheless back up all nine of the core “neoconservative” concepts underlying recent Russian political strategy. This suggests that the Russian government and television executives innovate to determine how best to use television to win over skeptical citizens to the Kremlin’s point of view. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 346-364 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1772664 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1772664 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:4:p:346-364 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Stephen Fortescue Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Fortescue Title: Russia’s civil service: professional or patrimonial? Executive-level officials in five federal ministries Abstract: The issue of poor performance of the Russian federal bureaucracy is addressed by linking performance to type of official, through analysis of biographical data on deputy ministers and division (departament) heads in five federal ministries since 2012, supplemented by internet searches on behavior, particularly of a corrupt nature. Education, previous career experience, and recruitment, including its timing relative to superiors and subordinates, are analyzed, in order to determine whether officials behave primarily as members of patrimonial teams, as members of problem-solving organizations, as self-serving individuals, as the instruments of capture by commercial organizations, or as servants of bureaucratic agency interests. The data do not strongly support any one conclusion, but problem-solving officials have the strongest presence. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 365-388 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1757314 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1757314 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:4:p:365-388 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Hasan Selim Özertem Author-X-Name-First: Hasan Selim Author-X-Name-Last: Özertem Title: Putinomics: power and money in resurgent Russia Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 389-391 Issue: 4 Volume: 36 Year: 2020 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1747250 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1747250 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:36:y:2020:i:4:p:389-391 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Natalia Forrat Author-X-Name-First: Natalia Author-X-Name-Last: Forrat Title: The political economy of Russian higher education: why does Putin support research universities? Abstract: This article argues that Vladimir Putin's regime launched support programs for the leading Russian universities in 2005 because of a perceived threat of the political mobilization of youth, similar to the one that triggered “color revolutions” in Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine. The support programs created cleavages in the university community, covered an attack on university autonomy, and made the containment of possible anti-regime student mobilization a part of an implicit agreement between the regime and the universities. The historical coincidence of the “demographic hole,” which caused a shrinkage of the higher education market, and high oil prices, which provided the necessary resources for the regime, made this implicit agreement possible. The article contributes to the research on authoritarianism, youth mobilization, authoritarian backlash after the color revolutions, and the development of research universities in Russia. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 299-337 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1051749 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1051749 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:4:p:299-337 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Igor Chirikov Author-X-Name-First: Igor Author-X-Name-Last: Chirikov Title: Do Russian research universities have a secret mission? a response to Forrat Abstract: This paper challenges the central claim of Natalia Forrat’s article that university support programs under Putin targeted the suppression of anti-regime student mobilization. Empirical evidence, both on the national-policy level and on the level of higher education institutions, suggests that the government introduced support programs in order to establish a research capacity at Russian flagship universities and to develop a more competitive national science system. The low level of students’ political engagement can rather be attributed to the outdated structures of student representation, inherited from the Soviet period. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 338-344 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1083160 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1083160 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:4:p:338-344 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Natalia Forrat Author-X-Name-First: Natalia Author-X-Name-Last: Forrat Title: A response to Igor Chirikov Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 345-349 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1108755 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1108755 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:4:p:345-349 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vladimir Mau Author-X-Name-First: Vladimir Author-X-Name-Last: Mau Title: Between crises and sanctions: economic policy of the Russian Federation Abstract: This paper examines the root causes and features of crises of the Russian economy in 2014–2015 as a combination of structural and institutional problems, as well as cyclical and external shocks. The demand-side model of economic growth based on massive windfall revenue from oil and gas exports from the 2000s is now exhausted, and the country needs to shift to a new, supply-side model of growth. Mobilization and liberalization are discussed as two key economic policy alternatives. The analysis includes historical retrospection, which provides some important lessons from economic developments in the twentieth century: the Great Depression and the period of stagflation, the Soviet industrialization debate and perestroika, and the New Economic Policy in the USSR and the contemporary modernization of China. Special attention is paid to the mechanisms of economic growth acceleration in present-day Russia. They include macroeconomic stabilization, structural and institutional reforms based on liberalization of economic activity, and guarantees of property rights. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 350-377 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1053723 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1053723 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:4:p:350-377 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Yuri Teper Author-X-Name-First: Yuri Author-X-Name-Last: Teper Title: Official Russian identity discourse in light of the annexation of Crimea: national or imperial? Abstract: Close examination and analysis of the Kremlin’s framing of Russia’s annexation of Crimea reveals that domestically it was presented in unprecedented national irredentist terminology, aiming at reunifying the Russian nation in one state. The Russian nation was largely described in ethno-lingual or ethno-cultural terms, while the Russian state was all but explicitly declared as a nation–state of ethnic Russians. The official identity discourse was marked by the recasting and unprecedentedly strong reassertion of boundaries between the Russian and Ukrainian nations, legitimizing Russian claims to Crimea. However, the changing references to the crisis in Eastern Ukraine illustrate how the Kremlin’s identity rhetoric is still mainly guided by considerations of political necessity, rather than dictated by some national or ideological vision. Significantly, the focus of the Russian official identity discourse shifted from the state to the nation. This marks a decisive departure from Putin’s earlier largely statist rhetoric in the 2000s, and a new stage of maturation and official acclamation of national ethnicization trends launched during his third presidential term. After years of sitting on the fence, the Kremlin reinvented itself as an active and initiating player in the nationalism field. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 378-396 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1076959 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1076959 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:4:p:378-396 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Corrigendum Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: c1-c1 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1069534 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1069534 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:4:p:c1-c1 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Corrigendum Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: c2-c2 Issue: 4 Volume: 32 Year: 2016 Month: 7 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2015.1073906 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2015.1073906 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:32:y:2016:i:4:p:c2-c2 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jana Grittersová Author-X-Name-First: Jana Author-X-Name-Last: Grittersová Title: The politics of bank ownership and currency policies in Central and Eastern Europe Abstract: This paper argues that state-owned, private domestic, and foreign banks have different preferences for exchange rate policies. More specifically, I posit that governments will be less willing and able to maintain fixed exchange rate arrangements in closed banking systems dominated by government-owned banks than in globalized banking systems with a large presence of foreign banks. The article’s principal claim rests on the notion that ownership structure of the banking system empowers different types of banks, affects their interests, and shapes the responsiveness of government politicians to bank demands. The bank ownership types further influence the stability of the domestic monetary system and financial regulation that are of paramount importance in the determination of exchange rate regimes. An empirical investigation of data on exchange rate regimes for 25 Central and Eastern European countries provides strong support for the theory. The results are robust to alternative estimation techniques, instrumental variable analysis, and the inclusion of several economic and political variables. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 1-24 Issue: 1 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1467699 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1467699 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:1:p:1-24 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vasile Rotaru Author-X-Name-First: Vasile Author-X-Name-Last: Rotaru Title: Instrumentalizing the recent past? The new Cold War narrative in Russian public space after 2014 Abstract: There has been much debate about whether the US and Russia are locked in a new Cold War, but much less attention as to how the term is used in Russian political discourse. Through a close analysis of public statements, I analyze how the Cold War narrative has been used in the Russian public space since 2014, and assess how the “resuscitation” of the Cold War paradigm has been used by Moscow’s political elites, in order to discuss its impact on foreign policy. I document a distinct shift in Russian policymakers’ use of the term in 2016 and trace this shift to domestic political considerations. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 25-40 Issue: 1 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1511336 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1511336 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:1:p:25-40 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Erik S. Herron Author-X-Name-First: Erik S. Author-X-Name-Last: Herron Author-Name: Brian Fitzpatrick Author-X-Name-First: Brian Author-X-Name-Last: Fitzpatrick Author-Name: Maksym Palamarenko Author-X-Name-First: Maksym Author-X-Name-Last: Palamarenko Title: The practice and implications of legislative proxy voting in Ukraine Abstract: Governing parties often face the challenge of coordinating the behavior of legislators to pass bills and achieve their policy goals. Solutions to this collective action problem vary, but generally involve a combination of inducements and punishments to encourage legislators to toe the party line. “Ghost voting,” a form of proxy voting in which legislators record roll-call votes in place of their absent co-partisans has been noted over time in many representative institutions. This article addresses the process of proxy voting in Ukraine’s Verkhovna Rada, empirically demonstrating that proxy voting has been widespread and essential to the success of crucial legislation. At the same time, proxy voting creates impediments to measures of legislative unity and undermines accountability. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 41-62 Issue: 1 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1513219 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1513219 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:1:p:41-62 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Julia S. P. Loe Author-X-Name-First: Julia S. P. Author-X-Name-Last: Loe Title: “But it is our duty!” Exploring Gazprom’s reluctance to Russian gas sector reform Abstract: Reform of the Russian domestic natural gas sector has been discussed for several decades but has not been carried out. The state-controlled energy company Gazprom holds a dominant position in the domestic market, supplying the population with gas, carrying out societal functions, and in return getting privileges from the state. Recently, however, independent gas producers have increased their market shares and are lobbying for liberalization. While Gazprom might gain from reform, it continues to warn against the dangers of altering the gas market structure too abruptly. Analyzing Gazprom’s reasoning through an ideational analytical lens, this article finds that Gazprom’s reluctance to change can be explained not only by its interests but also by norms and beliefs. Reform studies should take note of Gazprom’s idea of “keeping the country together,” not least because the company has a sounding board in the President, who makes the final decisions. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 63-76 Issue: 1 Volume: 35 Year: 2019 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2018.1528087 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2018.1528087 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:35:y:2019:i:1:p:63-76 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alexi Gugushvili Author-X-Name-First: Alexi Author-X-Name-Last: Gugushvili Author-Name: Peter Kabachnik Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Kabachnik Title: Stalin is dead, long live Stalin? Testing socialization, structural, ideological, nationalist, and gender hypotheses Abstract: Recently, there has been a renewed focus on analyzing post-Soviet memory, including the rekindling of debate on contemporary perspectives of Josef Stalin. Most notably, the publication of The Stalin Puzzle has helped bring attention to the persistence of positive accounts and admiration, along with ambivalent and contested images, of the former dictator of the Soviet Union. Using survey data and multivariate statistical methods, we test five broad hypotheses – socialization, structural, ideological, nationalist, and gender – to ascertain what factors might shape people's attitudes toward Stalin in Georgia. Our analysis reveals that elderly, poor men from rural areas have the most positive associations of Stalin, whereas young, wealthier women from cities, those who are open to privatization, and perceive Russia as Georgia's biggest threat judge Stalin negatively. Counterintuitively, non-Georgian minorities show higher esteem for Stalin than Georgians. We envision that the effects of cohort replacement, economic development, and urbanization will decrease positive perceptions of Stalin in years to come. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 1-36 Issue: 1 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.940697 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.940697 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:1:p:1-36 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Todd H. Nelson Author-X-Name-First: Todd H. Author-X-Name-Last: Nelson Title: History as ideology: the portrayal of Stalinism and the Great Patriotic War in contemporary Russian high school textbooks Abstract: Using data from fieldwork conducted in late 2009, this paper examines the Russian educational sphere and initiatives by the political elite to control and manipulate textbook content, testing objectives, and the structuring of curricula in order to maximize exposure to, and absorption of, its preferred narratives. Using a more detailed critical analysis of textbook content, I show that methods of discursive manipulation are used to highlight positive aspects of the Stalinist period – especially victory in World War II – while downplaying its political repression. This manipulation allows the state to both legitimize its version of Stalinist history and to perpetuate the underlying legitimizing function that version serves. In this way, the discourse implicitly justifies Putin's centralized state as the type of system that has historically produced great achievements for Russia. This article adds to the literature on the manipulation of educational content for political purposes generally, and in the case of Russia specifically. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 37-65 Issue: 1 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.942542 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.942542 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:1:p:37-65 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Peter Rutland Author-X-Name-First: Peter Author-X-Name-Last: Rutland Title: Petronation? Oil, gas, and national identity in Russia Abstract: Based on survey research, elite interviews, and an analysis of media treatment, this article explores the place of oil and gas in Russia's national narrative and self-identity. Objectively, Russia's economic development, political stability, and ability to project power abroad rest on its oil and gas resources. Subjectively, however, Russians are somewhat reluctant to accept that oil and gas dependency is part of their national identity. This is particularly true of the elites who play a crucial role in defining the dominant national narrative. Ordinary Russians generally have quite positive attitudes about the role of Gazprom and Russia's emergence as an “energy superpower” – while at the same time being wary of becoming a “raw materials appendage” of the outside world. One of the unexpected findings to emerge from the survey data is the strong regional differences on the question of whether Russia should be proud of its reliance on energy. Gazprom is popular in the Central Federal District, but less so as one moves east. The article concludes with an analysis of the factors constraining the role of energy in Russia's national narrative: the prominent history of military victories and territorial expansion; a strong commitment to modernization through science and industry; and concerns over corruption, environmental degradation, and foreign exploitation. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 66-89 Issue: 1 Volume: 31 Year: 2015 Month: 1 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.952537 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.952537 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:31:y:2015:i:1:p:66-89 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Timothy Frye Author-X-Name-First: Timothy Author-X-Name-Last: Frye Title: Legality and violence in Russia: an introduction Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 87-88 Issue: 2-3 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2014.886359 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2014.886359 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:2-3:p:87-88 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Michael Rochlitz Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Rochlitz Title: Corporate raiding and the role of the state in Russia Abstract: To what extent are Russian state agencies involved in predatory behavior, and what are the determinants of their activities? Analyzing a novel data-set comprising 312 cases of illegal corporate raiding (reyderstvo) between 1999 and 2010, this article identifies a shift both in the regional and sectoral distribution of raids over time, as well as an increasing participation of state agencies in criminal raiding attacks. Using panel regression analysis to look at the determinants of increasing state involvement, this article shows that election results for the ruling president and his party, as well as the degree to which elections are manipulated throughout Russia's regions, are significantly and positively correlated with the number of raids in a given region, while regions with governors that have stronger local ties are characterized by a smaller number of attacks. A potential interpretation of these findings is that the federal center may tolerate a certain degree of predatory activities by regional elites, as long as these elites are able to deliver a sufficiently high level of electoral support for the center, with the effect being weaker in regions where the governor is interested in the long-term development of the regional economy. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 89-114 Issue: 2-3 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.856573 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.856573 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:2-3:p:89-114 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ella Paneyakh Author-X-Name-First: Ella Author-X-Name-Last: Paneyakh Title: Faking performance together: systems of performance evaluation in Russian enforcement agencies and production of bias and privilege Abstract: A specialist on Russian law enforcement examines a critical source of prosecution and conviction bias in that country – the system by which prosecutors, police, judges, and other legal professionals are evaluated. More specifically, she demonstrates how that system (exclusive of any inherent corruption or bias) institutionalizes incentives for the prosecution of large numbers of defendants in routine cases for the purpose of meeting informal quotas. Officials from a variety of law enforcement agencies, seeking to “hit their numbers,” develop techniques of selecting the “right” cases (and avoiding “wrong” ones), manipulating charges depending on the victim's and defendant's statuses. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 115-136 Issue: 2-3 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.858525 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.858525 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:2-3:p:115-136 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: André Schultz Author-X-Name-First: André Author-X-Name-Last: Schultz Author-Name: Vladimir Kozlov Author-X-Name-First: Vladimir Author-X-Name-Last: Kozlov Author-Name: Alexander Libman Author-X-Name-First: Alexander Author-X-Name-Last: Libman Title: Judicial alignment and criminal justice: evidence from Russian courts Abstract: This paper investigates the effect of informal ties between judges (as represented by regional court chairpersons) and prosecutors on the repressive implementation of criminal justice in Russia in the area of fraud convictions. The authors utilize criminal law statistics of Russian regional courts for 2006–2010 to determine the alignment between chairpersons and prosecutors by measuring the length of their mutual career paths. The informal ties have a strong impact on trial outcome, which, however, changes over time. During periods of high bureaucratic risks and uncertainty, regions with a higher extent of informal ties between judges and prosecutors exhibit more repressive law enforcement. If external risks decrease, informal coalitions seem to increase the independence of the courts, insulating them from bureaucratic pressures and limiting their repressiveness. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 137-170 Issue: 2-3 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.856574 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.856574 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:2-3:p:137-170 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrei Yakovlev Author-X-Name-First: Andrei Author-X-Name-Last: Yakovlev Author-Name: Anton Sobolev Author-X-Name-First: Anton Author-X-Name-Last: Sobolev Author-Name: Anton Kazun Author-X-Name-First: Anton Author-X-Name-Last: Kazun Title: Means of production versus means of coercion: can Russian business limit the violence of a predatory state? Abstract: In their most recent works, North and his coauthors (North, D. C., J. J. Wallis, S. Webb, and B. R. Weingast. 2012. In the Shadow of Violence: Politics, Economics, and the Problems of Development. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press; North, D.C., J. J. Wallis, and B. R. Weingast. 2009. Violence and Social Orders: A Conceptual Framework for Interpreting Recorded Human History. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press) name the formation of organizations capable of effectively restricting violence in society as a necessary condition for transition from developing societies to societies with sustainable economic growth. However, the mechanisms of emergence and conditions for the operation of such organizations in contemporary developing countries remain unclear. We follow the logic of formation of such organizations using the case study of collective actions of the Russian business community aimed at restricting “state violence” against business. We seek to identify the conditions leading to a shift in the choice of strategies from attempts at informal agreements with extortionists controlling means of coercion to cooperation of businessmen and trace the further evolution of organized forms of collective action. Finally, we assess to what extent the created organizations can be efficient and self-supporting in the long term. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 171-194 Issue: 2-3 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.859434 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.859434 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:2-3:p:171-194 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lauren A. McCarthy Author-X-Name-First: Lauren A. Author-X-Name-Last: McCarthy Title: Local-level law enforcement: Muscovites and their uchastkovyy Abstract: The uchastkovyy, or beat officer, is at the front lines of Russian police work. This article investigates the general environment in which the uchastkovyy functions, using Moscow as an example. More specifically, this article examines the institutional structure within which the beat cop operates, his/her duties and resources, the quota system used to evaluate his/her performance, and the nature of the interaction between the uchastkovyy and the public. In so doing, the study disaggregates the monolith that is the Russian police, focusing on that component of the force (uchastkovyy) that interacts most directly with the citizenry. It relies on data from a survey of 1500 Muscovites and four focus group encounters organized by the author to elicit a broad range of public attitudes regarding the performance and conduct of uchastkovyy, exploring particularly what measures might be taken to enhance the level of public trust in their local beat officers. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 195-225 Issue: 2-3 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.858941 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.858941 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:2-3:p:195-225 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Brian D. Taylor Author-X-Name-First: Brian D. Author-X-Name-Last: Taylor Title: Police reform in Russia: the policy process in a hybrid regime Abstract: Do hybrid regimes have policy processes distinct from other regime types? This article explores this issue through a case study of police reform in Russia, focusing specifically on the adoption of a new Law on the Police from 2009 to 2011. Drawing on concepts from the comparative policymaking literature, the study traces the policy enactment process and shows how the public parts of the process were largely (but not entirely) a façade behind which the real policy process took place. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 226-255 Issue: 2-3 Volume: 30 Year: 2014 Month: 5 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.860752 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.860752 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:30:y:2014:i:2-3:p:226-255 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Elena Shadrina Author-X-Name-First: Elena Author-X-Name-Last: Shadrina Author-Name: Michael Bradshaw Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Bradshaw Title: Russia's energy governance transitions and implications for enhanced cooperation with China, Japan, and South Korea Abstract: A Tokyo-based economist and a noted western economic geographer, both specializing in the hydrocarbon resources of Russia, apply the framework of governance studies in an effort to gain a deeper understanding of the recent changes in the country's energy policy-making. The authors argue that, unlike the international relations paradigm prevailing in studies of Russia's energy policy, the country's multiple roles in the international energy arena (as producer, consumer, exporter, importer, and transit state) warrant a more nuanced approach, reflecting Russian energy policy's flexibility over time and diversity across space. This paper endeavors, therefore, to apply a political economy and governance perspective to an understanding of the significant changes in Russia's energy policy-making regarding its dynamic energy relations with the Northeast Asia (NEA; China, Japan, and South Korea). In exploring the complex interactions between Russia's internal energy policy-making and its emerging energy relations in NEA, the authors addresses three key questions, namely: (1) how Russia's Asian energy policy corresponds to its domestic needs, (2) how much coherence in energy governance and cooperation exists between Russia and the Northeast Asian states at the institutional and organizational levels, and (3) the extent to which Russia's expectations for increased energy cooperation with the Northeast Asian states are likely to materialize. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 461-499 Issue: 6 Volume: 29 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.837635 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.837635 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:29:y:2013:i:6:p:461-499 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: David Sedik Author-X-Name-First: David Author-X-Name-Last: Sedik Author-Name: Zvi Lerman Author-X-Name-First: Zvi Author-X-Name-Last: Lerman Author-Name: Vasilii Uzun Author-X-Name-First: Vasilii Author-X-Name-Last: Uzun Title: Agricultural policy in Russia and WTO accession Abstract: This article analyzes the implications of World Trade Organization (WTO) accession for Russian agricultural policy. Using Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) data on producer support from 2010, we identify two major characteristics of Russian agricultural and trade policy (a) reliance on sizeable differences between world and domestic prices to generate two-thirds of agricultural producer support and (b) highly distortionary budget support. We then consider whether the disciplines introduced by WTO accession will constrain or even roll back these distortionary policies, thereby substantially changing the nature of agricultural policies in Russia. Using data from OECD-FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations) and Russian Ministry of Agriculture projections, we conclude that the structure of OECD-type producer support in 2020 will be very similar to its current state. Market price support will continue to dominate the Producer Support Estimate, and the projected Current Total Aggregate Measure of Support (AMS) will approach the WTO Bound Total AMS (the ceiling on production-distorting support) only in 2018. For the reasons above, we conclude that although WTO accession provides opportunities for important changes in Russian sanitary, phytosanitary, food safety, trade, and tariff policies, membership is not a guarantee of systemic change. In fact, a serious look at Russian WTO commitments makes a minimum-change scenario quite possible and even likely. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 500-527 Issue: 6 Volume: 29 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.817160 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.817160 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:29:y:2013:i:6:p:500-527 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Matthew Light Author-X-Name-First: Matthew Author-X-Name-Last: Light Author-Name: Nikolai Kovalev Author-X-Name-First: Nikolai Author-X-Name-Last: Kovalev Title: Russia, the death penalty, and Europe: the ambiguities of influence Abstract: Studies of capital punishment worldwide investigate how international influence affects the death penalty. We analyze European influence on the death penalty in Russia over the imperial, Soviet, and post-Soviet periods, using two parameters: the changing mechanisms of influence in each period and the death penalty's significance in the broader spectrum of punitive violence. On the first parameter, in the tsarist period, European influence on Russian policy was “productive” – exercised through prestige, moral suasion, and “diffusion.” In the Soviet period, European influence was blocked. In the post-Soviet period, European influence is coercive, as the Council of Europe has unsuccessfully sought to compel Russia to abolish its death penalty. On the second parameter, the death penalty in Russia has always been only one of many forms of state-sanctioned punitive killing. In consequence, the Council's involvement in Russia's death penalty has produced an incoherent policy outcome and has entangled the Council in Russia's authoritarian politics. Russia thus exemplifies the hazards of external involvement in death penalty abolition. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 528-566 Issue: 6 Volume: 29 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.816104 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.816104 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:29:y:2013:i:6:p:528-566 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: The Editors Title: Editorial Board Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: ebi-ebi Issue: 6 Volume: 29 Year: 2013 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2013.858851 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2013.858851 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:29:y:2013:i:6:p:ebi-ebi Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: William Pyle Author-X-Name-First: William Author-X-Name-Last: Pyle Title: Russia’s “impressionable years”: life experience during the exit from communism and Putin-era beliefs Abstract: This article links Russians’ individual experiences during the late-Gorbachev and early-Yeltsin years to beliefs they espoused in the Putin era, over a decade later. Drawing on the 2006 wave of the Life in Transition Survey, I show that a range of attitudes – including diminished support for markets and democracy and stronger support for reducing inequality – can be explained by whether an individual suffered labor market hardships in the half decade from 1989 to 1994. Subsequent labor market disruptions, surprisingly, bear no such relationship to beliefs in 2006. Relative to the rest of the former Soviet Union, this pattern is unique. Though an explanation is difficult to pin down, one speculative hypothesis is that for Russians, individual economic hardship, in conjunction with the dissolution of the Soviet Union, may have been particularly disorienting. Life experiences during those years of instability, uncertainty, and diminished status may have left a uniquely enduring impression. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 1-25 Issue: 1 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1833558 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1833558 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:1:p:1-25 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maia Chankseliani Author-X-Name-First: Maia Author-X-Name-Last: Chankseliani Title: The politics of exporting higher education: Russian university branch campuses in the “Near Abroad” Abstract: This exploratory study represents the first attempt at examining the politics of exporting Russian higher education to the former Soviet countries. The existing numeric and narrative evidence on Russian universities’ international branch campuses (IBCs) was gathered and systematically organized in a new dataset. The study finds that the majority of IBCs operating in former Soviet countries are branches of Russian universities. While the effectiveness of these IBCs is difficult to demonstrate, the study suggests that the Russian Federation uses IBCs as a tool to retain and strengthen its political power and influence in the region. This is done through a nuanced exploration of the niche of Russian IBCs within the differentiated higher educational landscape and through the analysis of the Russian state’s political rationale for establishing and supporting Russian IBCs. The study proposes to interpret the politics of exporting Russian higher education using the frameworks of neo-imperialism and internationalization. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 26-44 Issue: 1 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1789938 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1789938 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:1:p:26-44 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrey Makarychev Author-X-Name-First: Andrey Author-X-Name-Last: Makarychev Title: Russian “cognitive propaganda”: the case of Impressum Club in Tallinn Abstract: The object of my analysis is the Tallinn-based discussion club Impressum, known as a platform for spreading pro-Kremlin interpretations of political matters. These public speeches give a broad picture of political discourses originated in the Russian academic community or among Russia-loyal academics in Europe, and shared with Estonian Russophiles. Two questions are central to my analysis. First, I seek to find out how the Impressum Club speakers articulate two different yet mutually complementary strategies aimed at discursive normalization of Russia – namely, rational and emotional. Secondly, I discuss what the conflation of these two strategic narratives might tell us for a better understanding of the resonance of pro-Kremlin interpretations of history, politics, and economy among Estonian Russophones. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 45-64 Issue: 1 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1804259 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1804259 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:1:p:45-64 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mikhail Turchenko Author-X-Name-First: Mikhail Author-X-Name-Last: Turchenko Author-Name: Grigorii V. Golosov Author-X-Name-First: Grigorii V. Author-X-Name-Last: Golosov Title: Smart enough to make a difference? An empirical test of the efficacy of strategic voting in Russia’s authoritarian elections Abstract: This article uses a unique dataset from the September 2019 municipal elections in St. Petersburg in order to examine empirically the efficacy of strategic voting under authoritarianism, as manifest in the effects of the “smart vote campaign” of Alexei Navalny in Russia. The analysis allows for the conclusion that the campaign, while technically similar to the vote advice applications that are now widespread in many democracies, was efficient enough to make a significant difference in the overtly authoritarian context. We demonstrate empirically that Navalny’s call for strategic voting did indeed affect the behavior of the electorate, particularly by improving strategic coordination among opposition-minded voters; that the electoral results of the candidates backed by the “smart vote” campaign tended to be better than the electoral results of other non–United Russia candidates; and that as a result of the “smart vote” campaign, the dominant party’s electoral results deteriorated quite visibly. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 65-79 Issue: 1 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1796386 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1796386 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:1:p:65-79 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kenneth Wilson Author-X-Name-First: Kenneth Author-X-Name-Last: Wilson Title: Is Vladimir Putin a strong leader? Abstract: A strong leader – i.e. an individual who concentrates great power in his hands and uses it to solve the country’s problems – is often considered a good thing in contemporary politics. Vladimir Putin has always presented himself as precisely this kind of leader. This article considers whether Putin actually is a strong leader who has used his powers to do great things for Russia. The analysis begins by considering whether Putin is a strong leader in terms of the powers that he holds. It then assesses whether Putin has used these powers to solve Russia’s problems in terms of economic development, order, and national standing. Russia here is compared to the other states of the Former Soviet Union, as they all share a common Soviet heritage and have been subject to comparable structural forces. The study utilizes the data (arguably underused in the field) provided by institutions such as the World Bank to examine a large number of socio-economic factors. If Putin really is a strong leader who has transformed Russia, we would expect performance in Russia to be better than in these other countries. The article finds that Russia’s record is average at best and that Putin is an unexceptional leader. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 80-97 Issue: 1 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1808395 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1808395 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:1:p:80-97 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ulrich Eydam Author-X-Name-First: Ulrich Author-X-Name-Last: Eydam Author-Name: Irakli Gabriadze Author-X-Name-First: Irakli Author-X-Name-Last: Gabriadze Title: Institutional development in transition economies – the role of institutional experience Abstract: To understand the divergent institutional development in transition economies, we examine the role of institutional experience from the pre-Soviet era in institution-building after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. To measure institutional experience, we construct an index that captures previous experience with independent non-Soviet institutions. A cross-sectional analysis shows that institutional experience is statistically significantly associated with the quality of political, administrative, and legal institutions in transition economies today. To provide a more comprehensive picture and to control for confounding factors, in a second step, we apply a Hausman–Taylor estimator on panel data. This analysis confirms the positive relationship between institutional experience and institutional development. Moreover, the results suggest that the association between institutional experience and political institutions is stronger than the association to the other dimensions of institutions. Overall, the analysis highlights the importance of institutional experience and provides a rationale for the persistency of institutions. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 99-118 Issue: 2 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1848171 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1848171 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:2:p:99-118 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Linda J. Cook Author-X-Name-First: Linda J. Author-X-Name-Last: Cook Author-Name: Elena Iarskaia-Smirnova Author-X-Name-First: Elena Author-X-Name-Last: Iarskaia-Smirnova Author-Name: Anna Tarasenko Author-X-Name-First: Anna Author-X-Name-Last: Tarasenko Title: Outsourcing social services to NGOs in Russia: federal policy and regional responses Abstract: Our research bears on two critical issues for contemporary Russia: federal–regional power relations; and whether Moscow can modernize institutions and address dissatisfaction with social service delivery, a major political issue. It is the first comprehensive study of a major 2015 reform that ended the state monopoly over service provision and initiated outsourcing (contracting out) to socially oriented non-profits (SONPOs) and other non-state organizations. We find substantial interregional variation. Statistical tests of economic, political, and institutional explanations show that only the economic helps to explain variation across Russia's regions. We rely on comparisons of six regions, drawing on semi-structured interviews to gain a contextualized understanding of their varied implementation strategies. Key findings are that regional leaders demonstrated agency in crafting diverse strategies, while the Center showed flexibility. Whether Moscow can modernize public services remains unclear, though there is some evidence of improvement since the beginning of the outsourcing reform. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 119-136 Issue: 2 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1853454 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1853454 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:2:p:119-136 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Konstantin Kazenin Author-X-Name-First: Konstantin Author-X-Name-Last: Kazenin Author-Name: Vladimir Kozlov Author-X-Name-First: Vladimir Author-X-Name-Last: Kozlov Title: Post-Soviet traditionalism, human capital, and fertility: the case of the North Caucasus Abstract: The paper aims to contribute to studies of women’s human capital and fertility in post-Soviet societies. The post-Soviet regions are a particularly interesting setting to study this question because they have combined traditional family organization and rapid social change in recent decades. Based on evidence from Karachay-Cherkessia (Russia), we examine whether elements of a woman’s human capital can account for her fertility behavior in the context of family traditionalism. Our analysis is based in a sample survey of women conducted in 2018. Using Poisson regressions, we analyze the relation of human capital and family traditionalism to the number of children born to women of different ages. We conclude that both human capital and cultural family traditionalism (the empowerment of elder relatives in a woman’s family and a woman’s observance of religious rituals) appear to be significant for fertility decisions, with their effects working in opposite directions. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 137-154 Issue: 2 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1802826 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1802826 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:2:p:137-154 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Lowell Barrington Author-X-Name-First: Lowell Author-X-Name-Last: Barrington Title: Citizenship as a cornerstone of civic national identity in Ukraine Abstract: Nation-building has been an important and often complicated process in countries like Ukraine, which emerged from ethno-federal communist systems. In Ukraine, a civic approach to national identity has gained support since 2013, but it exists alongside a more ethnic Ukrainian–focused view of national identity. This article focuses on a central element of civic national identity in Ukraine: citizenship. Survey data from both closed-ended and open-ended questions are used to gauge the appeal of a citizenship-based identity and the reasons that respondents view citizenship as an important part of who they are. The results point to a strong connection to citizenship as an identity, and to patterns about which groups of people claim citizenship as an important part of their identity and why. The findings indicate that, if and when a more civic-oriented identity becomes the predominant approach to nation-building in Ukraine, citizenship will be a central part of the process. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 155-173 Issue: 2 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1851541 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1851541 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:2:p:155-173 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Levan Kakhishvili Author-X-Name-First: Levan Author-X-Name-Last: Kakhishvili Title: Towards a two-dimensional analytical framework for understanding Georgian foreign policy: how party competition informs foreign policy analysis Abstract: Studies explaining Georgian foreign policy present Tbilisi’s options as a dichotomy between the West and Russia, focusing either on power politics or personal characteristics of decision-makers. To paint a more nuanced and holistic picture, this article departs from these models and uses content analysis to explore what foreign policy visions political parties present to voters in their manifestos for parliamentary elections between 1992 and 2016. Grounding conclusions in empirical data, the article elaborates a novel analytical framework with two dimensions: alignment and orientation. This framework advances the understanding of foreign policy in two major ways. First, the framework reveals changes in foreign policy behavior that would normally be overlooked. Second, it shows that parties sometimes form pairs of circular foreign policy preferences (i.e., A > B > C > A). An added value of the framework is its potential application to other small states in the post-Soviet space and beyond. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 174-197 Issue: 2 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1869455 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1869455 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:2:p:174-197 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Nikita Makarchev Author-X-Name-First: Nikita Author-X-Name-Last: Makarchev Author-Name: Piotr Wieprzowski Author-X-Name-First: Piotr Author-X-Name-Last: Wieprzowski Title: Cuckoos in the nest: the co-option of state-owned enterprises in Putin’s Russia Abstract: Over recent years, Russia’s government has been expanding its presence in domestic state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and instituting numerous regulatory revisions. However, research is inconclusive over the government’s underlying economic intentions, and intervention outcomes, vis-à-vis SOEs. Likewise, it remains imprecise in relation to various characteristics of government–SOE interaction. To mitigate these issues, this paper develops a new state predation model relevant to large Russian SOEs. It argues, using the NOC (national oil company) mid-management recruitment and selection case, that SOEs are being re-oriented into centers of active regime support. Accordingly, the Russian government is prioritizing the placement of loyal clients, into NOC structures, who advance the SOEs’ growing political obligations. It is also rewarding them, in a performance-curbing manner, through tolerating their inadequate economic competence and heightened engagement in corporate corruption. At the same time, non-clients, including top international talent, are experiencing diminishing recruitment numbers and opportunities. This status quo, then, is being maintained via informal (closed and procedure-less) practices, though certain formal rules support it too. Consequently, the above-outlined state predation insights are important to understanding SOE political over-embeddedness and patron–client relations in emerging market SOEs. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 199-221 Issue: 3 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1870372 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1870372 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:3:p:199-221 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Richard Sakwa Author-X-Name-First: Richard Author-X-Name-Last: Sakwa Title: Heterarchy: Russian politics between chaos and control Abstract: Russian governance is a dynamic combination of horizontal and vertical factors. Heterarchy suggests that elements of an organization are not necessarily hierarchical (not ranked), and that they have the potential to be ranked in a number of different ways. Three levels to the system are identified: the macro (where the four major ideological-interest groups of Russian modernity are located); the meso (encompassing the various corporate, regional, and institutional actors as well as social organizations); and the micro (the personalities and networks in the current constellation of power). Vladimir Putin’s statecraft represents a distinctive response to the problem of heterarchy. Putin’s control mechanisms have reproduced features of the late Soviet “stability system,” which in the end proved far from stable. The regime-state is designed to constrain the socio-political reality of heterarchy, but “Hobbesian” mechanical stability impedes the development of more organic and adaptive “Lockean” forms of political integration and societal management. The contradiction between chaos and control is not resolved and has become constitutive of the post-communist Russian polity. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 222-241 Issue: 3 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2020.1871269 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1871269 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:3:p:222-241 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Erik Andermo Author-X-Name-First: Erik Author-X-Name-Last: Andermo Author-Name: Martin Kragh Author-X-Name-First: Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Kragh Title: Sanctions and dollar dependency in Russia: resilience, vulnerability, and financial integration Abstract: What are the long-term effects of the financial sanctions against Russia? We provide a time-sensitive analysis of the sanctions impact on certain Russian financial markets and highlight how Russia has responded strategically. Our analysis also captures the effect of the threat of sanctions and informs the debate on sanctions effectiveness. Thus, our study indicates how financial sanctions can be incorporated into theories of deterrence and conflict resolution. We also provide some policy implications that can be generalized and reinforce previous research. Russia’s banking system is highly dependent on dollar transactions, and in response to sanctions, Russia has systematically undertaken measures to promote its economic sovereignty under conditions of continued financial integration. We argue that sanctions put some pressure on the Russian budget, and that this effect has been exacerbated by the Covid-19 crisis, but also that Russia has used debt placements strategically in order to deter sanctions escalation. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 276-301 Issue: 3 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1913932 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1913932 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:3:p:276-301 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Kathryn Hendley Author-X-Name-First: Kathryn Author-X-Name-Last: Hendley Title: Rethinking the role of personal connections in the Russian labor market: getting a job as a law graduate in Russia Abstract: This article explores the entry-level legal job market based on a survey of graduating full-time Russian law students fielded in 2016. The findings contradict the prevailing assumptions about the post-Soviet labor market that connections trump experience. They show that law-graduate-respondents placed little value on the contacts of friends and family. Regression analysis confirms that personal self-confidence and experience are much stronger predictors of success on the job market. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 242-260 Issue: 3 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1874768 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1874768 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:3:p:242-260 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Håvard Bækken Author-X-Name-First: Håvard Author-X-Name-Last: Bækken Title: Patriotic disunity: limits to popular support for militaristic policy in Russia Abstract: This article considers the pervasiveness of military themes in the state’s framing of Russianness, and explores the strengths and weaknesses of militaristic means to enhance social consensus. Based on existing research and new survey data, it emphasizes the stratification of support for militaristic policy in the Russian population. The author argues that militarism cannot alleviate the growing dissatisfaction with the Putin regime in major cities or among youth. It also fails to unify Moscow with the countryside. Women are more sceptical than men, and higher education seems to undermine supportive attitudes. In consideration of this stratification of support, militaristic policies may in fact underscore important social and ideological cleavages in Russian society, rather than bridging them. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 261-275 Issue: 3 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1905417 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1905417 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:3:p:261-275 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Alexey Bessudnov Author-X-Name-First: Alexey Author-X-Name-Last: Bessudnov Author-Name: Christiaan Monden Author-X-Name-First: Christiaan Author-X-Name-Last: Monden Title: Ethnic intermarriage in Russia: the tale of four cities Abstract: Across most Western societies, trends towards increased ethnic intermarriage have been observed across the second half of the twentieth century. Whether such trends hold across the multi-ethnic society of Russia is not known. We analyze Russian census data and describe levels and trends in ethnic intermarriage in four highly different Russian cities. We find no change in ethnic intermarriage in Moscow, but more intermarriage in younger cohorts in the other three cities where the populations are more ethnically heterogeneous. Levels and trends in ethnic intermarriage vary substantially throughout Russia by locality and ethnic group. Our study highlights how trends in intermarriage can vary within a society, and how the local, historical context may play an important role. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 383-403 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1957345 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1957345 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:4:p:383-403 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ángel Torres-Adán Author-X-Name-First: Ángel Author-X-Name-Last: Torres-Adán Title: Still winners and losers? Studying public opinion’s geopolitical preferences in the association agreement countries (Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine) Abstract: This paper assesses some of the factors that influence the public’s geopolitical preferences in the Association Agreement (AA) countries (Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine). Specifically, I test the winners and losers theory, according to which individuals with higher chances of success in a particular society (winners) tend to support EU membership more than those with lower chances (losers). In addition, I explore the influence of political engagement, future migration preferences, and political values on this support. Departing from the conception of geopolitical preferences in the AA countries as a dichotomy between supporters of the Eurasian Economic Union (Easternizers) and supporters of the European Union (Westernizers), I adopt a four-fold classification that also considers the individuals who support both (Balancers) and neither (Isolationists). Drawing on survey data from Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine (2015–2019), I find similar patterns of effects for the winners and losers variables across the three countries, with winners more likely to be Westernizers and losers more likely to be Easternizers or Isolationists. Moreover, politically engaged individuals tend to be Balancers and Westernizers, whereas disengaged individuals show support for the Isolationist option. Values are a significant predictor for Balancers and Westernizers, since preferring liberal values has a positive effect on being a Westernizer and negative on being a Balancer. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 362-382 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1924041 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1924041 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:4:p:362-382 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Caress Schenk Author-X-Name-First: Caress Author-X-Name-Last: Schenk Title: Producing state capacity through corruption: the case of immigration control in Russia Abstract: Immigration control in Russia, one of the world’s top five largest immigrant-receiving countries, is rife with corruption and other informal practices. Instead of framing corruption simply as bad governance, this article shows that informal strategies are intertwined with formal state practices to produce immigration control. Instead of presenting corruption as subversive of state institutions and contradictions between formal and informal practices as a signal of system dysfunction, I argue that state actors’ simultaneous formal and informal activities can work together towards a perhaps surprisingly coherent set of goals. Drawing on ethnographic work with migrants and legal-institutional analysis of Russia’s migration sphere, this article demonstrates how felt immigration control, or the experience of migrants, combines legal and informal strategies that center on coercion. It shows how coercive interactions between migrants and state agents produce visible data and media images that are projected to the public as immigration control. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 303-317 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1955325 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1955325 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:4:p:303-317 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sasha Klyachkina Author-X-Name-First: Sasha Author-X-Name-Last: Klyachkina Title: Perceptions of governance: state and non-state governance in the North Caucasus Abstract: How do residents perceive governance in Russia’s North Caucasus? Using original interviews and household survey data collected over nine months of fieldwork, this article offers a nuanced and empirically driven comparative account of governance in Chechnya, Dagestan, and Ingushetia. Mitigating between accounts of a hegemonic state that has saturated public space or strong non-state actors that consistently organize parallel systems of governance, I demonstrate that residents identify a role for both state and ostensibly non-state authorities in governance. Devoting particular attention to the relationships between state and non-state actors, this paper finds that despite similarities in governance of extraction and coercion across the three cases, there are also important differences in dispute resolution, goods provision, and regulation of symbolic practices. This multidimensional approach to governance reveals the limitations of accounts, both in the region and in general, that fail to attend to variations across governance domains. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 336-361 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1954809 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1954809 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:4:p:336-361 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Marlene Laruelle Author-X-Name-First: Marlene Author-X-Name-Last: Laruelle Author-Name: Kevin Limonier Author-X-Name-First: Kevin Author-X-Name-Last: Limonier Title: Beyond “hybrid warfare”: a digital exploration of Russia’s entrepreneurs of influence Abstract: This article argues that to capture Russia’s influence abroad, one needs to comprehend the country’s “gray diplomacy” as a neoliberal realm open to individual initiatives. We define “entrepreneurs of influence” as people who invest their own money or social capital to build influence abroad in hopes of being rewarded by the Kremlin . We test this notion by looking at both famous and unknown entrepreneurs of influence and their digital activities. We divide them into three broad categories based on their degree of proximity to the authorities: the tycoons (Yevgeny Prigozhin and Konstantin Malofeev), the timeservers (Alexander Yonov and Alexander Malkevich), and the frontline pioneers (the Belgian Luc Michel). An analysis of the technical data documenting their online activities shows that some of these initiatives, while inscribed into Moscow’s broad aspirations to great powerness, are based on the specific agendas of their promoters, and thus outlines the inherent limits of Moscow’s endeavors. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 318-335 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1936409 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1936409 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:4:p:318-335 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Timothy Frye Author-X-Name-First: Timothy Author-X-Name-Last: Frye Author-Name: Brian D. Taylor Author-X-Name-First: Brian Author-X-Name-Last: D. Taylor Author-Name: Will Pyle Author-X-Name-First: Will Author-X-Name-Last: Pyle Author-Name: Klaus Segbers Author-X-Name-First: Klaus Author-X-Name-Last: Segbers Author-Name: Gulnaz Sharafutdinovae Author-X-Name-First: Gulnaz Author-X-Name-Last: Sharafutdinovae Title: Roundtable on Gulnaz Sharafutdinova’s the red mirror: putin’s leadership and russia’s insecure identity Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 404-412 Issue: 4 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1932064 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1932064 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:4:p:404-412 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Ekaterina Schulmann Author-X-Name-First: Ekaterina Author-X-Name-Last: Schulmann Author-Name: Mark Galeotti Author-X-Name-First: Mark Author-X-Name-Last: Galeotti Title: A tale of two councils: the changing roles of the security and state councils during the transformation period of modern Russian politics Abstract: There is general agreement that both the Security Council and State Council are significant institutions in Putin’s Russia, but less clarity as to what this means, beyond that each provides opportunities for consultation with specific segments of the elite. Even this modest consensus was confounded in 2020, when both councils seemed to offer potential post-presidential roles for Putin himself, and underwent significant changes. This article describes the legal and administrative evolutions of both bodies, assesses their roles, and considers them from the perspective of a limited access order. It tackles the problem of institutions in undemocratic systems and the thin line between the decorative elements of the political system, and the bodies in which real administrative power is vested. We argue that they have a significant informal role as sites for the negotiation of power and resources and remain potential actors in the ongoing power transformation of the Russian political system. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 453-469 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 09 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1967644 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1967644 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:5:p:453-469 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Andrei Yakovlev Author-X-Name-First: Andrei Author-X-Name-Last: Yakovlev Title: Composition of the ruling elite, incentives for productive usage of rents, and prospects for Russia’s limited access order Abstract: Vladimir Putin’s personal popularity creates the base for sociopolitical stability of regime. However, in the long term, the aspirations of Russia’s elite for national sovereignty will come to naught without anew economic development model. Applying the “limited access orders” framework of North, Wallis, and Weingast, this essay analyzes the interactions among three key groups in the ruling elite# the top federal bureaucracy, politically connected big business (oligarchs), and heads of security forces (siloviki). It considers the evolution of rent sources in Russia during the last 25 years and the incentives of elite groups. Itargues that under dominance of siloviki after 2012, the ruling coalition could not negotiate anew agreement on rent distribution, nor could it broaden access to economic opportunities and political activity for new social groups. Russia’s ruling elite missed the opportunity to avoid adeep shock that will likely destroy the existing “limited access order”. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 417-434 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 09 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1966988 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1966988 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:5:p:417-434 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Geir Flikke Author-X-Name-First: Geir Author-X-Name-Last: Flikke Title: Dysfunctional orders: Russia’s rubbish protests and Putin’s limited access order Abstract: How do regimes based on limited access orders respond to socially driven discontent? What are the drivers of contentious politics in a state where the authorities assert control over society? This article analyses patterns of protest, repertories, and organization of the “rubbish protests” (musornye protesty) – a phrase coined by the Internet news outlet Zona Media during the Moscow region protests of 2018–2019. The article draws on social movement theories to explain mobilization, framing, and regime repression, and engages with the model of limited access orders to flesh out the specifics of interaction between social protest forces and the Putin regime. Finally, the case is used to tentatively classify the Russian regime as a “dysfunctional” order – where grievance communication and petitioning to the head of state evolves from being an opportunity to being curtailed by bureaucratic red tape and political repression. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 470-488 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 09 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1968219 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1968219 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:5:p:470-488 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jardar Østbø Author-X-Name-First: Jardar Author-X-Name-Last: Østbø Title: State, business, and the political economy of modernization: introduction Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 413-416 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 09 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1969732 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1969732 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:5:p:413-416 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Janis Kluge Author-X-Name-First: Janis Author-X-Name-Last: Kluge Title: The future has to wait: 5G in Russia and the lack of elite consensus Abstract: Although the rollout of 5G in Russia has been much anticipated by both businesses and the government, progress in the introduction of the new standard came to a standstill by 2021. Key elite groups in business, the federal bureaucracy, and the security apparatus (the siloviki) have failed to agree on the rules for 5G. Major sticking points in the debate are the distribution of radio spectrum, the operators’ business model, and the degree of import substitution for 5G equipment. This article examines the bargaining among different elite actors over the new mobile communications standard. The foundering introduction of 5G illustrates a more general lack of agreement among Russia’s elites about the future direction of Russia’s economy. Negotiations are complicated by shrinking resources, the relative strengthening of the siloviki, and unrealistic aspirations to economic sovereignty in the digital sphere. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 489-505 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 09 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1967071 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1967071 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:5:p:489-505 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Jardar Østbø Author-X-Name-First: Jardar Author-X-Name-Last: Østbø Title: Hybrid surveillance capitalism: Sber’s model for Russia’s modernization Abstract: The article identifies a new model for Russia’s modernization emerging among the “systemic liberals.” Offering politically neutral technological fixes, this model cannot be understood within the traditional democracy/authoritarianism dichotomy. Expanding on Shoshana Zuboff’s theory, the author calls the model hybrid surveillance capitalism. The case study is the transition of Sberbank to a tech company. Sberbank/Sber aims to be the main modernizing force leading Russia to a better future. The author “reverse engineers” Sber's modernization model by analyzing what the company actually does and how it frames its actions. A commercial company, but with state support and majority ownership, Sber competes with the state and even performs de facto state functions. Its search for profits and influence leads not only to an ever-increasing collection of data that are used to modify people’s behavior, leaving an ever-shrinking space for individual agency and even politics, but also to a new model of governance.  Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 435-452 Issue: 5 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 09 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1966216 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1966216 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:5:p:435-452 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Janet Elise Johnson Author-X-Name-First: Janet Elise Author-X-Name-Last: Johnson Author-Name: Alexandra Novitskaya Author-X-Name-First: Alexandra Author-X-Name-Last: Novitskaya Author-Name: Valerie Sperling Author-X-Name-First: Valerie Author-X-Name-Last: Sperling Author-Name: Lisa McIntosh Sundstrom Author-X-Name-First: Lisa McIntosh Author-X-Name-Last: Sundstrom Title: Mixed signals: what Putin says about gender equality Abstract: The prevailing wisdom among scholars of gender in Russia is that Vladimir Putin – as Russia’s “strongman” president – has become an agent of traditionalism. Some political scientists, often without a gendered lens, have argued that Putin is not so powerful, compelled to deploy various tactics and ideologies to balance competing interests among elites and retain support from the general public. We systematically analyze Putin’s statements about gender in two decades of his annual speeches (1999–2020) to better understand how Putin rules. Coding Putin’s remarks on a spectrum from promoting to opposing gender equality, we find that there has been no shift toward an explicit traditionalism, but rather, an expansion of the gender-stereotypical/Soviet views that have dominated Putin’s pronouncements all along. We argue that Putin’s diverse remarks across the spectrum of gender (in)equality constitute an important part of his efforts to balance diverse elite interests and enlist mass support. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 507-525 Issue: 6 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1971927 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1971927 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:6:p:507-525 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Vsevolod Bederson Author-X-Name-First: Vsevolod Author-X-Name-Last: Bederson Author-Name: Andrei Semenov Author-X-Name-First: Andrei Author-X-Name-Last: Semenov Title: Political foundations of state support for civil society: analysis of the distribution of presidential grants in Russia Abstract: We argue that limited authoritarian regimes like Putin’s Russia have to work out a delicate balance between suppressing civil society and buying its loyalty by allocating funds to the organizations willing to cooperate with the regime. Using the data on the distribution of presidential grants among civil society organizations working on human rights projects in 2017–2018, we show that organizations whose leaders take part in consultative bodies and pro-governmental organizations such as the All-Russian People’s Front receive larger amounts of money on average. Organizations with links to the parliamentary parties also have some premium in grant disbursement, while affiliation with the ruling party does not increase the amount of funding. These findings imply some degree of political bias in state funding for the third sector in Russia. We also found that professionalism matters, and seasoned civil society organizations have considerably more funding than less experienced organizations in the field. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 544-558 Issue: 6 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1976575 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1976575 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:6:p:544-558 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Natia Gamkrelidze Author-X-Name-First: Natia Author-X-Name-Last: Gamkrelidze Title: From failing state to strategic partner: analyzing US and NATO political elite images of Georgia and policy implications from 1991 to 2020 Abstract: This article investigates U.S. and NATO political elite images of Georgia and policy implications from 1991 to 2020. The analysis relies on the author’s 44 original interviews with U.S. and NATO political elites, including U.S. Secretaries and Assistant Secretaries of States, U.S. Generals, Secretaries-General and Deputy Secretaries of NATO, and others in power in the different periods from 1991 to 2020. The study shows that three main images of Georgia have emerged over the 30-year historical period in the eyes of U.S. and NATO political elites. In the first two decades, leadership and personal connections have increased the likelihood of certain policies together with material determinants and ideational factors. In the third decade, personal ties had disappeared, but structural incentives were acknowledged by U.S. and NATO elites which impacted their policies. Moreover, results show that the U.S. relationship with Georgia has been chiefly personalized rather than institutionalized.  Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 578-599 Issue: 6 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1984106 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1984106 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:6:p:578-599 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Gerrit Krol Author-X-Name-First: Gerrit Author-X-Name-Last: Krol Title: The legislative role of the Russian Duma and the Kazakh Mazhilis: authoritarianism and power sharing in post-Soviet Eurasia Abstract: The Russian Duma and the Kazakh Mazhilis are typical examples of formally democratic legislatures in authoritarian regimes. This article investigates their role and asks why different authoritarian legislatures have different levels of law-making activity. Neo-institutionalist scholarship argues that legislatures stabilize authoritarian regimes by institutionalizing access to decision-making, but this literature requires further evidence showing which factors stimulate a parliament’s law-making function. The analysis uses an original dataset on 7,564 bills in Russia and Kazakhstan between 2000 and 2016 to explore how different power-sharing arrangements affect the legislative output of both parliaments. The results show that the Duma is much more active in terms of initiating laws and amending executive bills because of its highly differentiated committee system. Nevertheless, both legislatures have become more active after electoral contestedness decreased when United Russia and Nur Otan emerged. This suggests that internal parliamentary organization stimulates law-making activity, whereas electoral contestedness obstructs collective decision-making. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 559-577 Issue: 6 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1970956 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1970956 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:6:p:559-577 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tsveta Petrova Author-X-Name-First: Tsveta Author-X-Name-Last: Petrova Author-Name: Paulina Pospieszna Author-X-Name-First: Paulina Author-X-Name-Last: Pospieszna Title: Democracy promotion in times of autocratization: the case of Poland, 1989–2019 Abstract: How has the post-2015 democratic rollback in Poland impacted its support for the democratization of Ukraine and Belarus? Conventional wisdom is that countries undergoing autocratization would abandon democracy promotion. In contrast, we provide evidence that even as democracy was undermined at home, Poland continued to provide democracy support abroad, albeit less enthusiastically. We further document that it was not the normative commitment of Polish elites to democracy but the instrumental embeddedness of democracy promotion in Polish foreign and security policies that ensured its survival. Lastly, we find that Poland’s support for democracy abroad now is closer to the new conservative values promoted at home, implemented mostly through state-run or state-controlled programs and less focused on supporting civil and political society abroad. Our paper contributes to the literature on regime promotion by analyzing and theorizing the overlooked question of how foreign policy, including democracy promotion, shifts for countries undergo autocratization. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 526-543 Issue: 6 Volume: 37 Year: 2021 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1975443 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1975443 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:37:y:2021:i:6:p:526-543 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Samuel A. Greene Author-X-Name-First: Samuel A. Author-X-Name-Last: Greene Title: You are what you read: media, identity, and community in the 2020 Belarusian uprising Abstract: The movement that mobilized to oppose Alyaksandr Lukashenka in August 2020 was notable for its ability to bridge divisions of social class, geography, age, and identity. Almost uniquely among post-Soviet revolutionary movements, the Belarusians who rose up were not divided from those who did not along clearly discernible socio-demographic, ethnic, linguistic, or regional lines. They were, however, separated by one very stark barrier: the one separating the country’s two distinct media systems, one controlled by the state, and one independent. Drawing on an original survey conducted in September 2020, just as the protest movement was reaching its peak, this article finds that respondents’ choice of news media was the strongest and most consistent predictor of their political opinions. Media, then, appear to have served not merely as aggregators of and conduits for social processes generated elsewhere, but as the producers of social and political force in their own right. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 88-106 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2031843 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2031843 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:1-2:p:88-106 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Olga Onuch Author-X-Name-First: Olga Author-X-Name-Last: Onuch Author-Name: Gwendolyn Sasse Author-X-Name-First: Gwendolyn Author-X-Name-Last: Sasse Title: The Belarus crisis: people, protest, and political dispositions Abstract: His symposium employs established social science theory to frame and place into comparative perspective the case of Belarusian mass mobilization that began in August 2020. We not only argue and explain how this is a case of mass mobilization that occurred in a competitive authoritarian context, but also that is a far more “typical” example (rather than an outlier) of protest mobilization occurring in political repressive contexts. We propose both empirical and methodological guidance for the study and analysis of such cases, whilst warning against accepting initial reports of mass protest phenomena at face value. Examining how each study presented in this special issue makes a measured and innovative empirical and conceptual contribution, correcting or revisiting accepted “truths,” providing a new framing and/or analyzing original data. The case of Belarus before and after August 2020 underlines the importance and the empirical and ethical challenges of studying stability and change in public opinion and state-society relations in authoritarian settings. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 1-8 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2042138 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2042138 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:1-2:p:1-8 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Mariëlle Wijermars Author-X-Name-First: Mariëlle Author-X-Name-Last: Wijermars Author-Name: Tetyana Lokot Author-X-Name-First: Tetyana Author-X-Name-Last: Lokot Title: Is Telegram a “harbinger of freedom”? The performance, practices, and perception of platforms as political actors in authoritarian states Abstract: This paper examines the practices, performance, and perceptions of the messaging platform Telegram as an actor in the 2020 Belarus protests, using publicly available data from Telegram’s public statements, protest-related Telegram groups, and media coverage. Developing a novel conceptualization of platform actorness, we critically assess Telegram’s role in the protests and examine whether Telegram is seen as playing an active role in Belarusian contentious politics. We find that Telegram’s performance and practices drive citizens to form affective connections to the platform and to perceive Telegram as an ally in their struggle against repressions and digital censorship. Meanwhile, the Belarusian state uses Telegram’s aversion to censorship and content moderation to intervene in contentious politics by co-opting grassroots approaches and mimicking manipulative efforts of other authoritarian regimes. Our conceptual framework is applicable to post-Soviet authoritarian contexts, but can also serve as a useful heuristic for analyzing platform actorness in other regime types. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 125-145 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2030645 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2030645 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:1-2:p:125-145 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: John O’Loughlin Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: O’Loughlin Author-Name: Gerard Toal Author-X-Name-First: Gerard Author-X-Name-Last: Toal Title: The geopolitical orientations of ordinary Belarusians: survey evidence from early 2020 Abstract: Examining geopolitical orientations in a representative survey of Belarus in early 2020, we adopt a critical geopolitical perspective that highlights geopolitical cultures as fields of contestation and debate over a state’s identity, orientation, and enduring interests. We examine support among 1210 Belarusians to four foreign policy options for the country – neutrality as the best foreign policy, joining the European Union, staying in the Eurasian Economic Union, or developing close relations with both these organizations. We also analyze responses to where Belarus should be on an 11-point scale from aligned with the West to aligned with Russia. In early 2020, Belarusians indicated divided geopolitical preferences in the same way as other post-Soviet societies along demographic, ideological, and attitudinal cleavages. Lukashenka’s quarter-century dictatorship has left Belarus in a condition of nascent (geo)political polarization. The 2020 electoral crisis alone did not polarize Belarus; it was already a dividing polity. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 43-61 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2030126 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2030126 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:1-2:p:43-61 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sasha de Vogel Author-X-Name-First: Sasha Author-X-Name-Last: de Vogel Title: Anti-opposition crackdowns and protest: the case of Belarus, 2000–2019 Abstract: Anti-opposition crackdowns are a complex form of repression, the effects of which reverberate beyond the political opposition. To understand how these episodes are tied to variation in protest, I develop a theory based on the case of the 2010-2011 crackdown in Belarus. Using a novel protest event dataset covering 2000 to 2019, I show that this crackdown was followed by a sharp decline in protest that particularly affected socio-economic protest. I identify six features of anti-opposition crackdowns and two channels through which they reduce protest. The direct deterrent effect diminishes the political opposition’s capacity to protest. Second, the visibility of the crackdown, coupled with new repressive laws, drives those engaged in less threatening collective action to pre-emptively demobilize; this is the indirect deterrent effect. This article contributes to our understanding of the mechanism that links repression and dissent, while enhancing our knowledge of protest and repression in Belarus. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 9-25 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2037066 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2037066 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:1-2:p:9-25 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Olga Onuch Author-X-Name-First: Olga Author-X-Name-Last: Onuch Author-Name: Gwendolyn Sasse Author-X-Name-First: Gwendolyn Author-X-Name-Last: Sasse Title: Anti-regime action and geopolitical polarization: understanding protester dispositions in Belarus Abstract: Do geopolitical orientations distinguish anti-Lukashenka protesters from non-protesters in Belarus? Employing data from an original online protest survey among 18+year-old citizens of Belarus residing in the country (MOBILISE 2020, n= 17,174) fielded 18August2020–29January2021, this paper compares protesters (n = 11,719) to non-protesters (n = 5,455) to better understand the dispositions that distinguish them. First, our logistic regression analysis finds robust evidence of polarization along geopolitical lines (with protesters preferring apro-EU and an anti-Russia orientation). Second, we show that pro-EU foreign policy preferences of protesters are neither temporally determined nor driven by the crisis, and are thus foundational among the positions held by anti-regime protesters. Third, we find that pro-EU and anti-Russia attitudes align with liberal democratic dispositions. Our study calls for the more systematic integration of foreign policy preferences into the comparative study of mobilization. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 62-87 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2034134 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2034134 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:1-2:p:62-87 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Emma Mateo Author-X-Name-First: Emma Author-X-Name-Last: Mateo Title: “All of Belarus has come out onto the streets”: exploring nationwide protest and the role of pre-existing social networks Abstract: During moments of nationwide mass mobilization, what distinguishes the towns and cities that rise in the first week from those that do not see protest? Taking the case of nationwide protests in Belarus in August 2020, this study employs an original protest event catalogue to investigate what drives mobilization in early-rising localities. I test hypotheses in the protest literature relating to whether pre-existing social networks, or pre-election campaign rallies, influence subsequent protest mobilization. The innovative use of Telegram data demonstrates the platform’s value for social scientists studying protest. My results suggest that pre-existing social networks help drive mobilization in localities by facilitating communication, coordination, and engagement prior to protest onset, priming people to be ready when the moment of protest arrives. This article also highlights the impressive scale of nationwide mobilization in Belarus in 2020, and demonstrates that local networks were engaging in widespread opposition activity even before mass mobilization. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 26-42 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2026127 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2026127 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:1-2:p:26-42 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Félix Krawatzek Author-X-Name-First: Félix Author-X-Name-Last: Krawatzek Author-Name: Julia Langbein Author-X-Name-First: Julia Author-X-Name-Last: Langbein Title: Attitudes towards democracy and the market in Belarus: what has changed and why it matters Abstract: For more than two decades a key pillar of regime stability in Belarus was legitimation through economic stability and security, prompting experts to speak of a “social contract” between the state and its citizens. The 2020 protests, however, convey significant dissatisfaction with the Lukashenka regime across a broad social and generational base. By comparing survey data from late 2020 with data from 2011 and 2018, we examine changing attitudes towards democracy and state involvement in economic affairs. We find a departure from paternalist values, implying an erosion of the value base for the previous social contract. Belarusian society has become more supportive of liberal political and economic values. This trend is particularly driven by the older generation and does not exclude Lukashenka’s support base. Meanwhile, attitudes towards democracy and the market have implications for people’s social and institutional trust, preference for democracy, and political participation. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 107-124 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2029034 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2029034 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:1-2:p:107-124 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Bryn Rosenfeld Author-X-Name-First: Bryn Author-X-Name-Last: Rosenfeld Title: Belarusian public opinion and the 2020 uprising Abstract: This commentary on Belarus’ 2020 uprising discusses the symposium’s contributions to understanding public opinion, protest, and regime crisis in countries like Belarus, and the case of Belarus itself. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 150-154 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2031528 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2031528 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:1-2:p:150-154 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Graeme Robertson Author-X-Name-First: Graeme Author-X-Name-Last: Robertson Title: Protest, platforms, and the state in the Belarus crisis Abstract: Despite nationwide mass protests in August 2020, the regime of Aleksandr Lukashenka remains in power in Belarus. In this essay, I discuss three articles focusing on the origins of the protests, the role of social media platforms and the strategies and results of state repression. Together they provide new insights on the events in Belarus and deepen our understanding of contemporary urban revolutions. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 146-149 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2037196 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2037196 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:1-2:p:146-149 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Thomas Sherlock Author-X-Name-First: Thomas Author-X-Name-Last: Sherlock Title: Antisemitism in Russia: evaluating its decline and potential resurgence Abstract: The treatment of Jews by the state and society in Russia is an important measure of Russia’s civic and political character. The evidence presented in this paper indicates that Russian Jews now enjoy the greatest freedom from antisemitism in modern Russian history. The explanation for the decline of antisemitism is found in two categories: the political and the societal. At the level of “high politics,” the post-Soviet Russian state has abandoned Soviet policies that promoted or condoned the persecution and discrimination of Jews. This development was preceded and reinforced by the bottom-up growth in Russian society of a more tolerant attitude toward Jews. The first two sections of the paper explain the decline in antisemitism at elite and mass levels in Russia, underscoring mutually supportive institutional, political, and socio-cultural changes. The final part of the paper suggests that public expressions of antisemitism may re-emerge due to the weakening of the factors that have thus far restrained this prejudice. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 175-205 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2035127 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2035127 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:3:p:175-205 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Tom Paskhalis Author-X-Name-First: Tom Author-X-Name-Last: Paskhalis Author-Name: Bryn Rosenfeld Author-X-Name-First: Bryn Author-X-Name-Last: Rosenfeld Author-Name: Katerina Tertytchnaya Author-X-Name-First: Katerina Author-X-Name-Last: Tertytchnaya Title: Independent media under pressure: evidence from Russia Abstract: Existing literature recognizes growing threats to press freedom around the world and documents changes in the tools used to stifle the independent press. However, few studies investigate how independent media respond to state pressure in an autocracy, documenting the impact of tactics that stop short of shuttering alternatives to state media. Do independent outlets re-orient coverage to favor regime interests? Or does repression encourage more negative coverage of the regime instead? To shed light on these questions, we investigate how the abrupt removal of independent outlet TV Rain from Russian television providers influenced its coverage. We find that shortly after providers dropped TV Rain, the tone of its political coverage became more positive and its similarity with state-controlled Channel 1 increased. However, these effects were short-lived. Additional evidence suggests that subscription revenue contributed to the station’s resilience. These findings add to our understanding of media manipulation and authoritarian endurance. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 155-174 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2065840 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2065840 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:3:p:155-174 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Denis Davydov Author-X-Name-First: Denis Author-X-Name-Last: Davydov Author-Name: Jukka Sihvonen Author-X-Name-First: Jukka Author-X-Name-Last: Sihvonen Author-Name: Laura Solanko Author-X-Name-First: Laura Author-X-Name-Last: Solanko Title: Who cares about sanctions? Observations from annual reports of European firms Abstract: This paper uses textual analysis to examine how European corporations assess sanctions in their annual reports. Using observations from a panel of almost 11,500 corporate annual reports from 2014 to 2017, we document significant cross-country variation in how firms perceive Russia-related sanctions, even after controlling for many firm-level characteristics, sectoral differences, and time trends. The cross-country differences also remain for sentiments about sanctions and contexts in which sanctions are mentioned. We also examine the role of macroeconomic linkages in explaining these differences. We show that Russia’s inward and outward FDI stocks and high levels of imports and exports with Russia explain about half of the cross-country variation, leaving a nontrivial share of variation unexplained. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 222-249 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2049563 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2049563 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:3:p:222-249 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Huseyn Aliyev Author-X-Name-First: Huseyn Author-X-Name-Last: Aliyev Title: Social sanctions and violent mobilization: lessons from the Crimean Tatar case Abstract: How do social sanctions affect individual participation in civil war violence? Which mechanisms facilitate implementation of social sanctions in times of crises? This study draws on unique in-depth interview data with former ethnic Crimean Tatar combatants in Ukraine to flesh out specific mechanisms that enable social sanctions to function as an effective instrument of violent mobilization, facilitating individual participation in high-risk collective action. Empirical findings demonstrate that in the Crimean Tatar case (non)participation in high-risk collective action had an effect on individuals’ family honor within the community, and on their access to community-distributed public goods, such as jobs and social benefits. The effect of social sanctions on violent mobilization remains particularly strong among traditionalist societies with higher levels of adherence to social norms, local customs, and traditions. The findings reveal that while social sanctions remained effective among rural community residents, their effect was limited on non-community urban settlers. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 206-221 Issue: 3 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2032956 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2032956 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:3:p:206-221 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Pál Susánszky Author-X-Name-First: Pál Author-X-Name-Last: Susánszky Author-Name: Ákos Kopper Author-X-Name-First: Ákos Author-X-Name-Last: Kopper Author-Name: Frank T. Zsigó Author-X-Name-First: Frank T. Author-X-Name-Last: Zsigó Title: Media framing of political protests – reporting bias and the discrediting of political activism Abstract: Recently several European countries shifted to illiberalism and made attempts to dominate the media and political narratives. The question we raise is how media populism in Hungary contributes to the buttressing of the regime by discrediting protests. We offer a four-level media analysis. First, we ask whether the pro-government media is characterized by so-called selection bias. Second, we focus on framingbias relying on ideas presented by the protest paradigm. Third, we highlight the tone of disdain that characterizes numerous pro-governmental utterances. Finally, we point out the significance of iconic frames. Contrary to our expectations, we found no selection bias, but there was a clear framing bias in pro-governmental media, which was made harsher by the derogatory tone of pro-governmental media and the dog-whistling produced by iconic frames. By identifying how media populism operates, our aim is to offer a way to grasp democratic backsliding by concentrating on the media. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 312-328 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2061817 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2061817 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:4:p:312-328 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Matthew Blackburn Author-X-Name-First: Matthew Author-X-Name-Last: Blackburn Author-Name: Bo Petersson Author-X-Name-First: Bo Author-X-Name-Last: Petersson Title: Parade, plebiscite, pandemic: legitimation efforts in Putin’s fourth term Abstract: Putin’s fourth term as president (2018–2024) has involved new challenges for Russia’s hybrid regime. COVID-19 hit the Kremlin at a sensitive time, when the old institutional forces had been demounted and new arrangements, including extensive constitutional changes, had yet to become cemented. There is an emerging gulf between state rhetoric, PR events, and patriotic performances, on the one hand, and economic chaos, social disorder and dysfunctional state capacity, on the other, which is likely to reduce system legitimacy and cause increased reliance on repressive methods. This article examines Kremlin legitimation efforts across Beetham’s three dimensions: rules, beliefs, and actions. We argue that the regime’s legitimation efforts in 2020–21 have failed to reverse emerging cleavages in public opinion since 2018. Increased reliance on repression and manipulation in this period, combined with the contrast between regime promises and observable realities on the ground, speak not of strength, but of the Kremlin’s increased weakness and embattlement. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 293-311 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.2020575 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.2020575 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:4:p:293-311 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Maria Snegovaya Author-X-Name-First: Maria Author-X-Name-Last: Snegovaya Author-Name: Kirill Petrov Author-X-Name-First: Kirill Author-X-Name-Last: Petrov Title: Long Soviet shadows: the nomenklatura ties of Putin elites Abstract: Recent studies of Putin-era elites have focused primarily on the role of siloviki. We bring the focus back to an analysis of the elite continuity within the Soviet regime. By compiling a dataset of the Putin-regime elites, we track their professional and family backgrounds to discover that the proportion of Putin-regime elites with Soviet nomenklatura origin (which comprised only 1–3% of the population during the Soviet period) constitutes approximately 60% of contemporary elites. Most have ties in the middle and lower, rather than the top, ranks of the nomenklatura. In addition, the share of those with nomenklatura backgrounds in Putin-era elites is significantly higher than the share of siloviki. These results reflect a noticeable continuity between the Soviet-era and Putin-regime elites 30 years after the transition. This often-ignored characteristic helps understand the absence of an elite split and a high degree of elite compliance with re-autocratization in Putin’s Russia. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 329-348 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2062657 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2062657 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:4:p:329-348 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Laura Henry Author-X-Name-First: Laura Author-X-Name-Last: Henry Author-Name: Elizabeth Plantan Author-X-Name-First: Elizabeth Author-X-Name-Last: Plantan Title: Activism in exile: how Russian environmentalists maintain voice after exit Abstract: After the 2011–2012 protests, Russian activists faced increased pressure that pushed many to flee Russia to secure the safety of themselves or their families. But emigrating from Russia does not mean that activists must give up their role as advocates for causes back home. These new “activists-in-exile” can use their positions abroad to mobilize international pressure and support outside of Russia. Drawing on Albert Hirschman’s ideas of exit, voice, and loyalty, we argue that “exit” in the form of emigration from a politically hostile environment can in fact enable “voice.” However, through case studies of Russian environmental activists, we map the tradeoffs of emigration along two different dimensions of voice: vertical and horizontal. While activists-in-exile lose horizontal voice through remote engagement, they gain vertical connections through empowered exile. Conversely, activists who stay in Russia maintain horizontal ties through constrained legitimacy, but have limited vertical power as targets of repression. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 274-292 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.2002629 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.2002629 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:4:p:274-292 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 Author-Name: Sebastian Hoppe Author-X-Name-First: Sebastian Author-X-Name-Last: Hoppe Title: Sovereigntism vs. anti-corruption messianism: a salient post-Soviet cleavage of populist mobilization Abstract: This paper explores the commonalities of populist mobilizations in the post-Soviet region. It identifies a salient populist cleavage between two political projects that differ fundamentally about their focal point of political action: externalist sovereigntism and internalist anti-corruption messianism. While sovereigntism takes a defensive stance repelling foreign forces hostile to “the people,” anti-corruption messianism offensively tackles cronyism impeding developmental salvation for “the people.” The paper reconstructs six sovereigntist and anti-corruption projects, which have unfolded across different non-democratic regimes in Russia, Armenia, and Ukraine throughout the past decade. It is argued that the conflict between sovereigntism and anti-corruption messianism relates to a twofold, distinctively post-Soviet constellation: uncertainty over conflictual geopolitical abeyance and the exasperation over social closure due to the prevalence of oligarchical patronalism. In this context, both populist projects constitute powerful strategies of solidarity-forging under conditions in which other channels of political articulation have been either blocked or exhausted. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 251-273 Issue: 4 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1994821 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1994821 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:4:p:251-273 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2034357_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220804T044749 git hash: 24b08f8188 Author-Name: Roger E. Kanet Author-X-Name-First: Roger E. Author-X-Name-Last: Kanet Author-Name: Dina Moulioukova Author-X-Name-First: Dina Author-X-Name-Last: Moulioukova Title: Russia’s return to Africa: a renewed challenge to the West? Abstract: We track the major developments in Soviet-African relations as a prelude to recently revived Russian policy. Russian policy today is much less ideological than that of the Soviet Union and relies more on the establishment of mutually beneficial economic relations. Soviet/Russian policy in Africa over six decades has been motivated by more than by traditional security concerns. In the case of the former, the effort to encourage and speed up a global communist revolution, along with geopolitical competition with the US and the West were central. Now, although geopolitical competition remains an element of Russian policy, the major interest has been markets for exports and access to energy and minerals as part of the goal of re-establishing Russia as a major global power. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 427-439 Issue: 5 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 09 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2034357 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2034357 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:5:p:427-439 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2035630_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220804T044749 git hash: 24b08f8188 Author-Name: Irina Dezhina Author-X-Name-First: Irina Author-X-Name-Last: Dezhina Author-Name: Elizabeth A. Wood Author-X-Name-First: Elizabeth A. Author-X-Name-Last: Wood Title: US-Russian partnerships in science: working with differences Abstract: In the early 1990s, Russian and US observers were pessimistic about Russian science and its global integration. Yet scientists from the two countries were actively collaborating in new ways nonetheless. In order to explore the nature of those collaborations, we conducted open-ended interviews with 13 US scientists and 13 in Russia who collaborated trans-nationally in 1995–2014. Our results suggest that recognizing and working with differences benefited these colleagues. Despite ongoing political tensions and differences in scientific cultures, respondents told us that understanding those differences – in funding, cultures of doing science, institutional structures, and treatment of graduate students – helped them avoid missteps. Respect for each other’s country’s scientific contributions, interpersonal diplomacy, and personal interconnections further strengthened their work together. Diaspora scientists in particular, played a positive role as mediators and cultural interpreters. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 349-365 Issue: 5 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 09 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2035630 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2035630 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:5:p:349-365 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2010397_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220804T044749 git hash: 24b08f8188 Author-Name: Paul Chaisty Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Chaisty Author-Name: Christopher J Gerry Author-X-Name-First: Christopher J Author-X-Name-Last: Gerry Author-Name: Stephen Whitefield Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Whitefield Title: The buck stops elsewhere: authoritarian resilience and the politics of responsibility for COVID-19 in Russia Abstract: How did the Russian government deal with popular dissatisfaction from the effects of COVID-19 and the policies it adopted in its wake? And how successful was President Vladimir Putin in evading blame given that Russia is de facto highly politically centralized under the president? We analyze data from a national probability sample of Russians conducted following the first wave of the pandemic in July/August 2020. Our results indicate that Putin’s blame-deflecting strategy appears to have been broadly but not entirely successful. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 366-385 Issue: 5 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 09 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.2010397 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.2010397 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:5:p:366-385 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2013047_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220804T044749 git hash: 24b08f8188 Author-Name: Song Ha Joo Author-X-Name-First: Song Ha Author-X-Name-Last: Joo Title: Building fences? sectoral immigration bans in Russian regions Abstract: Russian regional governments have shown remarkable variation in prohibiting immigrants from working in specific economic sectors. Why do regions enact immigration bans in some sectors but not in others? Few studies have explored the politics of immigration in authoritarian regimes, and recent sectoral bans in Russia have received scant attention. Based on an analysis of a novel data set on sectoral bans in 83 Russian regions and a case study of Novosibirsk Oblast, this article shows that regional governments tend to enact immigration bans in sectors that do not rely on a foreign workforce. I argue that autocrats impose immigration restrictions as mere grandstanding to appeal to public anti-immigrant sentiment. My findings challenge the existing literature’s emphasis on the roles of economic factors, such as economic growth and natural resources, in immigration restrictions, as well as the argument that Russia imposes excessive immigration restrictions. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 410-426 Issue: 5 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 09 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.2013047 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2021.2013047 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:5:p:410-426 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2063633_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220804T044749 git hash: 24b08f8188 Author-Name: Marina Zaloznaya Author-X-Name-First: Marina Author-X-Name-Last: Zaloznaya Author-Name: Jennifer Glanville Author-X-Name-First: Jennifer Author-X-Name-Last: Glanville Author-Name: William M. Reisinger Author-X-Name-First: William M. Author-X-Name-Last: Reisinger Title: Explaining Putin’s impunity: public sector corruption and political trust in Russia Abstract: While corruption of different types has been shown to lower popular political trust in democratic regimes, evidence from non-democracies remains inconsistent. In some post-Soviet countries, for instance, widespread bribery and nepotism in the government co-exist with enduring popularity of top political leadership. Drawing on an unusually nuanced dataset from Russia (N = 2,350), we show that, in general, encounters with corruption in the public sector are associated with citizens’ lower trust of their government. At the same time, we theorize two caveats that attenuate this relationship, contributing to inconsistent findings in previous studies. First, we find that the negative association between corruption and political trust is significantly weaker when such corruption is beneficial to ordinary people. Second, citizens tend to “penalize” local rather than central government officials, which, we argue, is a result of top leaders’ ability to manipulate public discourse around corruption. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 386-409 Issue: 5 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 09 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2063633 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2063633 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:5:p:386-409 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2077060_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Diana T. Kudaibergenova Author-X-Name-First: Diana T. Author-X-Name-Last: Kudaibergenova Author-Name: Marlene Laruelle Author-X-Name-First: Marlene Author-X-Name-Last: Laruelle Title: Making sense of the January 2022 protests in Kazakhstan: failing legitimacy, culture of protests, and elite readjustments Abstract: In January 2022 mass protests spread quickly across the whole of Kazakhstan, becoming the largest mass mobilization in the country’s modern history. We analyze these mass protests through the framework of regime-society relations, arguing that a ey failure of the regime built by Nazarbayev is the inability to reconcile its neoliberal prosperity rhetoric with citizens’ calls for a welfare state. We then explore how a tradition of protests has been developing since 2011 and address the structural components of regime (in)stability and how they contributed to violence in the protests. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 441-459 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2077060 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2077060 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:6:p:441-459 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2082823_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Konstantin Ash Author-X-Name-First: Konstantin Author-X-Name-Last: Ash Author-Name: Miroslav Shapovalov Author-X-Name-First: Miroslav Author-X-Name-Last: Shapovalov Title: Populism for the ambivalent: anti-polarization and support for Ukraine’s Sluha Narodu party Abstract: Volodymyr Zelensky and his party Sluha Narodu won Ukraine’s 2019 presidential and parliamentary elections after espousing populist rhetoric. Yet their brand of populism diverged from the far left, the far right, and the center. We propose that Zelensky and Sluha Narodu campaigned as “anti-polarization” populists, drawing on opposition to pre-existing polarization in the Ukrainian political establishment while capitalizing on weak party identification among Ukrainian voters. We utilize electoral results, data from a survey carried out immediately prior to the 2019 parliamentary elections, and interviews to identify Sluha Narodu’s sources of support. We find Sluha Narodu’s supporters were more likely to hold moderately strong or neutral opinions on key issues in Ukrainian politics and to mix both the Russian and Ukrainian languages in their daily lives. Interviews suggest these voters valued character in choosing Sluha Narodu over what were conventionally understood to be salient issues in Ukrainian politics. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 460-478 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2082823 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2082823 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:6:p:460-478 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2093030_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Gilles Favarel-Garrigues Author-X-Name-First: Gilles Author-X-Name-Last: Favarel-Garrigues Title: “You’re a disgrace to the uniform!” Lev Protiv’s challenge to the police in Moscow streets and on YouTube Abstract: Lev Protiv presents itself as a “social project” intertwining civic involvement, moral policing, and entertaining YouTube content. Promoting a healthy lifestyle and claiming to defend innocent youth, Moscow vigilantes have patrolled public spaces since 2014 in search of people consuming alcohol or smoking, for the purpose of enforcing the law. However, their targets are not only drunkards and youth subculture, but also police who are reluctant to implement the law. Financially supported by the government for two years in 2014 and 2015, and earning money thanks to its YouTube channel, why is Lev Protiv’s vigilante activity, openly challenging state authority, tolerated in an authoritarian regime? Based on analysis of raid videos and ethnographic observation, this paper shows that Lev Protiv has imposed a particular form of police oversight from below, forcing law enforcement officers to act as vigilante auxiliaries, partially in line with the governmental management of civil society. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 497-512 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2093030 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2093030 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:6:p:497-512 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2084280_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Joanna Szostek Author-X-Name-First: Joanna Author-X-Name-Last: Szostek Author-Name: Dariya Orlova Author-X-Name-First: Dariya Author-X-Name-Last: Orlova Title: Understandings of democracy and “good citizenship” in Ukraine: utopia for the people, participation in politics not required Abstract: This article investigates and compares how people in diverse peripheral regions of Ukraine understood democracy, their role as citizens in a democracy, and the meaning of “good citizenship” in 2021, the year before Russia’s full-scale invasion. We conduct thematic analysis of focus group discussions to demonstrate gaps and inconsistencies in the understandings of democracy articulated by our participants. We find that a utopian understanding of democracy is common, in which authorities are expected to “listen to the people” and keep them satisfied, but the need for government to manage conflicting interests is not recognized. Understandings of good citizenship are inclusive and pro-social, but mostly detached from institutional politics. We observe similarity across regions in how democracy is understood in the abstract. However, the meaning ascribed to democracy often varied when discussion moved from the abstract to particular country examples – a finding relevant beyond the Ukrainian case, for survey-based research on public understandings of democracy more generally. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 479-496 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2084280 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2084280 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:6:p:479-496 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2097458_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20220907T060133 git hash: 85d61bd949 Author-Name: Jan Hagemejer Author-X-Name-First: Jan Author-X-Name-Last: Hagemejer Author-Name: Joanna Tyrowicz Author-X-Name-First: Joanna Author-X-Name-Last: Tyrowicz Title: Central planning casts long shadows: new evidence on misallocation and growth Abstract: We analyze the link between resource misallocation resulting from central planning and subsequent long-term economic growth under a market-based system. We construct two novel data sets for Poland. We show that misalignment of resources under central planning coincides with lower subsequent economic growth, despite the fact that market mechanisms are reinstated. This result is robust even three decades after the collapse of central planning. We provide several explanations for these patterns. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 513-530 Issue: 6 Volume: 38 Year: 2022 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2097458 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2097458 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:38:y:2022:i:6:p:513-530 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2161232_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Regina Smyth Author-X-Name-First: Regina Author-X-Name-Last: Smyth Title: Plus ça change: getting real about the evolution of Russian studies after 1991 Abstract: The contributions to this special issue interrogate and revise how social scientists, and in particular political scientists, study the Russian Federation and the independent states that emerged in the collapse of the Soviet empire. They are right to do so. Russia’s escalation of war shined a spotlight on critical research gaps and inaccurate assumptions. Yet, as the field discovered in the 1990s, a dramatic shift in research approaches and strategies does not imply tabula rasa. My contribution highlights the field's capacity to evolve and identify gaps, recognize dead ends, and adjust. Relying on insights from colleagues and lessons of the past 30 years, I argue that in opening our field and questioning its foundations we should take care to expand our discussions and research approaches rather than replace them, and to recognize lessons learned from existing research platforms and models of collaboration. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 10-26 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2161232 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2161232 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:1-2:p:10-26 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2151275_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Jeremy Morris Author-X-Name-First: Jeremy Author-X-Name-Last: Morris Title: Political ethnography and Russian studies in a time of conflict Abstract: As reliable and unfiltered access to Russia and Russians becomes a fraught issue for social scientists who wish to conduct surveys, focus groups, do ethnographies, or interview elite actors, the war presents scholars with an opportunity to reflect on questions of what data collection means, and on better communication between quantitative and qualitative scholars. Similarly, it forces us confront the extractive and colonial nature of knowledge production; the war reveals how social science has always relied on, but not really acknowledged, the labor of native scholars, but can no longer ignore indigenously produced work, particularly qualitative research. In this review piece, the author highlights both blind spots in the potential communication between political scientists and other social scientists, and already-existing points of connection that can be further expanded, precisely because of, not despite the war. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 92-100 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2151275 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2151275 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:1-2:p:92-100 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2147382_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Tomila Lankina Author-X-Name-First: Tomila Author-X-Name-Last: Lankina Title: Branching out or inwards? The logic of fractals in Russian studies Abstract: This essay reflects upon the consequences of Russia’s war against Ukraine on the sub-field of Russian studies in political science. I argue that the war has exposed some blind spots in our knowledge. Notably, it has left us struggling to understand the historically deprived communities in Russia whose values, sentiments, and vulnerabilities may be indirect buttresses to both support for Putin and the war. I discuss two key issues in the sub-field: (1) the elite-centered approaches in research in mainstream work on Russia, not least due to data availability preoccupations; and (2) the paucity of inter-disciplinary perspectives, particularly the reluctance of mainstream studies to cast their nets into history and sociology. Disciplinary pressures – the credibility revolution – complicate a historically sensitive revision of long-internalized assumptions. I draw on my recent work on the historical underpinnings of social structure and its implications for civil society, protest, and support for democracy in Russia. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 70-85 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2147382 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2147382 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:1-2:p:70-85 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2164450_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Margarita Zavadskaya Author-X-Name-First: Margarita Author-X-Name-Last: Zavadskaya Author-Name: Theodore Gerber Author-X-Name-First: Theodore Author-X-Name-Last: Gerber Title: Rise and fall: social science in Russia before and after the war Abstract: In this essay, we first briefly recount the post-Soviet history of social science in Russia, with particular attention to the role of international collaborations in spurring its growth, and we review the accelerating attacks on university autonomy and international collaborations that preceded Russia’s unprovoked attack on Ukraine in February 2022. Then we consider developments since the February 2022 invasion that, in our view, signal the demise of academic freedom. We consider how Russia-based social scientists have negotiated the mounting challenges to the practice of their craft. We draw on interviews with Russian and American social scientists involved in international collaborations conducted in summer 2021 and interviews with Russian social scientists carried out in spring and summer 2022, as well as scholarly and journalistic accounts of developments within Russian universities and research institutes. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 108-120 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2164450 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2164450 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:1-2:p:108-120 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2152261_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Gulnaz Sharafutdinova Author-X-Name-First: Gulnaz Author-X-Name-Last: Sharafutdinova Title: On double miss in Russian studies: can social and political psychology help? Abstract: This essay highlights the potential analytical leverage from the import of recent approaches in social and political psychology into the study of politics in Russia. The core argument is that social psychology offers suitable conceptual and analytical tools to explore the political phenomena that have come to the forefront of social and political processes in Russia over the past decade. Social psychology is best at dealing with collective emotions and allows for integrating into the political analysis such affective issues as resentment, national humiliation, and collective victimhood. It also enables the appreciation and exploration of the phenomenon of political leadership from a collective perspective. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 86-91 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2152261 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2152261 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:1-2:p:86-91 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2156222_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Guzel Yusupova Author-X-Name-First: Guzel Author-X-Name-Last: Yusupova Title: Critical approaches and research on inequality in Russian studies: the need for visibility and legitimization Abstract: This essay suggests legitimizing and promoting critical approaches in Russian studies, as well as acknowledging the multifaceted diversity within Russian society. This diversity needs to be taken into serious consideration in any research on Russia. Moreover, various levels of inequality that this rich diversity both creates and challenges should be reflected upon in multidisciplinary research, with the focus on historical legacies in the reproduction of those inequalities. The author argues against a limited understanding of inequalities as economic phenomena, and proposes to think about the variety of inequalities that are very prominent in the Russian context: categorical, symbolic, territorial, etc. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 101-107 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2156222 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2156222 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:1-2:p:101-107 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2151767_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Bryn Rosenfeld Author-X-Name-First: Bryn Author-X-Name-Last: Rosenfeld Title: Survey research in Russia: in the shadow of war Abstract: Amid ongoing uncertainty, regular surveying in Russia continues to date and collaborations with Western academics have too. These developments offer some basis for cautious optimism. Yet they also raise critical questions about the practice of survey research in repressive environments. Are Russians less willing today to respond to surveys? Are they less willing to answer sensitive questions? How can we design research to elicit truthful responses and to know whether respondents are answering insincerely about sensitive opinions? This article lays out some of the existing evidence on these important questions. It also makes the argument that cross-fertilization with other fields can help to ensure a rigorous understanding of and response to changes in the environment for survey research in Russia. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 38-48 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2151767 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2151767 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:1-2:p:38-48 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2162293_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Lanabi La Lova Author-X-Name-First: Lanabi Author-X-Name-Last: La Lova Title: Methods in Russian studies: overview of top political science, economics, and area studies journals Abstract: How has Russia been studied by political scientists, economists, and scholars in cognate fields who publish in specialized area-specific and top disciplinary journals? To systematically analyze the approaches employed in Russian studies, I collected all publications (1,097 articles) on the country from the top five area studies journals covering the territories of the former USSR, the top 10 journals in political science, and the top five journals in economics from January 2010 to January 2022 and classified them based on the methods they utilized, empirical focus, and sub-fields within method. In this article, I discuss the results of this classification and the pitfalls associated with over-reliance on some methods over others, notably those that include self-reported data, in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine and the repressive domestic environment under Putin’s autocracy. I also propose some ways of addressing the new realities of diminished access to data and fieldwork. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 27-37 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2162293 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2162293 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:1-2:p:27-37 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2150490_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: William M. Reisinger Author-X-Name-First: William M. Author-X-Name-Last: Reisinger Author-Name: Marina Zaloznaya Author-X-Name-First: Marina Author-X-Name-Last: Zaloznaya Author-Name: Byung-Deuk Woo Author-X-Name-First: Byung-Deuk Author-X-Name-Last: Woo Title: Fear of punishment as a driver of survey misreporting and item non-response in Russia and its neighbors Abstract: Following its February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, the Russian government sharply broadened what actions were illegal and raised the level of punishment. Many more topics of interest to survey researchers became politically sensitive. Questions about these topics may generate high levels of misleading responses and question-specific (item) non-responses, both of which introduce biases that undermine inference. We use survey data from 2015 and 2018 in Russia and neighboring countries to illustrate how these two problems were already issues prior to the invasion, especially for questions that invoked potential punishment by the state. In a climate of heightened state punishment, it becomes even more important to address misresponse and item non-response when interpreting survey data. We argue that, in addition to employing list experiments regularly and taking advantage of recent innovations in their design, scholars must develop ways to reduce item non-response and model how it biases estimates of interest. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 49-59 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2150490 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2150490 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:1-2:p:49-59 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2148814_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Vladimir Gel’man Author-X-Name-First: Vladimir Author-X-Name-Last: Gel’man Title: Exogenous shock and Russian studies Abstract: The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 was a major exogenous shock, which greatly affected the scholarly field of Russian studies. Not only did some previous theoretical lenses and analytic approaches become outdated, but the intellectual and institutional infrastructure of scholarship in Russian studies also faced major challenges. In a sense, these changes were similar to the effects of the exogenous shock of the Soviet collapse on scholarship, albeit in the opposite direction in political terms. The article focuses on the need to search for new scholarly solutions for research into Russian politics and society amid major political, economic, and social deterioration and a high level of uncertainty. It will also critically reconsider previous achievements and shortcomings of Russian studies as well as their relevance in a post-2022 world. Some suggestions for reframing of the research agenda in Russian studies in the wake of recent developments are discussed. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 1-9 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2148814 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2148814 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:1-2:p:1-9 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2148446_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Alexander Libman Author-X-Name-First: Alexander Author-X-Name-Last: Libman Title: Credibility revolution and the future of Russian studies Abstract: The credibility revolution transformed quantitative social sciences and was both a curse and a blessing for Russian studies. On the one hand, Russia turned out to be an attractive field for experimentalist research, which allowed Russian studies to gain unprecedented recognition in the broader disciplines. On the other hand, a focus on causal identification could have contributed to insufficient attention to potentially important topics relevant for understanding Russia and to some aspects of the Russian setting able to augment the general social science discourse. The war in Ukraine makes many causal identification designs used for studying Russia (with the exception of natural experiments) difficult or impossible to implement. It may make the return to other approaches and de-emphasizing causal identification necessary, at least to some extent. At the same time, the question remains of how the general social science disciplines will perceive such shift in focus. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 60-69 Issue: 1-2 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2148446 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2148446 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:1-2:p:60-69 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2162758_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Alexander Lanoszka Author-X-Name-First: Alexander Author-X-Name-Last: Lanoszka Author-Name: Jordan Becker Author-X-Name-First: Jordan Author-X-Name-Last: Becker Title: The art of partial commitment: the politics of military assistance to Ukraine Abstract: What sort of military assistance has Ukraine received to date from North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) members since 2014? What has driven NATO allies’ decisions to provide military assistance to Ukraine? This essay addresses both questions. It offers a preliminary examination of how strategic, economic, and risk considerations might have shaped NATO members’ decisions regarding arms transfers to Ukraine, a country that remains outside of the Alliance but nevertheless is an Enhanced Opportunities Partner. Using both a qualitative analysis of post-2014 assistance and a purpose-built dataset combining military aid to Ukraine since late January 2022, we find that prior strategic preparation in the form of investments in military readiness and infrastructure is strongly associated with military aid to Ukraine. Economic considerations and prominent risk factors such as fossil fuel dependency thus far have not. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 173-194 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2162758 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2162758 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:3:p:173-194 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2158014_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Andrey Plotnitskiy Author-X-Name-First: Andrey Author-X-Name-Last: Plotnitskiy Author-Name: Arnab Roy Chowdhury Author-X-Name-First: Arnab Author-X-Name-Last: Roy Chowdhury Title: “Killing nature—killing us”: “Cultural threats” as a fundamental framework for analyzing Indigenous movements against mining in Siberia and the Russian North Abstract: The Shor people are protesting the ongoing mining of coal in the southern Kemerovo region of Siberia, while the Izhma Komi people are contesting the extraction of oil in the northern Komi Republic (Northwestern Federal District). The theory of “political opportunities” states that movements emerge when opportune moments create spaces for these, but we argue that in illiberal spaces, movements emerge against “threats” in an ever-decreasing political space. We argue that the extraction of coal and oil in Russia’s eastern regions poses not only structural threats – economic problems, public health/environmental decline, erosion of rights, and state repression – to its Indigenous peoples, but also cultural threats to their livelihoods and life-worlds. The various structural threats are thus intertwined with cultural threats in the case of Indigenous rights movements, and environmental decline is inextricably bound with the erosion of rights. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 195-212 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2158014 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2158014 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:3:p:195-212 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2143116_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Max Schaub Author-X-Name-First: Max Author-X-Name-Last: Schaub Title: Demographic and attitudinal legacies of the Armenian genocide Abstract: This paper presents the results of the first-ever representative survey on the demographic and attitudinal legacies of the Armenian genocide. The data, collected in 2018, maps the varied geographical origins of the citizens of contemporary Armenia and traces their links to the genocide. Around half of contemporary Armenians descend from refugees of the genocide, while about a third had family members killed. The data also inform debates on how violence transforms societies. Respondents who lost family members during the genocide show elevated levels of ethnocentrism, and lower levels of prosocial behaviour. However, rather than victimization being associated with militarism and hawkishness, the same individuals tend to be less supportive of military solutions. Even though the genocide took place more than a century ago, its demographic and attitudinal legacies remain clearly visible in contemporary Armenia. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 155-172 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2143116 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2143116 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:3:p:155-172 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2187195_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Timothy Frye Author-X-Name-First: Timothy Author-X-Name-Last: Frye Author-Name: Scott Gehlbach​ Author-X-Name-First: Scott Author-X-Name-Last: Gehlbach​ Author-Name: Kyle L. Marquardt Author-X-Name-First: Kyle L. Author-X-Name-Last: Marquardt Author-Name: Ora John Reuter Author-X-Name-First: Ora John Author-X-Name-Last: Reuter Title: Is Putin’s popularity (still) real? A cautionary note on using list experiments to measure popularity in authoritarian regimes Abstract: Opinion polls suggest that Vladimir Putin has broad support in Russia, but there are concerns that some respondents may be lying to pollsters. Using list experiments, we revisit our earlier work on support for Putin to explore his popularity between late 2020 and mid-2022. Our findings paint an ambiguous portrait. A naive interpretation of our estimates implies that Putin was 10 to 20 percentage points less popular than opinion polls suggest. However, results from placebo experiments demonstrate that these estimates are likely subject to artificial deflation – a design effect that produces downward bias in estimates from list experiments. Although we cannot be definitive, on balance our results are consistent with the conclusion that Putin is roughly as popular as opinion polls suggest. Methodologically, our research highlights artificial deflation as a key limitation of list experiments and the importance of placebo lists as a tool to diagnose this problem. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 213-222 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2187195 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2187195 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:3:p:213-222 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2142427_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Dina Rosenberg Author-X-Name-First: Dina Author-X-Name-Last: Rosenberg Author-Name: Eugenia Tarnikova Author-X-Name-First: Eugenia Author-X-Name-Last: Tarnikova Title: How the internet and social media reduce government approval: empirical evidence from Russian regions Abstract: In this paper we study the effect of the internet and social media on government approval. On the one hand, the internet exposes people to independent information, which makes them possibly more critical of the government. On the other, many countries use the internet for propaganda, which might increase support for the government. We study these effects via the example of Russia. We utilize data from an existing survey: the resulting dataset contains data on 17,824 individual-level observations from 64 regions in Russia, 2010–2019. We find that more intensive internet use and access to social media are associated with a decrease in government approval. Yet, the influence of social media is more nuanced. The Russian-language homegrown network VKontakte increases public approval of the government. To partially account for self-selection bias, we use the propensity score matching method. Our results remain robust and allow us to make causal inferences. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 121-154 Issue: 3 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2142427 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2142427 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:3:p:121-154 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2172945_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Paul Chaisty Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: Chaisty Author-Name: Stephen Whitefield Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Whitefield Title: Building voting coalitions in electoral authoritarian regimes: a case study of the 2020 constitutional reform in Russia Abstract: Electoral authoritarian political systems have a hybrid nature, possessing very significant authoritarian features alongside elections that can produce openings for political change. The risks that elections pose to regimes are diminished if they can build winning coalitions involving voters beyond their core of loyal support. This paper considers how the construction of voter coalitions might be conceptualized in the Russian electoral authoritarian context, with reference to the case of the 2020 vote on constitutional reform, which was conducted with the primary aim of extending President Vladimir Putin’s term in office. Using data from a national survey of Russians conducted immediately after the vote, our analysis indicates that the regime’s success, even taking into account allegations of widespread fraud, was the result of its offer of additional constitutional amendments that were able to target voters beyond Putin’s core support. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 273-290 Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2172945 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2172945 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:4:p:273-290 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2158685_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Paul D’Anieri Author-X-Name-First: Paul Author-X-Name-Last: D’Anieri Title: Commitment problems and the failure of the Minsk process: the second-order commitment challenge Abstract: Understanding why the Minsk process failed is essential both for explaining why Russia invaded in 2022 and for ensuring that a new peace settlement does not prove similarly ineffective. Many analyses point to the conflicting goals of the combatants as the basic obstacle to peace. However, rationalist approaches show that some peace agreement should always be preferable to war. The commitment problem represents an obstacle to peace in Ukraine that is distinct from the territorial questions at the center of the war. The failure of Minsk reflects the actors’ inability to credibly commit to fulfilling their promises. Third-party guarantees are essential to solving the conflict, but external guarantees have their own credibility problems. Therefore, further conflict was the only route to a settlement. Unless better solutions for the commitment problem can be found, a peace deal will rely either on one side being defeated or the two sides fighting to exhaustion. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 257-272 Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2022.2158685 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2022.2158685 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:4:p:257-272 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2170153_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Kristin M. Bakke Author-X-Name-First: Kristin M. Author-X-Name-Last: Bakke Author-Name: Kit Rickard Author-X-Name-First: Kit Author-X-Name-Last: Rickard Author-Name: John O'Loughlin Author-X-Name-First: John Author-X-Name-Last: O'Loughlin Title: Perceptions of the past in the post-Soviet space Abstract: Honing in on how citizens in the former Soviet Union find themselves in an information competition over their own past, this paper explores whether and why ordinary people’s perceptions of historical events and figures in their country’s past are in line with a Russian-promoted narrative that highlights World War II – known as the “Great Patriotic War” in Russia and some former Soviet states – as a glorious Soviet victory and Stalin as a great leader. We draw on comparative survey data across six states and one de facto state in 2019–2020 to examine whether geopolitical or cultural proximity to Russia is associated with a more favourable view on a Russian-promoted narrative about the past. We find that closer geopolitical proximity to Russia is associated with perceiving the past in line with the Russian-promoted narrative, though the findings are less consistent when it comes to measures for closer cultural proximity. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 223-256 Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2170153 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2170153 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:4:p:223-256 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2183698_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Kirill Chmel Author-X-Name-First: Kirill Author-X-Name-Last: Chmel Author-Name: Aigul Klimova Author-X-Name-First: Aigul Author-X-Name-Last: Klimova Author-Name: Nikita Savin Author-X-Name-First: Nikita Author-X-Name-Last: Savin Title: Saving lives or saving the economy? Support for the incumbent during the COVID-19 pandemic in Russia Abstract: The spread of COVID-19 sparked debates about whether incumbents should focus on saving lives or the economy. Politicians’ decisions in this dilemma could determine whether they remain in office. “Saving the economy” is predicted to affect re-election chances positively in economic voting theory. However, a public health crisis can shift the electorate’s preferences in favor of expanding healthcare support at the cost of the economy. We examine whether there is a trade-off between “saving lives” and “saving the economy” for the incumbent in receiving higher political support. Based on two experiments conducted in Russia, we measure if individuals are more likely to support, vote for, and extend the power of the incumbent based on their policies. Although both experimental factors encouraged support, the economy-driven policy had a larger effect on voting than the healthcare-driven one. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 291-307 Issue: 4 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 07 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2183698 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2183698 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:4:p:291-307 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2202581_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Vera Tolz Author-X-Name-First: Vera Author-X-Name-Last: Tolz Author-Name: Stephen Hutchings Author-X-Name-First: Stephen Author-X-Name-Last: Hutchings Title: Truth with a Z: disinformation, war in Ukraine, and Russia’s contradictory discourse of imperial identity Abstract: This article offers a qualitative analysis of how, by adopting identity-related discourses whose meanings resonate within a given culture, Russian state propaganda strives to bolster “the truth status” of its Ukraine war claims. These discourses, we argue, have long historical lineages and thus are expected to be familiar to audiences. We identify three such discourses common in many contexts but with specific resonances in Russia, those of colonialism/decolonization, imperialism, and the imaginary West. The article demonstrates that these same discourses also inform war-related coverage in Russophone oppositional media. Russian state-affiliated and oppositional actors further share “floating signifiers,” particularly “the Russian people,” “historical Russia,” “the Russian world,” “Ukraine,” “fascism/Nazism,” and “genocide,” while according them radically different meanings. Overall, our findings highlight the importance of studying how state propaganda works at the level of discourses, and the acutely dialogical processes by which disinformation and counter-disinformation efforts are produced and consumed. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 347-365 Issue: 5 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 09 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2202581 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2202581 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:5:p:347-365 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2217636_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Martin Kragh Author-X-Name-First: Martin Author-X-Name-Last: Kragh Author-Name: Andreas Umland Author-X-Name-First: Andreas Author-X-Name-Last: Umland Title: Putinism beyond Putin: the political ideas of Nikolai Patrushev and Sergei Naryshkin in 2006–20 Abstract: This essay adds to previous research of Putinism an investigation of the political thought and foreign outlooks of Russia’s Secretary of the Security Council Nikolai Patrushev and Head of the Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) Sergei Naryshkin, with a focus on their statements between 2006 to 2020. The paper outlines Patrushev’s and Naryshkin’s thoughts regarding the United States, Ukraine, and the idea of multipolarity/polycentrism. We then introduce Patrushev’s critique of liberal values and color revolutions, and Naryshkin’s statements on the memory of World War II and Western institutions. The salience of these altogether seven topics is interpreted with reference to three classical topoi in Russian political thought: the Slavophile vs. Westerners controversy, the single-stream theory, and the civilizational paradigm. Our conclusions inform the ongoing debate on whether to conceptualize Putinism as either an ideology or a mentality. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 366-389 Issue: 5 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 09 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2217636 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2217636 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:5:p:366-389 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2221592_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Oleksandr Reznik Author-X-Name-First: Oleksandr Author-X-Name-Last: Reznik Title: The willingness of Ukrainians to fight for their own country on the eve of the 2022 Russian invasion Abstract: The study attempts to explain the determined resistance of Ukrainians to Russia’s aggression based on empirical data from a survey of Ukraine’s population obtained on the eve of Russia’s full-scale invasion. The willingness to resist has been determined by societal identity, which combines pro-Western orientations and Ukrainian-speaking identity. At the same time, factors of regional affiliation and linguistic behavior were not found to have influence. An indicator that ranks respondents’ possible reaction to the war showed the differentiated nature of Ukrainians’ willingness to resist. The willingness to engage in various types of struggle was conditioned by distinct gender roles and socioeconomic resources. This explains the comprehensive scope and mass character of Ukrainian resistance to the war. The societal will to fight was manifested among the Ukrainian military and spread to civilians. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 329-346 Issue: 5 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 09 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2221592 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2221592 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:5:p:329-346 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2212530_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Michael Alexeev Author-X-Name-First: Michael Author-X-Name-Last: Alexeev Author-Name: William Pyle Author-X-Name-First: William Author-X-Name-Last: Pyle Title: A blind and militant attachment: Russian patriotism in comparative perspective Abstract: Much of the literature on patriotic sentiment in post-Soviet Russia leans on public opinion surveys administered exclusively to Russian citizens. Absent a comparison group, such evidence, while helpful, can leave one adrift in trying to assess the meaning of a particular polling result. Drawing on multiple waves of from the International Social Survey Program and the World Values Survey, we benchmark Russians’ patriotic sentiment to that of citizens in a diverse group of middle- and high-income countries. This exercise highlights that while Russians are not unusual in the degree to which they have a benign attachment to and/or pride in their country, they stand out for espousing a patriotism that has remained consistently blind and militant since at least the mid-1990s. We speculate as to the underlying cause and highlight a potential consequence: the nature of Russian patriotism has lowered the cost to the Russian leadership of military aggression. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 309-328 Issue: 5 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 09 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2212530 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2212530 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:5:p:309-328 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2247782_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Karen Philippa Larsen Author-X-Name-First: Karen Philippa Author-X-Name-Last: Larsen Title: From mercenary to legitimate actor? Russian discourses on private military companies Abstract: The Russian private military company (PMC), the Wagner Group, went from being a public secret to openly fighting alongside Russian forces in Russia’s war in Ukraine. By looking at Russian pro-government media discourses on PMCs, this paper argues that this development is largely made possible by a discursive shift, which happened before the war. Two basic discourses are found in the period leading up to the war – a discourse that denies the existence of Russian PMCs, and a discourse of normalization, which constructs PMCs as legitimate businesses and Russia as a great power. The two discourses previously kept the PMCs in a grey zone, allowing the Russian political elite deniability, while also taking credit for the foreign policy successes the PMCs achieved. However, this paper shows a discursive shift of recognizing PMCs as legitimate actors, which allowed for the Wagner Group to play a key role in Russia’s war. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 420-439 Issue: 6 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2247782 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2247782 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:6:p:420-439 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2264079_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Yana Otlan Author-X-Name-First: Yana Author-X-Name-Last: Otlan Author-Name: Yulia Kuzmina Author-X-Name-First: Yulia Author-X-Name-Last: Kuzmina Author-Name: Aleksandra Rumiantseva Author-X-Name-First: Aleksandra Author-X-Name-Last: Rumiantseva Author-Name: Katerina Tertytchnaya Author-X-Name-First: Katerina Author-X-Name-Last: Tertytchnaya Title: Authoritarian media and foreign protests: evidence from a decade of Russian news Abstract: The proliferation of protests around the world poses challenges for authoritarian media outlets. While censoring news about protests abroad may push audiences to alternative news sources, their coverage could motivate citizens to take to the streets at home. To explore whether and how authoritarian media outlets cover foreign protests, we leverage evidence from Russia. Combining evidence from a decade of news coverage with protest-event data, we show that far from censoring news on protests abroad, authoritarian outlets afford them extensive coverage. The coverage of foreign protests, however, declines on days of large Russian protests, when the costs of encouraging mobilization are potentially greater. We also show that authoritarian media selectively use protests abroad, especially those in democracies, to convey the image of citizen activism as threatening and disorderly. Findings, which speak to research on authoritarian propaganda, have implications for scholarship on protest management and authoritarian resilience. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 391-405 Issue: 6 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2264079 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2264079 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:6:p:391-405 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2223059_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Björn Alexander Düben Author-X-Name-First: Björn Alexander Author-X-Name-Last: Düben Title: Omnibalancing in China-Russia relations: regime survival and the specter of domestic threats as an impetus for bilateral alignment Abstract: Among analysts of China-Russia relations, it has been common to assume that bilateral rapprochement has primarily been rooted in geopolitical, security, and balance-of-power considerations. This article argues that the corresponding Realist theoretical approaches can explain some important incentives for Sino-Russian rapprochement, but struggle to account for how substantive bilateral alignment has actually become. The article posits that a particularly useful theoretical approach for examining the motives underlying Sino-Russian strategic alignment is “Omnibalancing” – a variation of balance-of-power theory that combines considerations of system-level balancing with a simultaneous focus on both leaderships’ prioritization of domestic threats and regime security. Due to the increasing convergence of their authoritarian regime types, a major factor accounting for the dynamism of China-Russia strategic cooperation has been both governments’ shared concern for regime survival/legitimacy, and their concrete policy cooperation in recent years has reflected their preoccupation with shoring up regime security against domestic challenges to authoritarian rule. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 462-486 Issue: 6 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2223059 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2223059 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:6:p:462-486 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2215688_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Zuzana Fungáčová Author-X-Name-First: Zuzana Author-X-Name-Last: Fungáčová Author-Name: Alexei Karas Author-X-Name-First: Alexei Author-X-Name-Last: Karas Author-Name: Laura Solanko Author-X-Name-First: Laura Author-X-Name-Last: Solanko Author-Name: Laurent Weill Author-X-Name-First: Laurent Author-X-Name-Last: Weill Title: The politics of bank failures in Russia Abstract: Russia has witnessed a high number of bank failures over the last two decades. Using monthly data for 2002–2020, spanning four election cycles (2004, 2008, 2012, 2018), we test the hypothesis that bank failures are less likely before presidential elections. We find that, in general, bank failures are less likely to occur in the 12 months leading up to an election. However, we do not observe that bank failures during electoral cycles are more pronounced for banks associated with greater political costs (financial troubles) than for other reasons (illegal activities). Overall, our results provide mixed evidence that political cycles matter for the occurrence of bank failures in Russia. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 440-461 Issue: 6 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2215688 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2215688 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:6:p:440-461 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2265253_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20230119T200553 git hash: 724830af20 Author-Name: Monika Nalepa Author-X-Name-First: Monika Author-X-Name-Last: Nalepa Author-Name: Thomas F. Remington Author-X-Name-First: Thomas F. Author-X-Name-Last: Remington Title: Transitional justice options for post-war Russia Abstract: In February 2022, Vladimir Putin, under the pretext of defending Russians in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, launched an all-out attack on sovereign Ukraine. Since then, Russia has violated multiple principles of just warfare. We consider the question of accountability for these crimes, outlining two scenarios: (1) the Putin regime remains in place, and (2) it is succeeded by a post-war regime that undertakes transitional justice as part of a broader effort at democratization. We review international institutions adjudicating criminal responsibility and domestic transitional justice mechanisms that eschew criminal approaches to accountability in favor of personnel policies. Combining limited purges with truth-revelation can prevent the accumulation of grievances and help rebuild a democratic culture. Although normative standards of justice might demand harsh punishment of Russian leaders by criminal tribunals, focusing on broad personnel transitional justice – purges and lustrations – carried out domestically can be conducive to long-term democratic stability in Russia. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 406-419 Issue: 6 Volume: 39 Year: 2023 Month: 11 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2265253 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2265253 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:39:y:2023:i:6:p:406-419 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2277620_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231209T012025 git hash: e41d04c31c Author-Name: Svetlana Chachashvili-Bolotin Author-X-Name-First: Svetlana Author-X-Name-Last: Chachashvili-Bolotin Title: The Russian invasion of Ukraine and the strengthening of Ukrainian identity among former Soviet immigrants from Ukraine: Israel as a case study Abstract: This research examined the effects of the Russian-Ukrainian war on identity changes among educated Ukraine-born women who have lived their adult lives in Israel. The data, collected in July 2022, were determined to be representative of educated women aged 25–60 who emigrated from Ukraine during 1988–2018. Findings revealed a strengthened Ukrainian identity in over half of the respondents. The Ukrainian-born Israelis, who held a hybrid Russian-Israeli identity, strengthened their Ukrainian identity. However, this strengthening was not uniform. It was associated with (a) frequency of exposure to Ukrainian news and social media that support the Ukrainian government; (b) attitudes toward the Russian-Ukrainian war; (c) the presence of the war in daily life; and (d) the geo-political place of origin in Ukraine. The study underscores the importance of researching identity shifts in people indirectly affected by crises in today’s information-rich age. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 56-70 Issue: 1 Volume: 40 Year: 2024 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2277620 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2277620 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:40:y:2024:i:1:p:56-70 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2275507_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231209T012025 git hash: e41d04c31c Author-Name: Aiden Hoyle Author-X-Name-First: Aiden Author-X-Name-Last: Hoyle Author-Name: Charlotte Wagnsson Author-X-Name-First: Charlotte Author-X-Name-Last: Wagnsson Author-Name: Thomas E. Powell Author-X-Name-First: Thomas E. Author-X-Name-Last: Powell Author-Name: Helma van den Berg Author-X-Name-First: Helma Author-X-Name-Last: van den Berg Author-Name: Bertjan Doosje Author-X-Name-First: Bertjan Author-X-Name-Last: Doosje Title: Life through grey-tinted glasses: how do audiences in Latvia psychologically respond to Sputnik Latvia’s destruction narratives of a failed Latvia? Abstract: Although concern about the effects of international audiences consuming Russian state-sponsored media has been expressed, little empirical research examines this. The current study asks how audiences in Latvia respond to narratives projected by Sputnik Latvia – a Kremlin-financed news outlet. We begin a tripartite methodological approach with an analysis of the types of narratives the outlet projects. We then test how ethnic Latvian and Russian-speaking participants in Latvia respond to destruction narratives that portray Latvia as “failing,” the most prominent type in our analysis. We use two survey experiments that test an existing hypothetical mediation model predicting an array of affective and trust responses. We find evidence that exposure to destruction narratives triggered largely similar responses in both groups; however, exploratory analyses and post-survey focus groups are used to show that their motivations may be different. We conclude by discussing potential reasons for these differences, and the ramifications of these results. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 1-18 Issue: 1 Volume: 40 Year: 2024 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2275507 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2275507 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:40:y:2024:i:1:p:1-18 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2253415_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231209T012025 git hash: e41d04c31c Author-Name: Guzel Garifullina Author-X-Name-First: Guzel Author-X-Name-Last: Garifullina Title: The best among the connected (men): promotion in the Russian state apparatus Abstract: Bureaucratic promotion criteria create powerful incentives that shape the behavior of bureaucrats, governance, and regime legitimacy. Yet informal rules governing the functioning of the state apparatus are notoriously hard to uncover in authoritarian settings. Using a unique survey of Russian regional and municipal bureaucrats with an embedded conjoint experiment, I explore the criteria used for promotion decisions. I discover that personal connections to the future supervisor are a major favorable factor for bureaucratic promotions in Russia. For candidates with such ties, education and experience add extra advantage. Importantly, gender plays a crucial role; gender bias cannot be compensated by better education, experience, or a specific family strategy – and it is men with informal ties who drive the effect of personal connection on promotions. The study highlights the complex interaction between formal and informal criteria within Russian bureaucracy and contributes to our understanding of post-Soviet neopatrimonial politics. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 19-38 Issue: 1 Volume: 40 Year: 2024 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2253415 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2253415 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:40:y:2024:i:1:p:19-38 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2254148_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231209T012025 git hash: e41d04c31c Author-Name: Olga Avdeyeva Author-X-Name-First: Olga Author-X-Name-Last: Avdeyeva Title: Dominant party and co-ethnic vote in Russia’s ethnic republics Abstract: This study provides the first empirical evidence of ethnic identity bias in the context of the dominant-party authoritarian electoral system in Russia’s multi-ethnic republics. I run vote-choice survey experiments in Tatarstan, Buryatia, and Sakha, in which the respondents choose between the dominant United Russia candidate and a system-opposition A Just Russia candidate. First, I find that the party vote in previous elections is the best predictor of the vote and candidate evaluation in the experiment, revealing the traction of party support in Russia’s electoral process. Second, titular voters demonstrate a strong preference for co-ethnic candidates regardless of the party they support. I rely on the arguments of social dominance theory to explain the prevalence of ethnic bias in voting among titular citizens of ethnic republics. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 39-55 Issue: 1 Volume: 40 Year: 2024 Month: 01 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2254148 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2254148 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:40:y:2024:i:1:p:39-55 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2309822_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Vladimir Otrachshenko Author-X-Name-First: Vladimir Author-X-Name-Last: Otrachshenko Author-Name: Olga Popova Author-X-Name-First: Olga Author-X-Name-Last: Popova Author-Name: Nargiza Alimukhamedova Author-X-Name-First: Nargiza Author-X-Name-Last: Alimukhamedova Title: Rainfall variability and labor allocation in Uzbekistan: the role of women’s empowerment Abstract: Employing a novel georeferenced household survey enriched with data on precipitation and temperature, this paper examines how rainfall variability affects individual labor supply in Uzbekistan, a highly traditional lower-middle-income country in Central Asia. The findings suggest that rainfall variability induces the reallocation of labor supply: (1) out of agriculture to unemployment, (2) from unemployment to business activities and irregular remunerated activities, and (3) from being out of labor force to unemployment. These effects differ in rural and urban areas and by gender. In addition, active women’s involvement in the labor market and household decision-making mediates the impact of rainfall variability on employment choices, especially in rural areas. This implies that traditional gender roles may make households in developing countries more vulnerable to adverse consequences of climate change, while women’s empowerment may mitigate such consequences. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 119-138 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2024 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2024.2309822 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2024.2309822 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:40:y:2024:i:2:p:119-138 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2312081_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Gavin Slade Author-X-Name-First: Gavin Author-X-Name-Last: Slade Author-Name: Alexei Trochev Author-X-Name-First: Alexei Author-X-Name-Last: Trochev Title: Our zona: the impact of decarceration and prison closure on local communities in Kazakhstan Abstract: How does the closure of prisons impact local communities where the prison is sited? The paper compares three prison closures in northern and central Kazakhstan through field observations, interviews, and focus groups at the sites. We find that respondents unanimously opposed closure by appealing to the apparent good performance of the prison. Beyond the economic loss incurred by closure, respondents reported a loss of communal identity, as well as prestige connected to the presence of the military at the colony. The paper analyzes these responses by examining the logics by which the prisons came to be opened in the Soviet period as well as investigating how the relationship between punishment, economy, and society in Kazakhstan has changed since that time. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 71-87 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2024 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2024.2312081 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2024.2312081 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:40:y:2024:i:2:p:71-87 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2280409_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Margit Bussmann Author-X-Name-First: Margit Author-X-Name-Last: Bussmann Author-Name: Natalia Iost Author-X-Name-First: Natalia Author-X-Name-Last: Iost Title: Presidential popularity and international crises: an assessment of the rally-‘round-the-flag effect in Russia Abstract: In times of severe international crises, the domestic public typically becomes more loyal to its government, creating a so-called “rally-'round-the-flag” effect and boosting a political leader’s popularity. The bulk of research on the link between international crises and presidential popularity rates deals mostly with the experience of the US and other Western democracies. We focus on the case of Russia as a non-democratic major power. Our empirical analysis investigates whether military conflicts with Russian involvement are followed by an increase in presidential popularity during the presidencies of Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev. The results of our monthly time-series estimation reveal that a boost in popularity, if there is one at all, is on average small in magnitude for less violent conflicts, whereas a substantially important increase in presidential approval ratings can be observed after international crises in which violence is a central element of conflict management from the very beginning. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 105-118 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2024 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2280409 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2280409 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:40:y:2024:i:2:p:105-118 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2270374_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Nadezda Petrusenko Author-X-Name-First: Nadezda Author-X-Name-Last: Petrusenko Title: Historical consciousness and the consolidation of the opposition: uses of the history of revolution and dissent in Russian protest art, 2008–2012 Abstract: The protests against election fraud in Russia in winter 2011–2012 were the first in the post-Soviet period that were attended by a united opposition, and attracted hundreds of thousands of previously apolitical citizens. This article seeks to explain mass participation in the protests by focusing on uses of the history of revolution and dissent in Russian protest art. The article investigates whether a common historical consciousness, which could have made it possible to unify previously fragmented opposition and mobilize previously apolitical citizens, was manifested in protest artworks created by artists with differing political ideologies. The conclusion is that the official historical narrative promoted by the state – of a spiritual unity between a strong state and the people – was challenged and undermined by protest artists, who have characterized Russian history as a continuous struggle between an oppressive state and civil society. This finding indicates that a common historical consciousness was manifested in protest artworks. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 88-104 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2024 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2270374 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2270374 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:40:y:2024:i:2:p:88-104 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2289309_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20231214T103247 git hash: d7a2cb0857 Author-Name: Lala Jumayeva Author-X-Name-First: Lala Author-X-Name-Last: Jumayeva Author-Name: Aleksey Gunya Author-X-Name-First: Aleksey Author-X-Name-Last: Gunya Author-Name: Mark Youngman Author-X-Name-First: Mark Author-X-Name-Last: Youngman Author-Name: Lidia Kurbanova Author-X-Name-First: Lidia Author-X-Name-Last: Kurbanova Author-Name: Nino Kemoklidze Author-X-Name-First: Nino Author-X-Name-Last: Kemoklidze Title: Voices of the Caucasus: mapping knowledge production on the Caucasus region Abstract: There is growing recognition that diversity and representation matter to the intellectual health of fields and disciplines. This article takes stock of knowledge production on the Caucasus region, paying particular attention to the question of who has “voice” in academic debates on the North and South Caucasus. Through analysis of publications in, and the editorial boards of, “leading” International Relations (IR) and Area Studies journals, we examine the biographies of scholars, the topics covered, and citation levels. We demonstrate the marginality of the Caucasus within IR and limited representation for scholars educated and employed in the region within Area Studies, as well as distinct differences according to background in the topics covered. This research provides a foundation for further exploring disciplinary inequalities and their consequences in relation to the Caucasus. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 139-158 Issue: 2 Volume: 40 Year: 2024 Month: 03 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2023.2289309 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2023.2289309 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:40:y:2024:i:2:p:139-158 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2315002_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Israel Marques Author-X-Name-First: Israel Author-X-Name-Last: Marques Author-Name: Alexei Zakharov Author-X-Name-First: Alexei Author-X-Name-Last: Zakharov Title: Redistributive policy and redistribution preferences: the effects of the Moscow redevelopment program Abstract: How does inclusion in social policy programs strengthen individuals’ support for redistribution, and lead to spillovers in support for future social policy programs? We study a unique dataset of 1,300 Moscow residents to estimate the effect of participating in a government-sponsored redevelopment program on preferences for redistributive social policy. Our design exploits features of the program designed to foster institutional trust by engaging citizens in the policy design process. We report a positive effect: individuals in buildings slated for redevelopment are more likely to agree that the government should reduce income differences between rich and poor, provide for the unemployed, and provide public housing. Our findings suggest that increased trust in the government is a channel through which program participation affects redistribution preferences, show how programs can be used strategically to promote a redistributive agenda, and suggest a pathway for the co-persistence of redistribution preferences and redistributive state policies. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 175-203 Issue: 3 Volume: 40 Year: 2024 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2024.2315002 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2024.2315002 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:40:y:2024:i:3:p:175-203 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2324628_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Jan Matti Dollbaum Author-X-Name-First: Jan Matti Author-X-Name-Last: Dollbaum Author-Name: Seongcheol Kim Author-X-Name-First: Seongcheol Author-X-Name-Last: Kim Title: Going jingo: a classification of the wartime positions of Russia’s “systemic opposition” parties Abstract: This article explores the impact of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on party-system dynamics in Russia by analyzing the war-related communication of the five main “systemic opposition” parties, their leaders, and three Communist MPs who initially criticized the invasion. Examining their adoption of established pro-war regime propaganda (anti-Ukrainian, anti-Western, “Z-talk”) or anti-war rhetoric, we assess the extent of rhetorical convergence in the party system. Based on a dictionary analysis of over 60,000 posts between February 2021 and February 2023, we find the Communist Party to be the most proactive in its pro-war jingoism, Just Russia leader Sergey Mironov to be the clearest case of a regime mouthpiece for Z-talk, and only Yabloko to provide weak but consistent dissent, while New People and the three Communist MPs avoid both pro-war and anti-war rhetoric. Our findings indicate a functional reconfiguration of the party system, stopping short of full-fledged rhetorical harmonization toward “GDR-ization.” Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 222-241 Issue: 3 Volume: 40 Year: 2024 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2024.2324628 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2024.2324628 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:40:y:2024:i:3:p:222-241 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2318141_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Volodymyr Kulyk Author-X-Name-First: Volodymyr Author-X-Name-Last: Kulyk Title: Language shift in time of war: the abandonment of Russian in Ukraine Abstract: The article demonstrates an impressive shift from Russian to Ukrainian in war-time Ukraine. I rely on nationwide survey data from before and after February 2022 to analyze the scale and structure of the recent change in patterns of language use. I demonstrate not only an impressive shift across the practices but also a larger scale of change in public communication than in private use. Next, I examine responses to a small online survey and focus group discussions in different parts of Ukraine for detailed accounts of different categories of people’s patterns of language use in various practices and explanations of the reasons for change – or continuity – in those patterns. I demonstrate a new phenomenon of the predominant reliance on Ukrainian at work and in other public communication by many people who used to speak predominantly Russian and still keep it as the main language of family use. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 159-174 Issue: 3 Volume: 40 Year: 2024 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2024.2318141 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2024.2318141 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:40:y:2024:i:3:p:159-174 Template-Type: ReDIF-Article 1.0 # input file: RPSA_A_2312768_J.xml processed with: repec_from_jats12.xsl darts-xml-transformations-20240209T083504 git hash: db97ba8e3a Author-Name: Hana Josticova Author-X-Name-First: Hana Author-X-Name-Last: Josticova Author-Name: Huseyn Aliyev Author-X-Name-First: Huseyn Author-X-Name-Last: Aliyev Title: There won’t be a free Belarus without a free Ukraine: motivations of Belarusian volunteers fighting for Ukraine in the Russo-Ukrainian war Abstract: This study examines mobilization motives of Belarusian volunteers participating in the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war. With an objective to provide an additional explanation as to why individuals mobilize to fight in armed conflicts outside their countries of citizenship, we demonstrate that the pursuit of political objectives in foreign fighters’ home countries may function as an important – yet largely overlooked in the extant literature – mobilization incentive. The need to obtain military training and combat experience required to achieve those political goals may serve as an accompanying motive of becoming a foreign fighter. We draw our empirical data from in-depth ethnographic interviews with members of Belarusian armed formations involved in frontline operations in Ukraine. Alongside its contribution to the understudied topic of Belarusian volunteers in Ukraine, this study has broader implications for research on mobilization motives and objectives of foreign fighters. Journal: Post-Soviet Affairs Pages: 204-221 Issue: 3 Volume: 40 Year: 2024 Month: 05 X-DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2024.2312768 File-URL: http://hdl.handle.net/10.1080/1060586X.2024.2312768 File-Format: text/html File-Restriction: Access to full text is restricted to subscribers. Handle: RePEc:taf:rpsaxx:v:40:y:2024:i:3:p:204-221